"The classic tradition," sums up M. Darmesteter, "to all appearances dead in Europe, burst out into full flower in the Isle7 of Saints, and the Renaissance8 began in Ireland 700 years before it was known in Italy. During three centuries Ireland was the asylum9 of the higher learning which took sanctuary10 there from the uncultured states of Europe. At one time Armagh, the religious capital of Christian11 Ireland, was the metropolis12 of civilisation13."
[Pg 217]
"Ireland," says Babington in his "Fallacies of Race Theories,"[2] "had been admitted into Christendom and to some measure of culture only in the fifth century. At that time Gaul and Italy enjoyed to the full all the knowledge of the age. In the next century the old culture-lands had to turn for some little light and teaching to that remote and lately barbarous land."
When we remember that the darkness of the Middle Ages had already set in over the struggles, agony, and confusion of feudal14 Europe, and that all knowledge of Greek may be said to have died out upon the Continent—"had elsewhere absolutely vanished," says M. Darmesteter—when we remember that even such a man as Gregory the Great was completely ignorant of it, it will appear extraordinary to find it taught in Ireland alone, out of all the countries of Western Europe.[3] Yet this is capable of complete and manifold proof. Columbanus for instance, shows in his letter to Pope Boniface that he knows something of both Greek and Hebrew.[4] Aileran, who died of the plague in 664, gives evidence of the same in his book on our Lord's genealogy16. Cummian's letter to the Abbot of Iona has been referred to before, and, as Professor G. Stokes puts it, "proves the fact to demonstration17 that in the first half of the seventh century there was a wide range of Greek learning, not ecclesiastical merely, but chronological18, astronomical19, and philosophical20, away at Durrow in the very centre of the Bog21 of Allen." Augustine, an un-identified Irish monk22 of the second half of the seventh century, gives many proofs of Greek and Oriental learning and quotes the Chronicles of Eusebius. The later Sedulius, the versatile23 abbot of Kildare, about the year 820 "makes parade of his Greek knowledge," to quote a French writer in the "Revue Celtique," "employs Greek words[Pg 218] without necessity, and translates into Greek a part of the definition of the pronoun."[5] St. Caimins's Psalter, seen by Bishop24 Ussher with the Hebrew text collated25, convinced Dr. Reeves that Hebrew as well as Greek was studied in Ireland about the year 600. Nor did this Greek learning tend to die out. In the middle of the ninth century John Scotus Erigena, summoned from Ireland to France by Charles the Bald, was the only person to be found able to translate the Greek works of the pseudo-Dionysius,[6] thanks to the training he had received in his Irish school. The Book of Armagh contains the Lord's Prayer written in Greek letters, and there is a Greek MS. of the Psalter, written in Sedulius' own hand, now preserved in Paris. Many more Greek texts, at least a dozen, written by Irish monks26, are preserved elsewhere in Europe. "These eighth and ninth century Greek MSS.," remarks Professor Stokes, "covered with Irish glosses27 and Irish poems and Irish notes, have engaged the attention of pal28?ographers and students of the Greek texts of the New Testament29 during the last two centuries." They are indeed a proof that—as Dr. Reeves puts it—the Irish School "was unquestionably the most advanced of its day in sacred literature."
This remarkable30 knowledge of Greek was evidently derived31 from an early and direct commerce with Gaul, where Greek had been spoken for four or five centuries, first alongside of Celtic, and in later times of Latin also.[7] The knowledge[Pg 219] of Hebrew may have been derived from the Egyptian monks who passed over from Gaul into Ireland. Egypt and the East were more or less in close communication with Gaul in the fifth century, and the Irish Litany, ascribed to Angus the Culdee, commemorates32 seven Egyptian monks amongst many other Gauls, Germans, and Italians who resided in Ireland. The close and constant intercommunication between Greek-speaking Gaul and Ireland accounts for the planting and cultivation33 of the Greek language in the Irish schools, and once planted there it continued to flourish more or less for some centuries. There is ample evidence to prove the connection between Gaul and Ireland from the fifth to the ninth century. We find Gaulish merchants in the middle of Ireland at Clonmacnois, who had no doubt sailed up the Shannon in the way of commerce, selling wine to Ciaran in the sixth century. We find Columbanus, a little later on, inquiring at Nantes for a vessel34 engaged in the Irish trade—qu? vexerat commercium cum Hibernia. In Adamnan's Life of Columcille we find mention of Gaulish sailors arriving at Cantire. Adamnan's own treatise35 on Holy Places was written from the verbal account of a Gaul. In the Old Irish poem on the Fair of Carman in Wexford—a pagan institution which lived on in Christian times—we find mention of the
"Great market of the foreign Greeks,
Where gold and noble clothes were wont36 to be;"[8]
the foreign Greeks being no doubt the Greek-speaking Gaulish merchants. Alcuin sends his gifts of money and oil and his letters direct from Charlemagne's court to his friends in Clonmacnois, probably by a vessel engaged in the direct Irish trade, for, as he himself tells us, the sea-route between England and France was then closed. If more proof of the[Pg 220] close communication between Ireland and Gaul were wanted, the fact that Dagobert II., king of France in the seventh century, was educated at Slane,[9] in Ireland, and also that certain Merovingian and French coins have been found here, should be sufficient.
The fame of these early Irish schools attracted students in the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries from all quarters to Ireland, which had now become a veritable land of schools and scholars. The Venerable Bede tells us of the crowds of Anglo-Saxons who flocked over into Ireland during the plague, about the year 664, and says that they were all warmly welcomed by the Irish, who took care that they should be provided with food every day, without payment on their part; that they should have books to read, and that they should receive gratuitous37 instruction from Irish masters.[10] Books must have already multiplied considerably38 when the swarms39 of Anglo-Saxons could thus be supplied with them gratis40. This noble tradition of free education to strangers lasted down to the establishment of the so-called "National" schools in Ireland, for down to that time "poor scholars" were freely supported by the people and helped in their studies. The number of scribes whose deaths have been considered worth recording41 by the annalists is very great, and books consequently must have been very numerous. This plentifulness42 of books probably added to the renown43 of the Irish schools. An English prince as well as a French one was educated by them in the seventh century; this was Aldfrid, king of Northumbria, who[Pg 221] was trained in all the learning of Erin, and who always aided and abetted44 the Irish in England, in opposition45 to Wilfrid, who opposed them. That the king got a good education in Ireland may be conjectured46 from the fact that Aldhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, dedicated47 to him a poetic48 epistle on Latin metric and prosody49, in which, says Dr. Healy, "he congratulates the king on his good fortune in having been educated in Ireland." Aldhelm's own master was also an Irishman, Mael-dubh, and his abbacy of Malmesbury is only a corruption50 of this Irishman's name Maeldubh's-bury.[11] In another place Aldhelm tells us that while the great English school at Canterbury was by no means overcrowded, the English swarmed51 to the Irish schools like bees. Aldfrid himself, when leaving Ireland, composed a poem of sixty lines in the Irish language and metre, which he must have learned from the bards52, in which he compliments each of the provinces severally, as though he meant to thank the whole nation for their hospitality.[12]
"I found in Inisfail the fair
In Ireland, while in exile there,
Women of worth, both grave and gay men,
Learned clerics, heroic laymen.
[Pg 222]I travelled its fruitful provinces round,
And in every one of the five I found,
Alike in church and in palace hall,
Abundant apparel and food for all."
St. Willibrord, a Saxon noble educated in Ireland about the same time with King Aldfrid, went out thence and ultimately became Archbishop of Utrecht. Another noted53 scholar of the same period was Agilbert, a Frank by birth, who spent a long time in Ireland for the purpose of study and afterwards became Bishop of Paris.[13] We have seen how the Office of St. Cathaldus states that the school of Lismore was visited by Gauls, Angles, Scotti, Teutons, and scholars from other neighbouring nations. The same was more or less the case with Clonmacnois, Bangor, and some others of the most noted of the Irish schools.
It was not in Greek attainments54, nor in ecclesiastical studies, nor in Latin verses alone, that the Irish excelled; they also produced astronomers55 like Dungal and geographers56 like Dicuil. Dungal's attainments we have glanced at, but Dicuil's book—de mensura orbis terrarum—written about the year 825, is more interesting, although nothing is known about the author's own life, nor do we know even the particular Irish school to which he belonged.[14] His book was published by a Frenchman because he found Dicuil's descriptions of the measurements of the Pyramids a thousand years ago tallied57 with his own.
"Antioch," writes Professor G. Stokes, "about A.D. 600, was the centre of Greek culture and Greek erudition, and the chronicle of Malalas, as embodied58 in Niebuhr's series of Byzantine historians, is a mine of information on many questions; but compare it with the Irish work of Dicuil and its mistakes are laughable."
[Pg 223]
A great deal of his work is founded of course upon Pliny, Solinus, and Priscian, but he shows a highly-developed critical sense in comparing and collating59 various MSS. which he had inspected to ensure accuracy. What he tells us at first-hand, however, is by far the most interesting. In speaking of the Nile he says that:—
"Although we never read in any book that any branch of the Nile flows into the Red Sea, yet Brother Fidelis told in my presence to my master Suibhne [Sweeny]—to whom under God I owe whatever knowledge I possess—that certain clerics and laymen from Ireland who went to Jerusalem on pilgrimage sailed up the Nile a long way."
They sailed thence by a canal into the Red Sea, and this statement proves the accuracy of Dicuil, for this canal really existed and continued in use until 767, when it was closed to hinder the people of Mecca and Medina getting supplies from Egypt. The account of the Pyramids is particularly interesting. "The aforesaid Brother Fidelis measured one of them and found that the square face was 400 feet in length." The same brother wished to examine the exact point where Moses had entered the Red Sea in order to try if he could find any traces of the chariots of Pharaoh or the wheel tracks, but the sailors were in a hurry and would not allow him to go on this excursion. The breadth of the sea appeared to him at this point to be about six miles. Dicuil describes Iceland long before it was discovered by the Danes.
"It is now thirty years," said he, writing in 825, "since I was told by some Irish ecclesiastics60, who had dwelt in that island from the 1st of February to the 1st of August, that the sun scarcely sets there in summer, but always leaves, even at midnight, light enough to do one's ordinary business—vel pediculos de camisia abstrahere"!
Those writers are greatly mistaken, he says, who describe the Icelandic sea as always frozen, and who say that there is day there from spring to autumn and from autumn to spring, for the Irish monks sailed thither61 through the open sea in a month[Pg 224] of great natural cold, and yet found alternate day and night, except about the period of the summer solstice. He also describes the Faroe Isles:—
"A certain trustworthy monk told me that he reached one of them by sailing for two summer days and one night in a vessel with two benches of rowers.... In these islands for almost a hundred years there dwelt hermits62 who sailed there from our own Ireland [nostra Scottia], but now they are once more deserted63 as they were at the beginning, on account of the ravages64 of the Norman pirates."
This is proof positive that the Irish discovered and inhabited Iceland and the Faroe Islands half a century or a century before the Northmen. Dicuil was distinguished65 as a grammarian, metrician, and astronomer,[15] but his geographical66 treatise, written in his old age, is the most interesting and valuable of his achievements.
Fergil, or Virgilius, as he is usually called, was another great Irish geometer, who eventually became Archbishop of Salzburg and died in 785. He taught the sphericity of the earth and the doctrine67 of the Antipodes, a truth which seems also to have been familiar to Dicuil. St. Boniface, afterwards Archbishop of Mentz, evidently distorting his doctrine, accused him to the Pope of heresy68 in teaching that there was another world and other men under the earth, and another sun and moon. "Concerning this charge of false doctrine, if it shall be established," said the Pope, "that Virgil taught this perverse69 and wicked doctrine against God and his own soul, do you then convoke70 a council, degrade him from the priesthood, and drive him from the Church." Virgil, however, seems to have satisfactorily explained his position, for nothing was done against him.
These instances help to throw some light upon a most difficult subject—the training given in the early Irish Christian schools, and the cause of their undoubted popularity for three centuries and more amongst the scholars of Western Europe.
********
[1] Here are a few lines from the well-known Adonic poem which he, at the age of 68, addressed to his friend Fedolius—
"Extitit ingens Impia quippe
Causa malorum Pygmalionis
Aurea pellis, Regis ob aurum
Corruit auri Gesta leguntur.
Munere parvo * * * * *
C?na Deorum.
Ac tribus illis F?mina s?pe
Maxima lis est Perdit ob aurum
Orta Deabus. Casta pudorem.
Hinc populavit Non Jovis auri
Trogugenarum Fluxit in imbre
Ditia regna Sed quod adulter
Dorica pubes. Obtulit aurum
Juraque legum Aureus ille
Fasque fides que Fingitur imber."
Rumpitur aure.
Dr. Sigerson in "Bards of the Gael and Gaul," p. 407, prints as Jubainville also does, the whole of this noted poem, and points out that it is shot through and through with Irish assonance. "Not less important than its assonance," writes Dr. Sigerson, "is the fact that it introduces into Latin verse the use of returning words, or burthens with variations, which supply the vital germs of the rondeau and the ballad71." I am not myself convinced of what Dr. Sigerson considers marks of intentional72 assonance in almost every line.
His chief remaining works are a Monastic Rule in ten chapters; a book on the daily penances73 of the monks; seventeen sermons; a book on the measure of penances; a treatise on the eight principal vices74; five epistles written to Gregory the Great and others; and a good many Latin verses. His life is written by the Abbot Jonas, a contemporary of his own.
[2] P. 122.
[3] "Gr?ssere oder geringere Kenntniss klassischen Alterthums, vor allem Kenntniss des Griechischen ist daher in jener Zeit ein Mazstab sowohl für die Bildung einer einzelnen Pers?nlichkeit als auch fur den15 Culturgrad eines ganzen Zeitalters" (Zimmer, "Preussische Jahrb?cher," January, 1887).
[4] He plays on his own name Columba, "a dove," and turns it into Greek and Hebrew, περιστερ? and ????.
[5] Dr. Sigerson prints an admirably graceful75 poem either by this or another Sedulius of the ninth century at p. 411 of his "Bards of the Gael and Gaul." It shows how far from being pedants76 the Irish monks were. This poem is a dispute between the rose and lily.
[6] This translation which Charles sent to the Pope threw Anastasius, the Librarian of the Roman Church, into the deepest astonishment77. "Mirandum est," he writes in his letter of reply, dated 865, "quomodo vir ille barbarus in finibus mundi positus, talia intellectu capere in aliamque linguam transferre valuerit" (See Prof. Stokes, "R. I. Academy Proceedings," May, 1892).
[7] St. Jerome tells us that the people of Marseilles were in his day trilingual, "Massiliam Phoc?i condiderunt quos ait Varro trilingues esse, quod et Gr?ce loquantur, et Latine et Gallice" (Migne's edition, vol. vii. p. 425).
[8] See appendix to O'Curry's "Manners and Customs," vol. iii. p. 547—
"Margaid mor na n-gall ngregach
I mbid or is ard étach."
[9] He is said to have spent eighteen or twenty years there and to have acquired all the wisdom of the Scots. The reason why he was sent to Slane, as Dr. Healy well observes, was, not because it was the most celebrated78 school of the time, but because it was in Meath where the High-kings mostly dwelt, and it was only natural to bring the boy to some place near the Royal Court. ("Ireland's Schools and Scholars," p. 590.)
[10] "Quos omnes Scotti libentissime suscipientes victum eis quotidianum sine pretio, libros quoque ad legendum, et magisterium gratuitum, pr?bere curabant" ("Ecc. Hist.," book iii. chap. 27). Amongst these were the celebrated Egbert, of whom Bede tells us so much, and St. Chad.
[11] He is called Mailduf by Bede, and Malmesbury Maildufi urbem, which shows that the aspirated "b" in dubh had twelve hundred years ago the sound of "f" as it has to-day in Connacht.
[12] O'Reilly states that the poem consisted of ninety-six lines, but Hardiman, in his "Irish Minstrelsy," vol. ii. p. 372, gives only sixty. Hardiman has written on the margin79 of O'Reilly's "Irish Writers" in my possession, "I have a copy, the character is ancient and very obscure." Aldfrid may well have written such a poem, of which the copy printed by Hardiman may be a somewhat modernised version. It begins—
"Ro dheat an inis finn Fáil
In Eirinn re imarbháidh,
Iomad ban, ni baoth an breas,
Iomad laoch, iomad cleireach."
It was admirably and fairly literally80 translated by Mangan for Montgomery. His fourth line, however, runs, "Many clerics and many laymen," which conveys no meaning save that of populousness81. I have altered this line to make it suit the Irish "many a hero, many a cleric."
[13] "Natione quidem Gallus," says Bede, "sed tunc legendarum gratia scripturarum in Hibernia non parvo tempore demoratus."
[14] Probably Clonmacnois. See Stokes, "Celtic Church," p. 214, and Dr. Healy's "Ireland's Schools and Scholars," p. 283.
[15] His astronomical work, written in 814-16, remains82 as yet unpublished.
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1
laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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accounting
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| n.会计，会计学，借贷对照表 | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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7
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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9
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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10
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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12
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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14
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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15
den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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16
genealogy
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| n.家系，宗谱 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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18
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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19
astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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21
bog
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| n.沼泽；室...陷入泥淖 | |
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22
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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23
versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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25
collated
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| v.校对( collate的过去式和过去分词 )；整理；核对；整理（文件或书等） | |
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26
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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27
glosses
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| n.（页末或书后的）注释( gloss的名词复数 )；（表面的）光滑；虚假的外表；用以产生光泽的物质v.注解( gloss的第三人称单数 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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28
pal
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| n.朋友，伙伴，同志；vi.结为友 | |
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29
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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30
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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31
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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32
commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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33
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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41
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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42
plentifulness
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| 大量，丰富 | |
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43
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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44
abetted
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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45
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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46
conjectured
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| 推测，猜测，猜想( conjecture的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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48
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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49
prosody
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| n.诗体论，作诗法 | |
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50
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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51
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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52
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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53
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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54
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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astronomers
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| n.天文学者，天文学家( astronomer的名词复数 ) | |
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geographers
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| 地理学家( geographer的名词复数 ) | |
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tallied
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| v.计算，清点( tally的过去式和过去分词 )；加标签（或标记）于；（使）符合；（使）吻合 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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collating
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| v.校对( collate的现在分词 )；整理；核对；整理（文件或书等） | |
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ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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hermits
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| （尤指早期基督教的）隐居修道士，隐士，遁世者( hermit的名词复数 ) | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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convoke
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| v.召集会议 | |
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ballad
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| n.歌谣，民谣，流行爱情歌曲 | |
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intentional
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| adj.故意的，有意（识）的 | |
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penances
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| n.（赎罪的）苦行，苦修( penance的名词复数 ) | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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pedants
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| n.卖弄学问的人，学究，书呆子( pedant的名词复数 ) | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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populousness
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| 人口稠密 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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