Our journey was for the most part accomplished2 during the Siberian summer. The forest, through which the highway runs for thousands of versts, is then in fullest beauty; and from the many different species of trees is wafted3 an indescribably delicious perfume. Countless4 birds flit among the branches, and fill the air with song. Life seems everywhere the more ebullient5 for its long winter sleep, and throughout all nature the tide of energy is at its highest. A riot of joy was visible everywhere, and we alone seemed to strike a discordant6 note, as we wandered on towards the prison that awaited us. Yet even we felt born anew; our open-air life worked wonders, following on our long imprisonment7. Many who had left Moscow weak and ill became robust8 in health during the journey.
The Moscow high-road is, as I have said, the only means of transit9, nevertheless it is kept in an incredibly bad condition. It has never been properly made, and during the damp weather of early spring, or after a downpour in summer, vehicles are often axle-deep in mud. Along the road, at intervals10 of fifteen to twenty versts, there are villages, or sometimes small towns. To the north and south no traces of human dwellings11 are to be found; the eternal forest extends for thousands of versts, and only a 170few nomad12 tribes of half-savage hunters or herdsmen roam through its depths. Whilst our party rested, or even during the march, we “politicals” would often leave the road, and accompanied by a guard would dive into the woods to gather flowers and berries. A strange feeling would steal over one. A dozen steps into the thicket14, and one is absolutely alone, not a soul to be seen. One dreams of being free and one’s own master; but the rattle15 of fetters16, or the glitter of a bayonet brings back grim reality, and soon we are recalled by the soldiers, for the party must not be kept waiting.
The officers make no difficulty about these little excursions, although they are forbidden by the regulations. At first this surprised me; but I soon saw it was simply because everyone was convinced that escape was quite impracticable. For although at first sight it may appear an easy thing to hide in the undergrowth and get away, as a matter of fact very few “politicals” have ever even attempted it, and only one—Dzvonkyèvitch—when actually on the march. He had been condemned17 to penal18 servitude for life, and ran away from his escort into the forest; but the soldiers caught and frightfully maltreated him. If the officers had not come up he would have been murdered out of hand. He was taken half dead to the hospital in Krasnoyarsk, where—thanks to his strong constitution—he recovered from his severe wounds, though he will bear traces of them for the rest of his life. This had taken place just a year before our arrival at Krasnoyarsk.
Several attempts have also been made to escape from the halting-stations, but with no greater success. It must be remembered that Siberia is so sparsely19 populated that every traveller on the road is an object of universal attention, and the authorities are therefore soon made aware of the whereabouts of a runaway20, if he be a “political” whom they are anxious to capture. Besides, the fugitives21 are often forced to come in of themselves. They do not know the paths through the forest, so 171familiar to the ordinary criminals, but wander helplessly about, and are thankful at last if they chance to hit the high-road once more, and—half famished—seek the nearest village. In such cases the peasants are eager to assist the authorities and thereby23 earn a reward; and as soon as they discover a political runaway they unfailingly deliver him up to the police.
AN ATTEMPT AT ESCAPE
To face page 170
Up to the present time the Russian Government has been amply justified24 in regarding Siberia as one vast prison, whose natural conditions offer more insuperable obstacles to escape than do iron bars, high walls, or any number of guards. But this is only to the “politicals,” to whom the forest ways are strange. The criminals, as I have said, are quite at home in the wild woods; and it is easily conceivable that to many of us the thought has occurred of making common cause with these people, and escaping in their company. Such attempts, however, have more than once had a fatal ending. The rascals25 are always ready to murder for the sake of gain; a “political’s” money, and even his clothes, are quite sufficient bait. In this manner it is supposed that Ladislas Isbitsky came by his death in the year 1880. He had successfully negotiated a “swop,” had escaped as an ordinary criminal—and then disappeared for ever, probably murdered by the tramps to whose guidance he had entrusted26 himself.
Another instance of this kind was related to me by a political exile, who, when himself a fugitive22 in company with some convict-tramps, chanced to overhear them planning to murder him in his sleep. For weeks he was obliged to feign27 sleep at night while really remaining awake—a terrible task, as may readily be imagined.
These criminals do not, indeed, even trust one another when on the road; and it is said that when two of them have to enter a narrow path, there will be a sharp dispute as to who is to go first, the one in front never feeling safe from an attack in the rear by the companion of his march.
172Other dangers also lie in wait for the wanderer. Our comrade Vlastòpoulo, sentenced to penal servitude for life, narrowly escaped being devoured28 by a bear, during his flight in company with Kòziriov (another revolutionist condemned to penal servitude). He described to me how the bear came so suddenly upon them that they had no time to fly, and could only back against a tree, supposing their last hour had come. Bruin, however, must have had a full meal, for he trotted29 quietly by, apparently30 without noticing them! These two fugitives suffered terribly from hunger and thirst during their wanderings through the woods.
Although we had had no personal experience of these various dangers, most of us were so well aware of them that no plan of escape during the journey entered into our calculations; but two of our comrades could not resist the temptation to weave schemes of the kind. These were Maria Kalyùshnaya and the student Yordan—the former condemned to twenty years’ penal servitude, and the latter “administratively” exiled to Eastern Siberia for five years. They were both young, barely twenty, and their longing31 for freedom was overpowering. None of their projects of flight were practicable, however, and they did not attempt to carry them into execution. Both these young creatures died in prison; Maria Kalyùshnaya’s story, which I shall have to relate further on, being a specially32 sad one.
We had many opportunities, during our long march, of becoming acquainted with the people whose dwellings are beside the great highway. A certain air of comfort and well-being33 was often visible about them, and some of the larger settlements had the pleasant appearance of a Russian provincial34 town. Roomy, well-built houses, occasionally of more than one story, decorated with carving35 and provided with tidy hedges and gates, lined the road sometimes for several versts. Curtains and flower-pots showed in the windows; the rooms were often carpeted and furnished comfortably, sometimes even exhibiting 173the luxury of Austrian bentwood furniture. The cattle, so far as we could see, were finer and better kept than is usual among the Russian peasantry.
This well-to-do appearance was only in part to be ascribed to the productiveness of the husbandry in these regions. Trade and the conduct of traffic were the principal resources of the inhabitants; for this road was the only means of communication by land between Europe and the northern parts of Asia. Caravans37 in lengthy38 processions, sometimes in such numbers that the road was practically blocked, travelled along the great highway; and the country people found employment in the transport of both goods and passengers. The regular posting-stations were often unequal to the demands made upon them, and travellers—merchants especially—were obliged to hire private vehicles and pay dearly for them. Besides these legitimate39 industries, the inhabitants had another extremely lucrative40 source of gain. Many villages had won for themselves an evil name in this connection, and were known as “thieves’ towns,” because no caravan36 ever passed through them without paying toll41 of its wares42; sometimes a chest of tea would be stolen, sometimes a horse, and so on. It was asserted that in some of these places the inhabitants made raids on travellers by night, and lived by highway robbery. It is characteristic of the country that this reputation lowered no man in public estimation. Anyone was received in “good society” if he were rich, no matter whether he were well known to have robberies by the score upon his conscience; he might, indeed, even be asked to fill the most honourable43 offices—such as churchwarden, mayor, or head of the commune. Later, when I was living in a Siberian town as an exile released from prison under police surveillance, I was frequently told by trustworthy persons, with every detail, how such and such a citizen, universally respected and esteemed45, had made his fortune by cheating and robbery, or even by downright murder. There were numbers of people whose past 174could not bear inspection46; and many of them, even after becoming possessed47 of wealth in superfluity, could not quite give up their old practices. It so fell out, for example, at the end of the eighties, that General Barabash the military governor of Tchita (the capital of the Transbaikalian Government), gave a banquet, to which all the notabilities of the place were invited, and that the highly respectable merchant and mayor Alexèiev broke off in the middle of the feasting and went straight from table to waylay48 the passing night-mail. This worthy44 citizen, with one of his friends, galloped49 after the mail-coach, murdered the driver, seriously wounded the guard, seized the bag containing the registered letters, and made off. The guard, however, whom they had left for dead, was rescued; and as an unusually energetic magistrate50 took the matter in hand, the whole story came out, and could not be hushed up in the customary manner. The case was brought before a court-martial, and the highway robbers were condemned to death.
These colonies by the great road had had very diverse origins, and were sharply differentiated51 from each other in character. There were more or less pure Russian villages, neighboured by barbaric Buriat settlements; and there were also villages inhabited exclusively by members of various sects52, exiled from Russia and forcibly established there as a punishment for their daring to fall away from the Orthodox State religion. Those that I found specially interesting were the villages of the so-called Subòtniki (Sabbatarians). The members of this sect53 are Russian by nationality, yet their religion is the Mosaic54 in its strictest form.
It was curious in the extreme to find these typical representatives of the Slav race considering themselves Jews by virtue55 of their religion, and still stranger to hear them boasting of the prerogatives56 of their Israelitish faith. In their manner of life and occupations they differ in no way from ordinary Russian peasants; although in 175decency and prosperity their villages are far above those of their Christian57 neighbours.
Those of our criminal contingent58 who had travelled this way more than once already were well acquainted with the manners and customs of the Siberian people; many of them were veritable mines of information, and could relate tales of uncommon59 interest. In their narrations60 the Siberians usually figured in an unfavourable light; for the criminals hate them from the bottom of their hearts, and ascribe all kinds of evil qualities to them, being, one and all, firmly persuaded that although their own standard of conduct is by no means exalted62, they are infinitely63 higher in the moral scale than the Siberians.
“Heaven knows we are rascals through and through, good-for-nothings, and all that; but that lot are far and away worse,” was their dictum. They showered on the Siberians all sorts of contemptuous names, which were quite incomprehensible to us, but seemed to provoke their recipients64 terribly. This mutual65 antipathy66 probably arose from the fact of the parties knowing one another only too well, and from the injuries inflicted67 by each on the other during past generations.
We came into such close contact with the world of crime during our travels that we could soon recognise what Lombroso calls “the criminal type.” On the whole, the criminals made a more favourable61 impression on me than I had expected. Certainly there was much about them unpleasant, and even repulsive68; but this was, I think, less due to their character as a class than to the special influence of the “Ivans”—a quite peculiar69 type, who imparted their tone more or less to all the others. With the exception of these leaders, and of a small number of the worst criminals, who had not succeeded in “swopping,” the majority consisted of very average men of the working class, with the good and bad qualities of their order. Their leading characteristics were dumb acquiescence70 in their lot and a shy dread71 of anyone who would attempt to better it.
176They were for the most part just as good-natured and ready to help one another as is commonly the case with workers of the lower classes. Among the ordinary prisoners, too, were to be found many individuals who could in no sense be ranked as criminals. Russian village communes have the power of rejecting from their midst members whom they consider undesirable72; and these outcasts can then be sent to settle in Siberia, without any judicial73 sentence, but simply by the desire of a majority in their commune. Moreover, this verdict of the commune is often delivered without any real majority being convinced as to the unfitness of the offending member; the clerk to the commune and two or three of the richer peasants and usurers (Kulaki) can easily manage to get rid of a poor wretch74 who does not happen to please them. It would be impossible to calculate how many crying injustices75 are thus perpetrated on the destitute76 and helpless among the peasantry. The victims of such barbarous and arbitrary proceedings77 who were among our party, had many sad stories to tell, which only corroborated78 what I myself had seen going on in country districts. With one or two exceptions, the exiles belonging to this category were quite average specimens79 of the Russian peasant.
There were also included among these ordinary prisoners members of various religious sects, exiled on that account, and they were very far removed from the criminal type. These sectarians are admitted, by all who know Siberia best, to form the steadiest and the most industrious80 element of the population. The sectarians in our party of ordinary prisoners always avoided any participation81 in the fights, quarrels, and rowdyism of the others, and tried not to fall out either with the leaders of the convict band, on the one hand, nor with the authorities on the other. It was their custom to accept humbly82 all insults and injuries inflicted on them as trials sent them by God.
Those prisoners who had minor83 punishments to undergo, and who had least on their conscience, were for the 177most part timid, submissive, even broken-spirited. Among them were the unfortunate wretches84 whom I have described as gambling85 away their food-money for whole weeks together. They then literally86 starved, or sold themselves into the hands of the “swop” organisation87 for a beggarly sum. They were treated with utter contempt by the other criminals, and among them went by the name of “biscuits,” a rather descriptive title for these pale, dried-up, emaciated88 creatures. These “biscuits” were the pariahs89 of their society, and all the dirtiest and most disagreeable work—cleaning out of privies90, etc.—fell to their share as a matter of course. They seemed to have lost all power of will; and gambling—the source of all their sufferings—was the only thing they cared for. They were always ready to steal anything that came in their way, except from the “Ivans,” which would have had dire91 results for themselves if discovered, probably a murderous thrashing. I only knew one case of that kind, when a poor young fellow stole a piece of bread from one of the “Ivans,” and the artèl at once decided92 that he should be punished exemplarily, “because he had stolen from his own people.”
I have spoken before of this artèl, an extremely interesting institution which has existed among criminals from time immemorial. It is based on stringent93 and unalterable rules, the chief of which is that each individual must yield implicit94 obedience95 to the will of the whole artèl. All members are supposed to have, de jure, equal rights in the organisation; but, de facto, the confirmed criminals, the old experienced rogues97 and vagabonds, are the preponderating98 element, and it is the “Ivans” that govern the rest ruthlessly in their own proper interest. It is their will that passes for the will of the whole body. Without the sanction of the artèl no agreement between individuals has any force; only with its consent can any “swop” be carried out, and thus a portion of the price always goes into the common exchequer99. Once the sanction of the artèl is given 178there is no holding back; a criminal who refused to fulfil his “swop” when he had agreed to it and received his pay would have the whole combined artèl against him. But such a case never occurs; and fear of the artèl’s vengeance100 is too great for any treachery by its members. The lawful101 authorities would have no power to shield such a traitor102, and could not get him out of the clutches of the organisation; for if he were moved to another prison the artèl there would take on the feud103 and mete104 out vengeance to him, the leaders invariably finding means to communicate with each other. In one respect the solidarity105 of the artèl is especially strong: it is represented in all dealings with the authorities by its stàrosta or head-man, elected by the prisoners themselves from among their own ranks. This is a post of honour, and is naturally always obtained by an experienced and crafty107 rogue96. He makes all arrangements concerning his constituents108, receives their food-money, and sees to its distribution. His authority over the common herd13 is limitless; but he is directly dependent on the leaders—the “Ivans”—who have carried through his election, and would be powerless without their support, so that he has to keep on good terms with them. The office of stàrosta has its pecuniary109 advantages, and it often happens that candidates for the post pay a considerable sum for the votes of the powerful “Ivans.”
A less important, but equally profitable post is that of the storekeeper, who trades with the other prisoners in tea, sugar, tobacco, and other things of the kind, and—secretly—in spirits and playing-cards. This privilege is granted by the artèl for a fixed110 time to one of the candidates for the office, who pays for it a certain sum into the common chest. The chief profits accrue111 from the illicit112 sale of spirits and hiring out of playing-cards. At night, as soon as the ordinary prisoners were shut in, and often even by day, they might be seen squatting113 together in groups to indulge in a game of chance. They would gamble away not only their meagre food-allowance, but clothes, linen114, boots, the 179property of the State; for which they were of course accountable, and for the loss of which—if discovered—they were liable to severe punishment. Half naked, save for some miserable115 rags, the condition of the wretched “biscuits” in bad weather was pitiable indeed; and when the cold days of autumn came on they could be seen shivering from head to foot, running instead of walking when on the march, to try and keep warm. It was hard to understand how these men could endure the hunger and cold they brought on themselves. We attempted to relieve them, but could do very little; as, firstly, our own means were very limited; and, secondly116, they staked everything we gave them, at the first opportunity, despite the most solemn promises. There was always an eager crowd around any players, following the game with as much excitement as the principals themselves could manifest; and occasionally a lucky winner would share some of his gains with his starving comrades. It was the custom, too, for the storekeeper to treat the whole company when his term of office expired; that was a feast-day for the hungry, and you might hear them say: “To-day we’ll eat our fill; the storekeeper pays”!
The officers of the escort on principle never interfered117 with the affairs of the artèl, the prisoners themselves managing to keep order so as to avoid any occasion for such interference or coercion118. It was certainly remarkable119 that this crowd of people, many of whom were hardened robbers and murderers, should have been so easy to rule; for the numbers of the escort were relatively120 small. No prisoner attempted to escape, that being strictly121 forbidden by their rules during the journey for fear of reprisals122 by the authorities against the artèl. There were squabbles and scuffles, but never anything that necessitated123 the interference of the soldiery; and though doubtless there was an inordinate124 amount of drinking (for spirits were always to be had), no drunkard was allowed to carry on any brawling125 under the eye of the officer. The others saw to that. 180There was a tacit understanding between the artèl and the officer; the latter knew that if the prisoners were allowed a free hand in certain matters he could count on them to keep order among themselves, and never to cause him any trouble. He therefore looked the other way when regulations were disregarded, as, for instance, in the matter of fetters, which were always merely tied together, not riveted126; so that though worn on the march they could be taken off at night—which was of course against rules. Among all the different convoy officers (and there were forty stationed on the route between Tomsk and Kara—men of very varied127 types), not one made any exception to this rule. I have never observed any abuse of their power in regard to the prisoners, nor that they were particularly rude and rough in dealing106 with them; still less that they ever attempted to mulct them of their food-money or other allowances. On the other hand, it often happens that these officers are prosecuted128 for shortcomings of this kind in connection with their subordinates, and even for direct peculation129. It must be remembered that the halting-stations are established in the wilderness130, far removed from the reach of the central authorities, military and civil. It is easy, therefore, for a commanding officer to abuse his position. Most of them get but a scanty131 education in the lower military schools, and are then sent out into the Siberian wilds, where many are naturally led to give the rein132 to their worst qualities. The majority of them know no pleasure but debauchery, and when drunk commit all kinds of excesses, gamble away the excise-money, maltreat their inferiors, and so on.
There were a few officers with a taste for economy, and they were less inclined to excess, but the soldiers were scarcely better off under their rule—perhaps worse—than under that of the rakes and drunkards; for these able financiers established such a thorough control of ways and means in their department that their unfortunate men were not only mercilessly fleeced, but made to do all sorts 181of work in house and field in order to save paying for labour. However, this class was not a large one.
To us “politicals” most of the officers behaved with formal correctness, and tried to avoid any conflicts. But apart from their general attitude, there were numerous petty details—slight enough in themselves, but of great importance to us on such a long journey—that were sometimes subjects of dispute; for instance, the hour of starting in the early morning, as I have already mentioned; and we had discussions with various officers about other things, such as keeping the wooden tub in our room all night, which we declined to do, as it poisoned the air, and also on account of the ladies who had to share the room with us. If the officer were ill-tempered or obstinate133, trifles like these might be the occasion of insults and bullying134 on his side that would lead to revolt and violence on ours; and then a court-martial with its cruel verdict loomed135 before us. Fortunately, things never went so far as that,—thanks partly to our having in our midst a few older and wiser heads, who exercised a calming influence over the rest, besides three men who had had considerable experience of intercourse136 with the authorities, as they were going to Siberia for the second time, having previously137 been “administratively” exiled—Malyòvany, Spandoni, and Tchuikòv. We owed much also to the exertions138 and tactful counsel of our head-man, Làzarev.
It happened sometimes that we came across officers who were ready to show us many small kindnesses—lending us newspapers and paying attention to our comfort in any way possible to them. On one or two occasions we had unexpected bits of good fortune. An officer, recognising a school-friend in one of our comrades—Snigiriòv, a veterinary surgeon—was much moved at the meeting, and during the two days of his accompanying us did all he could to help us. Another officer announced himself as a sympathiser with Socialism. He had mixed in revolutionary circles, and made no secret of his views, being 182in entire agreement with us. He told us he read a good deal of forbidden literature, and we discussed many political problems with him. Naturally it was a pleasant surprise to find a man of kindred opinions among the instruments of despotism.
The polite behaviour of most officers towards us may possibly have been due to an amusingly mistaken notion, of which by chance we discovered symptoms. On entering one of the halting-stations we found in the room to which we were shown a plainly dressed man with handcuffs on his wrists. He turned out to be a political exile named Stephen Agàpov,[62] a factory hand, who was now being removed from Eastern to Western Siberia as a mitigation of his punishment, in accordance with the coronation manifesto139 of 1883. His wife, a Siberian peasant, accompanied him. Agàpov explained to us that when our party was expected the officer had ordered him to quit that room, because a party of “politicals” was coming, composed entirely140 of counts and princes, and that these noble personages would never put up with having a common workman in the room with them. Agàpov and his wife thought this no reason why they should be turned out of the room intended for political prisoners like themselves, and they refused to obey, which led to a violent scene, and Agàpov was put in irons. Worse still, the irate141 officer had another punishment in store for him. The pair had with them all their belongings—the fruits of hard work in Eastern Siberia—making a weight of luggage beyond what was permitted by the regulations. The officer immediately ordered everything above the prescribed weight to be sold by auction142 to the people of the place—a pure piece of malice143, as even the ordinary exiles were always allowed excess luggage, and still more those who were benefiting by the act of grace.
183This tyrannical performance incensed144 us highly, and our good head-man went at once to the officer with an appeal for the release of our comrade from his fetters, which was granted without much ado. The comic part of the affair was that we ourselves should figure as princes and counts! In reality there was not one among us of such rank, but the legend had probably arisen from the addresses of letters sent by members of our party to Prince Volhònsky, Count Leo Tolstoi, and other well-known people of title. The affair had further consequences for the poor Agàpovs, as the officer reported them for disobedience, violence, etc., and they were sent to one of those “towns” to the north of Tobolsk that I have previously described—a far worse locality than that from which they were being brought as an act of clemency145.
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convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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wafted
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| v.吹送，飘送，（使）浮动( waft的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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ebullient
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| adj.兴高采烈的，奔放的 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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transit
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| n.经过，运输；vt.穿越，旋转；vi.越过 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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nomad
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| n.游牧部落的人，流浪者，游牧民 | |
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herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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sparsely
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| adv.稀疏地；稀少地；不足地；贫乏地 | |
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runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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thereby
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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feign
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| vt.假装，佯作 | |
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devoured
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| 吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 )； 耗尽； 津津有味地看； 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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trotted
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| 小跑，急走( trot的过去分词 )； 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
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30
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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31
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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32
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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33
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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34
provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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35
carving
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| n.雕刻品，雕花 | |
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36
caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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37
caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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38
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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39
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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40
lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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41
toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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42
wares
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| n. 货物, 商品 | |
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43
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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44
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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45
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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46
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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47
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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48
waylay
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| v.埋伏，伏击 | |
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49
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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50
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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51
differentiated
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| 区分，区别，辨别( differentiate的过去式和过去分词 )； 区别对待； 表明…间的差别，构成…间差别的特征 | |
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52
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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53
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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54
mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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55
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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56
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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57
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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58
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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59
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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60
narrations
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| 叙述事情的经过，故事( narration的名词复数 ) | |
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61
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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62
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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63
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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64
recipients
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| adj.接受的；受领的；容纳的；愿意接受的n.收件人；接受者；受领者；接受器 | |
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65
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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66
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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67
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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69
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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70
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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71
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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72
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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73
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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74
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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75
injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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76
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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77
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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78
corroborated
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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79
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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80
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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81
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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82
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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83
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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84
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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85
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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86
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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87
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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88
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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89
pariahs
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| n.被社会遗弃者( pariah的名词复数 )；贱民 | |
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90
privies
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| n.有利害关系的人( privy的名词复数 )；厕所 | |
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91
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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92
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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93
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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94
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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95
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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96
rogue
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| n.流氓；v.游手好闲 | |
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97
rogues
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| n.流氓( rogue的名词复数 )；无赖；调皮捣蛋的人；离群的野兽 | |
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98
preponderating
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的现在分词 ) | |
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99
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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100
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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101
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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102
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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103
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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104
mete
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| v.分配；给予 | |
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105
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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106
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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107
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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108
constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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109
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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110
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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111
accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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112
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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113
squatting
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的现在分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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114
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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115
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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116
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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117
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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118
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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119
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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120
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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121
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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122
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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123
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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125
brawling
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| n.争吵，喧嚷 | |
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126
riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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127
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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128
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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129
peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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130
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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131
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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132
rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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133
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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134
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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135
loomed
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| v.隐约出现，阴森地逼近( loom的过去式和过去分词 )；隐约出现，阴森地逼近 | |
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136
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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137
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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138
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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139
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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140
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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141
irate
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| adj.发怒的，生气 | |
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142
auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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143
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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144
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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145
clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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