There seems to be some confusion as to the forms into which what must have been originally the druidic school disintegrated11 itself in the fifth and succeeding centuries, but from it we can see emerging the poet, the Brehon, and the historian, not all at once, but gradually. In the earliest period the functions of all three were often, if not always, united in one single person, and all poets were ipso facto judges as well. We have a distinct account of the great occasion upon which the poet lost his privilege of acting12 as a judge merely because he was a poet. It appears that from the very earliest date the learned classes, especially the "f?lès," had evolved a dialect of their own, which was perfectly13 dark and obscure to every one except themselves. This was the Béarla Féni, in which so much of the Brehon law and many poems are written, and which continued to be used, to some extent, by poets down to the very beginning of the eighteenth century. Owing to their predilection14 for this dialect, the first blow, according to Irish accounts, was struck at their judicial15 supremacy16 by the hands of laymen17, during the reign18 of Conor mac Nessa, some time before the birth of Christ. This was the occasion when the sages19 Fercertné and Neidé contended for the office of arch-ollav of Erin, with its beautiful robe of feathers, the Tugen.[2] Their discourse20, still extant in at least three MSS. under the title of the "Dialogue of the Two Sages,"[3] was so learned, and they contended with one another in terms so abstruse21 that, as the chronicler in the Book of Ballymote puts it:—
"Obscure to every one seemed the speech which the poets uttered in that discussion, and the legal decision which they delivered was not clear to the kings and to the other poets.
"'These men alone,' said the kings, 'have their judgment22 and[Pg 241] their skill, and their knowledge. In the first place we do not understand what they say.'
"'Well, then,' said Conor, 'every one shall have his share therein from to-day for ever.'"[4]
This was the occasion upon which Conor made the law that the office of poet should no longer carry with it, of necessity, the office of judge, for, says the ancient writer, "poets alone had judicature from the time that Amairgin Whiteknee delivered the first judgment in Erin" until then.
That the Bardic schools, which we know flourished as public institutions with scarcely a break from the Synod of Drumceat in 590 (where regular lands were set apart for their endowment) down to the seventeenth century, were really a continuation of the Druidic schools, and embodied23 much that was purely pagan in their curricula, is, I think, amply shown by the curious fragments of metrical text-books preserved in the Books of Leinster and Ballymote, in a MS. in Trinity College, and in a MS. in the Bodleian, all four of which have been recently admirably edited by Thurneysen as a continuous text.[5] He has not however ventured upon a translation, for the scholar would be indeed a bold one who in the present state of Celtic scholarship would attempt a complete interpretation24 of tracts25 so antique and difficult. That they date, partially27 at least, from pre-Christian times seems to me certain from their prescribing amongst other things for the poet's course in one of his years of study a knowledge of the magical incantations called Tenmlaida, Imbas forosnai,[6] and Dichetal do chennaib na tuaithe, and making him in another year learn a certain poem or incantation called Cétnad, of which the text says that—
"It is used for finding out a theft. One sings it, that is to say, through the right fist on the track of the stolen beast" [observe the antique assumption that the only kind of wealth to be stolen is cattle][Pg 242] "or on the track of the thief, in case the beast is dead. And one sings it three times on the one [track] or the other. If, however, one does not find the track, one sings it through the right fist, and goes to sleep upon it, and in one's sleep the man who has brought it away is clearly shown and made known. Another virtue28 [of this lay]: one speaks it into the right palm and rubs with it the quarters of the horse before one mounts it, and the horse will not be overthrown29, and the man will not be thrown off or wounded."
Another Cétnad to be learned by the poet, in which he desires length of life, is addressed to "the seven daughters of the sea, who shape the thread of the long-lived children."
Another with which he had to make himself familiar was the Glam dichinn,[7] intended to satirise and punish the prince who refused to a poet the reward of his poem. The poet—
"was to fast upon the lands of the king for whom the poem was to be made, and the consent of thirty laymen, thirty bishops"—a Christian touch to make the passage pass muster—"and thirty poets should be had to compose the satire30; and it was a crime to them to prevent it when the reward of the poem was withheld"—a pagan touch as a make-weight on the other side! "The poet then, in a company of seven, that is, six others and himself, upon whom six poetic31 degrees had been conferred, namely a focloc, macfuirmedh, doss, cana, clí, anradh, and ollamh, went at the rising of the sun to a hill which should be situated32 on the boundary of seven lands, and each of them was to turn his face to a different land, and the ollamh's (ollav's) face was to be turned to the land of the king, who was to be satirised, and their backs should be turned to a hawthorn33 which should be growing upon the top of a hill, and the wind should be blowing from the north, and each man was to hold a perforated stone and a thorn of the hawthorn in his hand, and each man was to sing a verse of this composition for the king—the ollamh or chief poet to take the lead with his own verse, and the others in concert after him with theirs; and each then should place his stone and his thorn under the stem of the hawthorn, and if it was they that were in the wrong in the case, the ground of the hill would swallow them, and if it was the king that was in the wrong, the ground would swallow him and his wife, and his son and his steed, and his robes and his hound. The satire of the macfuirmedh fell on the hound, the satire[Pg 243] of the focloc on the robes, the satire of the doss on the arms, the satire of the cana on the wife, the satire of the clí on the son, the satire of the anrad on the steed,[8] the satire of the ollamh on the king."
These instances that I have mentioned occurring in the books of the poets' instruction, are evidently remains34 of magic incantations and terrifying magic ceremonies, taken over from the schools and times of the druids, and carried on into the Christian era, for nobody, I imagine, could contend that they had their origin after Ireland had been Christianised.[9] And the occurrence in the poets' text-books of such evidently pagan passages, side by side with allusions35 to Athairné the poet—a contemporary of Conor mac Nessa, a little before the birth of Christ, Caoilte, the Fenian poet of the third century, Cormac his contemporary, Laidcend mac Bairchida about the year 400, and others—seems to me to be fresh proof for the real objective existence of these characters. For if part of the poets' text-books can be thus shown to have preserved things taught in the pre-Christian times—to be in fact actually pre-Christian—why should we doubt the reality of the pre-Christian persons mixed up with them?
The first poem written in Ireland by a Milesian is said to be the curious rhapsody of Amergin the brother of Eber, Ir, and Erimon, who on landing broke out in a strain of exultation:—
"I am the wind which breathes upon the sea,
I am the wave of the ocean,
I am the murmur37 of the billows,
I am the ox of the seven combats,
I am the vulture upon the rock,
I am a beam of the sun,
[Pg 244]I am the fairest of plants,
I am a wild boar in valour,
I am a salmon38 in the water,
I am a lake in the plain,
I am a word of science,
I am the point of the lance of battle,
I am the god who creates in the head [i.e., of man] the fire [i.e., the thought]
Who is it who throws light into the meeting on the mountain?
Who announces the ages of the moon [if not I]?
Who teaches the place where couches the sea [if not I]?"[10]
There are two more poems attributed to Amergin of much the same nature, very ancient and very strange. Irish tradition has always represented these poems as the first made by our ancestors in Ireland, and no doubt they do actually represent the oldest surviving lines in the vernacular39 of any country in Europe except Greece alone.
The other pre-Christian poets[11] of whom we hear most, and to whom certain surviving fragments are ascribed, are Feirceirtné, surnamed filé, or the poet, who is usually credited with the authorship of the well-known grammatical treatise40 called Uraicept na n-éigeas or "Primer of the Learned."[12] It was he[Pg 245] who contended with Neidé for the arch-poet's robe, causing King Conor to decide that no poet should in future be also of necessity a judge. The Uraicept begins with this preface or introduction: "The Book of Feirceirtné here. Its place Emania; its time the time of Conor mac Nessa; its person Feirceirtné the poet; its cause to bring ignorant people to knowledge." There is also a poem attributed to him on the death of Curoi mac Daire, the great southern chieftain, whom Cuchulain slew41, and the Book of Invasions contains a valuable poem ascribed to him, recounting how Ollamh Fódla, a monarch42 who is said to have flourished many centuries before, established a college of professors at Tara.
There was a poet called Adhna, the father of that Neidé with whom Feirceirtné contended for the poet's robe, who also lived at the court of Conor mac Nessa, and his name is mentioned in connection with some fragments of laws.
Athairné, the overbearing insolent43 satirist44 from the Hill of Howth, who figures largely in Irish romance, was contemporaneous with these, though I do not know that any poem is attributed to him. But he and a poet called Forchern, with Feirceirtné and Neidé, are said to have compiled a code of laws, now embodied with others under the title of Breithe Neimhidh in the Brehon Law Books.
There was a poet Lughar at the Court of Oilioll and Mève in Connacht about the same time, and a poem on the descendants of Fergus mac Róigh [Roy] is ascribed to him, but as he was contemporaneous with that warrior45 he could not have written about his descendants.
[Pg 246]
There is a prose tract26 called Moran's Will,[13] ascribed to Moran, a well-known jurist who lived at the close of the first century.
Several other authors, either of short poems or law fragments, are mentioned in the second and third centuries, such as Feradach king of Ireland, Modan, Ciothruadh the poet, Fingin, Oilioll Olum himself, the great king of Munster, to whom are traced so many of the southern families. Fithil, a judge, and perhaps some others, none of whom need be particularised.
At the end of the third century we come upon three or four names of vast repute in Irish history, into whose mouths a quantity of pieces are put, most of which are evidently of later date. These are the great Cormac mac Art himself, the most striking king that ever reigned46 in pagan Ireland, he who built those palaces on Tara Hill whose ruins still remain; Finn mac Cúmhail his son-in-law and captain; Ossian, Finn's son; Fergus, Ossian's brother; and Caoilte [Cweeltya] mac Ronáin.
The poetry ascribed to Finn mac Cúmhail, Ossian, and the other Fenian singers we will not examine in this place, but we must not pass by one of the most remarkable47 prose tracts of ancient Ireland with which I am acquainted, the famous treatise ascribed to King Cormac, and well known in Irish literature as the "Teagasg ríogh," or Instruction of a Prince, which is written in a curious style, by way of question and answer. Cairbré, Cormac's son, he who afterwards fell out with and overthrew48 the Fenians, is supposed to be learning kingly wisdom at his father's feet, and that experienced monarch instructs him in the pagan morality of the time, and gives him all kinds of information and advice. The piece, which is heavily glossed49 in the Book of Ballymote, on account of the antiquity50 of the language, is of some length, and is far too interesting to pass by without quoting from it.
[Pg 247]
THE INSTRUCTION OF A PRINCE.
"'O grandson of Con7, O Cormac,' said Cairbré, 'what is good for a king.'[14]
"'That is plain,' said Cormac, 'it is good for him to have patience and not to dispute, self-government without anger, affability without haughtiness51, diligent52 attention to history, strict observance of covenants53 and agreements, strictness mitigated54 by mercy in the execution of laws.... It is good for him [to make] fertile land, to invite ships to import jewels of price across sea, to purchase and bestow55 raiment, [to keep] vigorous swordsmen for protecting his territories, [to make] war outside his own territories, to attend the sick, to discipline his soldiers ... let him enforce fear, let him perfect peace, [let him] give much of metheglin and wine, let him pronounce just judgments56 of light, let him speak all truth, for it is through the truth of a king that God gives favourable57 seasons.'
"'O grandson of Con, O Cormac,' said Cairbré, 'what is good for the welfare of a country?'
"'That is plain,' said Cormac, 'frequent convocations of sapient58 and good men to investigate its affairs, to abolish each evil and retain each wholesome59 institution, to attend to the precepts60 of the elders; let every assembly be convened61 according to law, let the law be in the hands of the nobles, let the chieftains be upright and unwilling62 to oppress the poor,'" etc., etc.
A more interesting passage is the following:—
"'O grandson of Con, O Cormac, what are the duties of a prince at a banqueting-house?'
"'A Prince on Samhan's [now All Souls] Day, should light his lamps, and welcome his guests with clapping of hands, procure63 comfortable seats, the cupbearers should be respectable and active in the distribution of meat and drink. Let there be moderation of music, short stories, a welcoming countenance64, a welcome for the learned, pleasant conversations, and the like, these are the duties of the prince, and the arrangement of the banqueting-house.'"
After this Cairbré puts an important question which was asked often enough during the period of the Brehon law, and[Pg 248] which for over a thousand years scarce ever received a different answer. He asks, "For what qualifications is a king elected over countries and tribes of people?"
Cormac in his answer embodies65 the views of every clan66 in Ireland in their practical choice of a leader.
"From the goodness of his shape and family, from his experience and wisdom, from his prudence67 and magnanimity, from his eloquence68 and bravery in battle, and from the number of his friends."
After this follows a long description of the qualifications of a prince, and Cairbré having heard it puts this question:—"O grandson of Con, what was thy deportment when a youth;" to which he receives the following striking answer:
"'I was cheerful at the Banquet of the Midh-chuarta [Mee-cuarta, "house of the circulation of mead"], fierce in battle, but vigilant69 and circumspect70. I was kind to friends, a physician to the sick, merciful towards the weak, stern towards the headstrong. Although possessed71 of knowledge, I was inclined towards taciturnity.[15] Although strong I was not haughty72. I mocked not the old although I was young. I was not vain although I was valiant73. When I spoke74 of a person in his absence I praised, not defamed him, for it is by these customs that we are known to be courteous75 and civilised (riaghalach).'"
There is an extremely beautiful answer given later on by Cormac to the rather simple question of his son:
"'O grandson of Con, what is good for me?'
"'If thou attend to my command,' answers Cormac, 'thou wilt76 not[Pg 249] mock the old although thou art young, nor the poor although thou art well-clad, nor the lame77 although thou art agile78, nor the blind although thou art clear-sighted, nor the feeble although thou art strong, nor the ignorant although thou art learned. Be not slothful, nor passionate79, nor penurious80, nor idle, nor jealous, for he who is so is an object of hatred81 to God as well as to man.'"
"'O grandson of Con,' asks Cairbré, in another place, 'I would fain know how I am to conduct myself among the wise and among the foolish, among friends and among strangers, among the old and among the young,' and to this question his father gives this notable response.
"'Be not too knowing nor too simple; be not proud, be not inactive, be not too humble82 nor yet haughty; be not talkative but be not too silent; be not timid neither be severe. For if thou shouldest appear too knowing thou wouldst be satirised and abused; if too simple thou wouldst be imposed upon; if too proud thou wouldst be shunned83; if too humble thy dignity would suffer; if talkative thou wouldst not be deemed learned; if too severe thy character would be defamed; if too timid thy rights would be encroached upon.'"
To the curious question, "O grandson of Con, what are the most lasting84 things in the world?" the equally curious and to me unintelligible85 answer is returned, "Grass, copper86, and yew87."
Of women, King Cormac, like so many monarchs88 from Solomon down, has nothing good to say, perhaps his high position did not help him to judge them impartially89. At least, to the question, "O grandson of Con, how shall I distinguish the characters of women?" the following bitter answer is given:
"'I know them, but I cannot describe them. Their counsel is foolish, they are forgetful of love, most headstrong in their desires, fond of folly90, prone91 to enter rashly into engagements, given to swearing, proud to be asked in marriage, tenacious92 of enmity, cheerless at the banquet, rejectors of reconciliation93, prone to strife94, of much garrulity95. Until evil be good, until hell be heaven, until the sun hide his light, until the stars of heaven fall, women will remain as we have stated. Woe96 to him, my son, who desires or serves a bad woman, woe to every one who has got a bad wife'"!
This Christian allusion36 to heaven and hell, and some others of the same sort, show that despite a considerable pagan flavouring[Pg 250] the tract cannot be entirely97 the work of King Cormac, though it may very well be the embodiment and extension of an ancient pagan discourse, for, as we have seen, after Christianity had succeeded in getting the upper hand over paganism, a kind of tacit compromise was arrived at, by means of which the bards and f?lès and other representatives of the old pagan learning, were allowed to continue to propagate their stories, tales, poems, and genealogies98, at the price of incorporating with them a small share of Christian alloy99, or, to use a different simile100, just as the vessels101 of some feudatory nations are compelled to fly at the mast-head the flag of the suzerain power. But so badly has the dovetailing of the Christian and the pagan parts been managed in most of the older romances, that the pieces come away quite separate in the hands of even the least skilled analyser, and the pagan substratum stands forth102 entirely distinct from the Christian accretion103.
********
[1] O'Clery notices, in his Féil?rè na Naomh, the lives of thirty-one saints written in Irish, all extant in his time, not to speak of Latin ones. I fancy most of them still survive. Stokes printed nine from the Book of Lismore; Standish Hayes O'Grady four more from various sources.
[2] See Cormac's glossary104 sub voce.
[3] See "Irische Texte," Dritte Serie, 1 Heft, pp. 187 and 204.
[4] Agallamh an da Suadh.
[5] "Irische Texte," Dritte serie, Heft i.
[6] See above, p. 84.
[7] See O'Curry's "Manners and Customs," vol. ii. p. 217, and "Irische Texte," Dritte serie, Heft. i. pp. 96 and 125.
[8] It is curious to thus make the steed rank apparently105 next to the king himself, and above the wife and son, for the anrad who curses the steed ranks next to the ollamh.
[9] Thurneysen expresses some doubt about the antiquity of the last citation106.
[10] See Text 1. paragraph 123 of Thurneysen's "Mittelirische Verslehren" for three versions of this curious poem, printed side by side from the Books of Leinster and Ballymote, and a MS. in the Bodleian. The old Irish tract for the instruction of poets gives it as an example of what it calls Cetal do chendaib. I have followed D'Arbois de Jubainville's interpretation of it. He sees in it a pantheistic spirit, but Dr. Sigerson has proved, I think quite conclusively107, that it is liable to a different interpretation, a panegyric108 upon the bard's own prowess, couched in enigmatic metaphor109. (See "Bards of the Gael and Gaul," p. 379.)
[11] A number of names are mentioned—chiefly in connection with law fragments—of kings and poets who lived centuries before the birth of Christ, including an elegy110 by Lughaidh, son of Ith (from whom the Ithians sprang), on his wife's death, Cimbaeth the founder111 of Emania, before whose reign Tighearnach the Annalist considered omnia monumenta Scotorum to be incerta, Roigne, the son of Hugony the Great, who lived nearly three hundred years before Christ, and some others.
[12] The "Uraicept" or "Uraiceacht" is sometimes ascribed to Forchern. It gives examples of the declensions of nouns and adjectives in Irish, distinguishing feminine nouns from masculine, etc. It gives rules of syntax, and exemplifies the declensions by quotations112 from ancient poets. A critical edition of it from the surviving manuscripts that contain it in whole or part is a desideratum.
[13] Udacht Morain, H. 2, 7, T. C, D.
[14] In the original in the Book of Ballymote: "A ua Cuinn a Cormaic, ol coirbre cia is deach [i.e., maith], do Ri. Nin ol cormac [i.e., Ni doiligh liom sin]. As deach [i.e., maith], do eimh ainmne [i.e., foighde] gan deabha [i.e., imreasoin] uallcadi fosdadh [i.e., foasdadh] gan fearg. Soagallamha gan mordhacht," etc. The glosses113 in brackets are written above the words.
[15] Compare Henry IV.'s advice to his son, not to make himself too familiar but rather to stand aloof114 from his companions.
"Had I so lavish115 of my presence been,
So common-hackneyed in the eyes of men,
So stale and cheap to vulgar company—
Opinion, that did help me to the crown,
Had still kept loyal to possession," etc.
As for Richard his predecessor—
"The skipping king, he ambled116 up and down
With shallow jesters and rash bavin wits,
Soon kindled117, and soon burned; carded his state;
Mingled118 his royalty119 with capering120 fools,' etc."
"Henry IV.," Part I., act iii., scene 2.
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backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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bardic
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| adj.吟游诗人的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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peripatetic
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| adj.漫游的，逍遥派的，巡回的 | |
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disintegrated
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| v.（使）破裂[分裂，粉碎]，（使）崩溃( disintegrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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acting
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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predilection
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| n.偏好 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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reign
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sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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discourse
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abstruse
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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embodied
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interpretation
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tracts
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tract
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partially
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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overthrown
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satire
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poetic
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situated
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hawthorn
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remains
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allusions
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| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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36
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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37
murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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38
salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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39
vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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40
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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41
slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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42
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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43
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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satirist
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| n.讽刺诗作者，讽刺家，爱挖苦别人的人 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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46
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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47
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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48
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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49
glossed
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| v.注解( gloss的过去式和过去分词 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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50
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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51
haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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52
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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53
covenants
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| n.（有法律约束的）协议( covenant的名词复数 )；盟约；公约；（向慈善事业、信托基金会等定期捐款的）契约书 | |
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54
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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sapient
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| adj.有见识的，有智慧的 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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embodies
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| v.表现( embody的第三人称单数 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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circumspect
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| adj.慎重的，谨慎的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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wilt
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| v.(使)植物凋谢或枯萎；(指人)疲倦，衰弱 | |
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lame
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| adj.跛的，(辩解、论据等)无说服力的 | |
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agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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penurious
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| adj.贫困的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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yew
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| n.紫杉属树木 | |
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88
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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90
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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prone
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| adj.(to)易于…的，很可能…的；俯卧的 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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garrulity
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| n.饶舌，多嘴 | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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genealogies
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| n.系谱，家系，宗谱( genealogy的名词复数 ) | |
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99
alloy
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| n.合金，(金属的)成色 | |
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100
simile
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| n.直喻，明喻 | |
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101
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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103
accretion
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| n.自然的增长，增加物 | |
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104
glossary
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| n.注释词表；术语汇编 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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106
citation
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| n.引用，引证，引用文；传票 | |
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107
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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108
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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109
metaphor
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| n.隐喻，暗喻 | |
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110
elegy
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| n.哀歌，挽歌 | |
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111
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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112
quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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glosses
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| n.（页末或书后的）注释( gloss的名词复数 )；（表面的）光滑；虚假的外表；用以产生光泽的物质v.注解( gloss的第三人称单数 )；掩饰（错误）；粉饰；把…搪塞过去 | |
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114
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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115
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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116
ambled
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| v.（马）缓行( amble的过去式和过去分词 )；从容地走，漫步 | |
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117
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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118
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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119
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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120
capering
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| v.跳跃，雀跃( caper的现在分词 )；蹦蹦跳跳 | |
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