The distance from Tomsk to Krasnoyarsk is about five hundred versts, and took us a full month to accomplish—twenty days on the march and ten days of rest between the stages. In Krasnoyarsk we were to wait a week, the ordinary prisoners being taken to the deportation1 prison and we ourselves lodged2 in the town gaol3. On arriving there we were struck by the orderliness of the arrangements. The spacious4 new building was freshly whitewashed5, and the whole place spotlessly clean; there was light and air in abundance, and there were no bars to the windows. We might have imagined that we had been brought to a decent hotel; I have certainly never seen another prison like it in either Siberia or Russia. When we entered the corridor, however, the air of comfort was somewhat lessened6 by inscriptions7 on the cell doors—“For murder”; “For robbery”; “For theft,” etc. The governor, a pleasant-looking man, came up and ordered briefly8 and decisively that we should be placed in separate cells, and each according to his special class—convicts, exiles, and “administratives”—as that was the rule of the place. This did not suit us at all, and we explained to him the upset it would mean to our feeding arrangements; besides which, as during our two months’ journey we had clubbed all our luggage together, it would be very awkward to change all that at a moment’s notice. Moreover, we told him, we did 185not wish to be treated in any different way from that prescribed by the regulations; that we were on transport, and therefore not supposed to conform to the rules of the place, which only applied9 to prisoners on remand or under sentence there. It had nothing to do with us, we said, that we had not been taken to the deportation prison where we belonged; and—to sum the matter up—we intended to do here as everywhere else, i.e. we should divide into groups convenient to ourselves in the different rooms, and might be locked up by night, but not by day, as set forth10 in our instructions.
The governor was much put about at receiving this answer, and declared he could on no account permit such an infringement11 of his regulations; but we refused to be lodged separately, and remained firmly planted in the corridor, bag and baggage. The chief of police was now sent for: a perfect Falstaff, and—as it turned out—a very ignorant fellow. He likewise pronounced that we must conform to the regulations; to which we made our former reply, claiming our rights. As we were reasoning with him, one of the ladies happened to mention the word “goumànnost” (humanity), and—like the postmaster in Gogol’s immortal12 comedy, who did not know whether “mauvais ton” might not mean something worse than “rascal”—so this good man became uneasy as to whether the unfamiliar13 word might not contain some offence, and demanded an explanation, with which—repressing our amusement—we furnished him. In the end this functionary14 decided15 that a still higher power must be referred to—the governor of the district; meanwhile there next successively appeared the colonel of the gendarmerie and the public prosecutor16, to whom we again explained our position. They could find nothing to say against our representations, and after the discussion had lasted a long time—we camping out in the passage all the while, unable to unpack17 or prepare a meal (although we had eaten nothing since early morning and were fearfully hungry)—at 186last the good people agreed that, pending19 the arrival of the governor’s decision, we should make our own arrangements.
Next day as we sat at dinner the chief of police appeared in full parade uniform, with his helmet on.
“Gentlemen, I am to inform you of the governor’s decision,” he began ceremoniously, when our head-man interrupted him with the request that he would uncover his head.
“Gentlemen, you see I am in parade uniform, and the helmet is part of it; I cannot take it off,” he stammered20, doubtful if this were not some new form of insult.
“We do not care what sort of uniform it is,” answered Làzarev, with imperturbable21 calm, “when you come into our room you will have the kindness to remove your head-covering.”
“Now this is too much. I cannot, I really cannot take off my helmet,” he declared, growing warm.
“Do as you please; but in that case we will not listen to the decision of the governor,” said Làzarev.
The poor man looked from one to another, hesitated, and finally bared his worthy22 head and imparted to us the formal decision: the governor granted our desire.
I wonder how many officials have had to learn this elementary lesson in politeness from us.
In Krasnoyarsk our party was diminished to eleven in number. The veterinary surgeon Snigiriòv and the student Korniènko were to remain in the government of Yenisei, and we had to leave Spandoni behind in the prison, as he was ill.
We were two months on the journey from Krasnoyarsk to Irkutsk, a thousand versts. In that whole distance there is only one town, Nijni-Ud?nsk; and even this scarcely deserves the title. Here we met comrades—a married couple named Novakòvsky—also on their way to Eastern Siberia. I had known Novakòvsky in Ki?v; he 187had taken part in the 1876 demonstration23 in the Kazan Square in Petersburg, and had been banished24 to Siberia. After the coronation manifesto25 in 1883, he was moved from Balagansk, in the government of Irkutsk, to Minuisinsk, in the government of Yenisei; but now he and his wife were being sent out to the East, on the following account. For some reason or other Novakòvsky had fallen out with the ispravnik[63] of Minuisinsk. Another of the political exiles had occasion to apply to the ispravnik for something; the latter, mistaking him for Novakòvsky, received him with the grossest incivility, and when he discovered his error, apologised by explaining the mistake he had made. The thing was talked about, and came to the ears of Novakòvsky and of his wife, who had voluntarily followed him into banishment26. For some days the exiles consulted together what should be done, but before they had decided to take any steps, Novakòvsky’s wife took the matter into her own hands; she went into the office and gave the ispravnik a box on the ear, with the words—“That’s for my husband!” She was had up for trial, and sentenced by the court to deportation into Eastern Siberia, whither her husband was now accompanying her by his own desire.
Later I learned to know and esteem27 Novakòvsky’s wife. She was a clever, courageous28 woman, of lively and resolute29 disposition30. I believe that both she and her husband died in Siberia.
Our journey now proceeded much as heretofore, only in course of time the regulations were less and less strictly31 observed. We left off our fetters32 altogether, without any comment being made, and were never bothered about head-shaving.
I looked forward with impatience33 to arriving at Irkutsk prison, where I hoped to meet a friend of early days—Maria Kovalèvskaya. We had become acquainted in 1875, 188belonged to the same section of the Buntari, and—as was then customary among all the revolutionists—said “thee” and “thou” to one another. Maria Kovalèvskaya[64] was one of the most remarkable34 women in the movement; she was the daughter of a man of property named Vorontsov, and had married Kovalèvsky, a tutor in a military gymnasium. In the early sixties she joined the revolutionary movement, left her husband and little daughter, and devoted35 herself to the work of the party. She was small of stature36 and had something of the gipsy in her looks; was lively and energetic in manner, keen of wit, ready and logical in speech. She distinguished37 herself at all theoretical discussions, always penetrating38 to the kernel39 of the question in hand, and bringing life and point into the debate, without ever becoming personal or hurting anyone’s feelings. She was esteemed40 very highly; and people who were quite opposed to the Socialists41 fully18 appreciated her exceptional gifts. In any other country she would have played a distinguished part; in Russia she was condemned42 to fourteen years and ten months’ penal43 servitude, because she was found in a house where some revolutionists made armed resistance to the gendarmerie.[65] By her courageous bearing during trial and in prison, as also later in Kara, Maria Kovalèvskaya became one of the best-known characters in revolutionary circles. In the prison, where she was witness of the shameless unfairness and bad faith of officials at every turn, her irrepressible energy found vent44 in upholding and defending the prisoners. Whether the matter were really serious, or a comparative trifle, whether the offence was committed by a functionary of high position or by the meanest underling, her determination knew no compromise; she made her protest regardless of consequence to herself, would not rest till she 189had gained her end, and would rather have died than have given in. She always stood firmly for the tactics of the Buntari, i.e. to use the strongest and most radical45 measures for enforcing a protest against official oppression. If there were any discussion on this head her advice was always to annoy the staff actively46, to break windows, furniture, etc. It was only her strong sense of comradeship that could induce her to bow to the will of the majority and adopt more passive means, such as hunger-strikes or boycotting47 officials. She had fought out a whole series of such conflicts, and one of them—a dispute at Kara—had led to her being removed, with three female comrades, to Irkutsk. No sooner, however, were they there than a contest arose with the head of the police; and the four women in consequence refused food, fasting so long (ten or eleven days, I believe,) that the prison doctor became apprehensive48 of the result, and the pressure of public opinion being brought to bear on the governor of the district, he granted the requests of the women “politicals.”
At last, towards the middle of September, we arrived at Irkutsk, the capital of Siberia, and were taken to the local prison—celebrated like that of Ki?v for many escapes of political prisoners.[66]
190We men were given a room in common, and the ladies were shown to another. The moment we were shut in I flew to the window, climbed up, and called the name of Maria Kovalèvskaya, for we had soon found out that her cell was over ours. She answered at once, and we talked together far into the night. In our walks we had subsequently many opportunities of meeting during our eight days’ stay here. The long years of separation had in no way impaired49 our intimacy50. On the contrary, from the first moment of meeting, our mutual51 sympathy found expression without the need of many words, and we understood each other as old friends do. The sufferings she had undergone moved me to the deepest compassion52. The hunger-strike of which I have spoken had taken place only a short time before our advent53, and she bore terrible traces of its effect, looking as if but newly risen from the grave, though her spirit was unbroken. It was still the same enthusiastic, untameable, combative54 nature I had known so well. Even the officials could not withstand the fascination55 of her personality, but yielded respect to her strong sense of right and her inflexibility56 of purpose, as I soon observed. We had each, naturally, much to relate; and I marvelled57 that she could have retained such elasticity58 of mind, that the range of her quick intellect should have in no wise contracted, that despite all she had gone through she could laugh and jest as ever. Everything that was going on in the distant lands of freedom interested her keenly; she never wearied of questioning me about the state of public life in Western Europe and in Russia, and she soon managed to find out in what each of us could best instruct her. I, for instance, spent two or three evenings in describing to her the working-men’s organisations in Western Europe, and giving her my own impressions of life abroad. It was characteristic of her that she was able to appreciate the peculiar59 social conditions of other countries, although there was so much that was unsympathetic to her as a Russian. She was 191especially indignant about my treatment in German prisons.
In her own views she still adhered to the policy of the Buntari, and this could hardly have been otherwise. Her past life entirely60 belonged to the period when their views and those of the Naròdniki governed the whole revolutionary movement, and there could be no question of criticism. The simple programme of “stirring up the people to uprisings and rebellions against the existing régime, in accordance with varying local circumstances,” was in consonance with her fiery61 temperament62, impatient of all restraint.
Her three friends were also interesting characters, and I soon had opportunities of talking to them and hearing the story of their connection with the movement. First came the young Sophia Bogomòletz;[67] her maiden63 name had been Prìsyetskaya, and she was the daughter of a rich landed proprietor64 in the government of Poltava. She had attended a higher grade school for girls, and later the medical course in Petersburg; had married a physician, and then—like Maria Kovalèvskaya—had left her husband and child to devote herself entirely to revolutionary work. In 1880 she was arrested as a member of the South Russian Workmen’s union and sentenced to ten years’ penal servitude. She attempted to escape,[68] but was recaptured, and was then given five years more, which was again increased by a year in consequence of a dispute with an official. Besides this she was placed in the category of “on probation” prisoners, which means, as I shall explain later,[69] that the term of actual confinement65 in prison is lengthened66. She, too, was by nature an advocate of revolt, and throughout her imprisonment67 kept up a constant feud68 with the officials. She went even farther than her friend Kovalèvskaya, for while the latter only fought against injustice69 and tyranny, Sophia Bogomòletz looked on all prison officials as her natural enemies, and 192held even the smallest compromises, such as most prisoners are obliged more or less to give in to, as unprincipled and inadmissible; for example, she looked upon the medical examination of prisoners as a personal insult. She was influenced by no considerations of health, and was always prepared to risk her own life, if she judged there was any reason for doing so. The staff simply trembled before her, for they knew that their only means of extorting70 submission—the fear of punishment—was here of no avail.
The story of the third member of this little band was as follows. In the spring of 1879 the sum of 1,500,000 roubles was stolen from the offices of the Finance Department in Kherson, the depredators having broken in through the wall of the adjoining house. On the same day the police arrested a woman driving through the town in a country cart with some suspicious-looking sacks. The woman was identified as Elena Ròssikova, wife of a landed proprietor in the neighbourhood, and the sacks contained a million roubles. With her another lady was also arrested; and in consequence of the latter’s confession71 the rest of the money was found, with the exception of some 10,000 roubles. It turned out that this wild undertaking72 had been organised by Elena Ròssikova, who had planned to rob the imperial purse, with the intention of applying the money to revolutionary purposes. She and some other persons implicated73 were tried before a court-martial, and she, as the ringleader, was sentenced to penal servitude for life. She, too, waged unceasing war against the whole staff of the prison, and was daunted74 by nothing when a “protest” was in question.
The fourth of these women “politicals” was Maria Kutitònskaya. She had been a pupil in a girls’ school in Odessa, and while still very young had joined the revolutionists. In 1879 she was arrested as a comrade of Lisogùb[70] and Tchubàrov, was condemned to four years’ 193penal servitude, and sent to Kara. At the expiration75 of her sentence she was interned76 in the town of Aksha in Transbaikalia; but she was soon back in prison. The authorities had ill-treated the male prisoners in Kara (as to which I shall speak later); and Kutitònskaya resolved to take vengeance77 on the chief offender78 in the matter, the governor of the province, Ilyashèvitch by name. She fired a pistol at him, but missed. The court-martial condemned her to death, but this was altered to lifelong penal servitude.
Beautiful and distinguished-looking, with fair hair, and gentle, winning manners, Maria Kutitònskaya won hearts by the score. While she was under trial for the attempted assassination79 of the Siberian potentate80 she was subjected to the most cruel and inhuman81 treatment; thrown into a damp, gloomy dungeon82, and allowed only bread and water. Help came to her from the ordinary convicts, who had seen her in the prison, and worshipped her; they brought her food at great risk to themselves, and did her various other services. These criminals had changed her name a little to suit themselves, and always called her “Cupidonskaya”; having thus unconsciously hit on a charming pet-name for the beautiful woman. But for their assistance she might not have survived her treatment at that time; as it was, her long imprisonment undermined her health, and she became a victim of lung trouble, to which she succumbed83 in 1887.
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1
deportation
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| n.驱逐，放逐 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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whitewashed
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| 粉饰，美化，掩饰( whitewash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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unfamiliar
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| adj.陌生的，不熟悉的 | |
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functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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prosecutor
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| n.起诉人；检察官，公诉人 | |
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unpack
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| vt.打开包裹（或行李），卸货 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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stammered
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| v.结巴地说出( stammer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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imperturbable
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| adj.镇静的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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kernel
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| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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46
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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47
boycotting
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| 抵制，拒绝参加( boycott的现在分词 ) | |
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48
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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49
impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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53
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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54
combative
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| adj.好战的；好斗的 | |
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55
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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inflexibility
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| n.不屈性，顽固，不变性；不可弯曲；非挠性；刚性 | |
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marvelled
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| v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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elasticity
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| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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69
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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70
extorting
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| v.敲诈( extort的现在分词 )；曲解 | |
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71
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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72
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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73
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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74
daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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76
interned
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| v.拘留，关押( intern的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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78
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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79
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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80
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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81
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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82
dungeon
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| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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83
succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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