The detailed3 narrative4 of all that these women had gone through impressed us greatly; for their sufferings had been severe, and often caused by the most paltry5 tyranny. The wonder was that they had ever been able to hold out. Our indignation against the chief of police, under whose auspices6 this sort of thing had gone on, was naturally roused to such a pitch that we longed for an opportunity to testify our abhorrence7 of his conduct. This opportunity was soon forthcoming. A higher official from Petersburg, who was inspecting Siberian prisons, came one day with his suite8 into our cells, and the chief of police was in attendance. The moment he entered, Làzarev, our head-man, went up to him, (in accordance with a predetermined agreement of our party,) and said in loud and distinct tones—
“We are astonished at your impudence10 in daring to appear before our eyes, after having by your treatment forced our women comrades into a terrible hunger-strike.”
The whole company of our visitors hastily took their departure, to the tune11 of our comments and ejaculations, which contained nothing flattering to the evildoer! No 195untoward results followed our action, and the ladies heartily12 rejoiced at this humiliation13 of their torturer.
From these four we heard much about the conditions of life in Kara, our appointed destination; as also from another comrade now in Irkutsk, who could give us his personal experience of the prison there. This was Ferdinand Lustig—formerly an artillery15 officer, and afterwards a student at the Petersburg Technological16 Institute—who had been sentenced in 1882, in the case of Suhanov and Miha?lov, to four years’ penal17 servitude. He had now ended his term in Kara, and was going to be interned18 elsewhere, under police supervision19. What he told us was not comforting: the régime was severe, and the governor of the political prison—a captain of gendarmerie, named Nikolin—of the worst repute.
Four of us only were to travel eastward20 together: Maria Kalyùshnaya, Tchuikòv, Làzarev, and myself. The other seven were to be sent to various places in the government of Irkutsk; and the nineteen-year-old Rubinok, whose sad case I have already described, was to go northward21 to the deserts of Yakutsk.
At the end of September we started, in company with a party of ordinary prisoners. We had now before us a journey of some twelve hundred versts (eight hundred miles), which would take at least two months. Winter in Siberia begins much earlier than in other places of the same latitude22, even in European Russia, and therefore we had to expect many hardships. In two days the last steamboat was to start for Listvinitchnaya, across Lake Baikal, and if we missed that we should have to winter in Irkutsk.
The tempestuous23 Baikal treated us kindly24 on the whole, though usually the autumnal storms are a real danger to voyagers on its waters. It is often asserted that the scenery of its shores rivals that of the Swiss mountain lakes; and without myself instituting any comparison, 196I can vouch25 for it that the impression those magnificent hills made on me was unforgettable.
We had to pass a night at the landing-station on the opposite shore—Mysovaya; and we had been already shut into our prison, when the grating of the lock again sounded, and the warder brought in a young lady, who came straight towards me.
“Sonia!” I cried, in joyful26 surprise, as I recognised in her Sophia Ivànova, a dear friend whom I had not seen for six years. Like Sophia Perovskaya, Vera Figner, and other prominent women of the terrorist organisation27, she had joined the new party of the Naròdnaia Vòlya in the autumn of 1879, when the society of Zemlyà i Vòlya (Land and Liberty) was dissolved. It was just during that transition period that I became acquainted with her and with other Terrorists; and shortly after, in January, 1880, she was arrested in Petersburg, where she had been assisting at the secret printing-press whence issued the organ of the party, named like it, Naròdnaia Vòlya (The People’s Will). At the time of the arrest an armed resistance was made, in which Sophia Ivànova took an active part, for which she was condemned28 to four years’ “katorga.”[71] This sentence having been fulfilled, she was now being sent for internment29 into the government of Irkutsk.
We were both heartily rejoiced at seeing one another again, but our meeting could be only a brief one; the steamboat was to start almost directly on its return journey, and Sonia could not miss it. We hurriedly exchanged news of ourselves and of our common friends; then came our parting, and I have never seen her since. To the best of my knowledge she is still living in Siberia.
Soon after this we arrived at Verkhny-Udinsk, where—as in most Siberian towns—the prison was filled to overflowing30, and no room could be found for us “politicals.” 197The sergeant31 (in Transbaikalia the convoys32 of prisoners are always commanded by a sergeant, instead of by a commissioned officer, as on the previous part of the journey) took us on to the police-station. As, however, it was late the place was all deserted34, and no official could be found, which disturbed the sergeant no whit35; he simply left us there by ourselves in the office, with unbolted windows and doors, and went his way. We also were free to go or stay as we pleased, and were rather surprised at his calm way of solving the difficulty. But the man knew what he was about. It was true enough that we could walk off without anyone being the wiser; but what then? It was, indeed, always easy to escape from prison here; but it was well-nigh impossible to get any further. Elizabeth Kovàlskaya had twice escaped from prison in Irkutsk (once disguised as a warder), but on both occasions she was caught before she had left the town; and if she had found concealment36 impossible in a relatively37 big place like Irkutsk, with all the allies and money she had at command, the case must certainly have been hopeless for us, strangers, in a little hole like Verkhny-Udinsk. Still, it was a curious feeling at the time, as I well remember, to know oneself free and under no kind of observation, and yet to be so helpless. We finished by waxing restive38 and miserable39 over the trap we were in.
In this place we met another comrade on his way from Kara, going off to be interned elsewhere. This was Steblin-Kamensky,[72] whom his wife voluntarily accompanied. They had been too late for the steamer, and were now obliged to wait in Verkhny-Udinsk till the way again became open—three or four months probably. During that time he was at liberty to go about in the place as he pleased, and naturally we spent together the two days of 198our sojourn40 here, Kamensky telling us all he could of life in Kara. He was a brilliant talker, and described with an inexhaustible flow of humour the doings of our comrades in every particular. True, our laughter over his stories was mingled41 with much sorrow and indignation, for what he related was often sad enough. He told us of the bitter hardships inflicted42 on our comrades by an inhuman43 gaoler, and he described Captain Nikolin, in command over the penal settlement for “politicals” at Kara, as a malicious45, ill-natured man, continually devising petty humiliations for the prisoners.
These various comrades, from whose personal knowledges we had information about Kara, all made the same impression upon us. They bore the stamp of their long imprisonment46; their voices were muffled47 in tone; anxiety, deep and constant, was painted on their faces; the hair of nearly all, despite their youth—hardly any had reached thirty—was prematurely48 grey. But discouraged and broken-spirited they were not; or at least with one or two exceptions only. Very few of them could regard the future with any hopeful feelings for themselves personally. Long years of exile lay before them, doomed49 as they were to vegetate50 in some forsaken51 corner of Siberia, victims to all sorts of hardships, far from friends and civilisation52. To many it seemed questionable53 whether their future lot might not be more dreary54 than prison life itself. Yet even the semblance55 of freedom attracted them—a doubtful freedom certainly, for the exiles, or “colonists” as they are called, are subject to a thousand and one restrictions56 at every turn.
I met one only who looked forward with a steadfast57 confidence in the bright side of things, and this notwithstanding the fact that he was bound for the worst part of Siberia—the government of Yakutsk. Ivan Kashintsev[73] 199was then only twenty-five, and full of youth and high spirits; he declared to me, on the occasion of our meeting at one of the halting-stations (we already knew each other), that he meant to escape at all hazards. This, in fact, he accomplished59 later, and he is now living abroad.
Before those who were released from prison, to live in exile under police supervision, reached their appointed destinations, they had at that time many difficulties and delays to encounter. We ourselves went at a snail’s pace on our way to Kara, but prisoners coming thence progressed far more slowly. They had to wait at nearly every halting-station until some convoy33 on the homeward journey could pick them up and take them on for a certain part of the way, and sometimes they were kept in this manner nearly a week at a station. On an average they barely made five versts a day, and when the distance they had to travel was some hundreds or even thousands of versts, the journey might take months to perform.
At each meeting with comrades on the return journey from Kara, I could not help thinking of my own future, and saying to myself, “What will you feel like when after long years you tread this path again? Or, indeed, will you ever tread it?”
One day I found I had sustained an odd loss: someone had made off with a bag in which I kept some of my belongings60, the chief item among them being my fetters! I had to make the somewhat curious confession61 to the commanding officer that, instead of wearing my chains, I had allowed them to be stolen; and I was rather surprised that, while commiserating62 me on account of my personal losses, he did not seem at all agitated63 about the loss of the Government’s property.
“What am I to do without my fetters?” I asked him, when I saw that the absence of this important detail in the attire64 of a convict left him unmoved.
200“Well, of course we must get some for you somehow,” opined the officer. “Just wait a moment; there ought to be things of the kind lying about somewhere.” And he gave the sergeant orders to look in the lumber-room, where a new pair of fetters was discovered.
“Take care you don’t lose these!” said the officer, as I packed them among my luggage.
This is a specimen65 of the indulgent, almost fatherly demeanour which our guardians66 more and more assumed towards us as we got further east.
We were by this time in the thick of the Siberian winter and its severities. We had passed the Yablonovoi mountain ridges67, and were nearing Tchita, the capital of Transbaikalia. At the last station before our arrival there we observed a great bustle68 going on among the ordinary prisoners; the sergeant and the soldiers were occupied with them all night, continually going in and out in a quite unusual manner. We racked our brains to imagine what could be on foot; but the riddle69 was only solved next day, as will be seen further.
Although the distance from Tchita was considerable for one day’s march,—about forty versts (twenty-six miles), I think,—we started very late on the following morning; but after about twenty versts’ march we came to a lonely farmhouse70, standing58 all by itself on the high-road. We had heard from our comrades who had been in Kara that an old man lived here who gave himself out as a Decabrist.[74]
Our party halted in the courtyard, we “politicals” were shown into a room, and the master of the house presently paid us a visit. He introduced himself by the name of Karovàiev; and was a vivacious71 old gentleman, of eminently72 respectable appearance. According to his account of himself he had been an ensign in the Guards, had taken part in the revolt of the Decabrists, and had been exiled to Siberia; he claimed to be eighty years of age, but did not 201look more than sixty-five. He made himself very agreeable, and was most anxious to show us hospitality, declining to take any money from us. Meanwhile in the next room and the corridor things were very lively; there seemed to be a sort of combined market and feast going on, soldiers and convicts eating, drinking, and hobnobbing together like boon73 companions.
It was already dark when we arrived at the gates of the prison in Tchita, where we had at once to engage in a struggle with the governor: first, because he received the ordinary prisoners first, leaving us to wait; and next, because he gave us a room which was absolutely unfit for us to spend the night in. Only after we had made a great fuss, and threatened him with complaints, did he give us proper accommodation.
Next day, when the party was mustered74 for departure, it became apparent that the ordinary prisoners had hardly any clothes! Their things had vanished, and they were literally75 half naked. A light was now cast on the events of the preceding night, when there had been such a carousal76 at the house of the Decabrist. That respectable and hospitable77 old gentleman was evidently in league with the escort, and had provided the convicts with vodka and other delicacies78, in exchange for their clothing, which no doubt he had obtained at a bargain. That the transaction might not be discovered before our arrival in Tchita, the soldiers saw to it that it should be as late as possible before we got in, so that the inspection79 should be gone through hurriedly, and the absence of the clothes not perceived.
In short, the respectable Karovàiev had not established himself in that lonely spot for nothing. The jollification of the unlucky criminals had evil consequences for themselves. In proportion as their clothing and other State property were deficient80 they were treated to the soundest of thrashings; and only when that had been administered did they receive a fresh outfit81.
202In Tchita we had to part from our good stàrosta Làzarev, who was to be interned here. We three others determined9 to secure for ourselves a thorough rest in this place; for we had been six weeks on the march from Irkutsk, and were thoroughly82 tired out. We felt in no hurry to go on; a prison awaited us, while on the journey we had at least a certain amount of freedom and variety. Moreover, we knew that there were a number of our comrades interned at Tchita, and we should be able to see something of them; while apparently84 all intercourse85 with the outer world would cease for us after this stage, where we must make our last adieux before the prison doors closed on us. We therefore reported ourselves sick, and easily got the prison doctor’s consent to our breaking the journey here; which meant that we should be picked up by the next convoy in about a fortnight’s time. Our comrades paid us frequent visits; that is, they came to the prison gate when we were in the courtyard. The most interesting news they gave us concerned the travels of the American writer, George Kennan, who had just arrived in Tchita on his return journey from Kara; and our friends were full of praise for that excellent man.
During the last days of November we started again, this time in company with a so-called “family party” of ordinary prisoners—women and children as well as men going forward to prison and exile. There had not been much snow that winter, and instead of sledges86 two-wheeled carts were our means of transport, travelling in which was a positive martyrdom. The cold became more intense every day, and tried us severely87, although we wore every warm garment we possessed88, so that we moved with the greatest difficulty. The only way to keep warm was to march beside the carts, and one can imagine the sufferings of the unfortunate children who were accompanying their parents into this inhospitable desert. One longed for the next halting-station and for possibilities of warming oneself, which even there were not always all that could be 203desired. The halting-stations had sometimes not been heated for a good while, and the ordinary prisoners had first to chop wood with their numb83 and frozen hands; even then there was not always sufficient fuel. The stoves, too, were often out of order, and smoked so badly that to stay in the room was a misery89. It happened repeatedly that we three “politicals” were accommodated in a peasant’s hut, and sometimes the whole party had to be quartered in like manner. We were always glad when this happened, for the wretchedest cabin seemed comfortable in comparison with even the best étape. How often we wished we could be by ourselves in a hut of this kind during the rest of our imprisonment!
I have said that relations between prisoners and escort were now very easy-going; strict discipline was no longer the watchword on either side. This had its disadvantages, the soldiers being often very rough with the ordinary prisoners. One day, as we were marching to Nertchinsk, I saw a soldier behaving very brutally90 to a poor feeble old convict, knocking him about with his rifle-butt for climbing on to one of the carts, and apparently only because the soldier had meant to ride on it himself. I intervened, and called to the sergeant in command that I should report him for not keeping his men in order. Next day, as we went through the town on our way to the prison, I stepped into a sausage shop to buy some provisions, when the soldier whose party I had left called after me, “Where are you going? What do you want?” I let him shout, and concluded my purchases. I then saw that the sergeant had driven on and disappeared, but I only thought that he had taken some short cut to the prison and would meet us there, and I was much surprised when the governor of the gaol44 received me with the information that the sergeant had reported me for insulting the guard and leaving the ranks without permission. I suppose he wished to forestall91 the complaint 204I had threatened him with, about which I had quite forgotten, and I now turned the tables on him by making it in due form. The upshot was that the sergeant apologised to me in the presence of witnesses, and we were respectively pleased to withdraw our complaints!
At Nertchinsk, Tchuikòv and I were taken to the men’s prison, and Maria Kalyùshnaya was given a separate cell. I shall never in my life forget the picture that prison presented. From the dimly-lighted corridor one could see into the various rooms, where the prisoners were already lying down, as it was late. Packed closely side by side they lay not only on the wooden bed-places (which were two wide shelves running along the walls one above the other), but all about the floor; there was literally not an inch of vacant space. Most of the men were clad in shirt and trousers, but many had only trousers on, and lay uncovered on the filthy92 floor. The throng93 was so dense94, that in order to get to the “privileged” room we had actually to step on the bodies of the sleepers95. The stench was pestilential, the wooden tubs filled with excrement96 were everywhere about, and as they were leaky their contents had been trodden over the whole floor. Although most of the men were asleep, here and there groups of excited card-players squatted97 on the floor or the bed-places, and throughout the whole place there was a deafening98 babel of sounds. The general effect was most gruesome, a circle of the Dantean Inferno99 was the only possible comparison.
The “privileged” room was also full of people, and we found there some comrades from Kara—Tchekondze and Zuckermann. They were lying close together on the crowded floor, and we with difficulty found a vacant spot, so that we could lie down near our friends. Zuckermann was known to me: he was a compositor, who in the middle of the sixties had trudged100 on foot from Berlin into Switzerland, where I subsequently had made his acquaintance. He had gone to Russia later, and had worked at 205the secret printing-press of the Naròdnaia Vòlya, where he was arrested at the same time as Sophia Ivànova. I had been told by comrades how heroically he had behaved during the trial. In order to shield the others he had taken all blame on his own shoulders, declared that it was he who had fired the first shot in resistance to the gendarmerie, and so on. He had been condemned to eight years’ “katorga” and sent to Kara, where he had become the darling of the whole prison. Always sunny-tempered, full of wit and fun, he spread good humour everywhere; moreover, he was unselfishness personified, ever ready to help others at his own expense, one of those people who are called “too good for this world.” Even as we lay on the floor in that horrible place he told stories and jested, drawing the most glowing imaginary pictures of his future life in Yakutsk, whither he was being sent for internment. The reality, unhappily, turned out widely different from his sanguine101 prophecies. Poor merry Zuckermann could not hold out against the hardships and loneliness of his place of exile, and he put an end to his own life.
Tchekondze I had not met before, but we had many common friends. He came from Gruzia, and had graduated in the Petersburg college for artillery officers. With other Caucasians he had then participated in the Propagandist movement, had been arrested in 1875, and sentenced in the “Trial of the fifty” to banishment102; but he had escaped from Siberia, and had been recaptured and condemned to three years’ penal servitude. He was now going into exile in Yakutsk. He impressed one as a strong-willed, careful, practical man, who would never be at a loss, but would find a sphere of usefulness under any circumstances; and so indeed he proved in his after life. The privations he suffered during long years of exile undermined his health, however. When sent to Western Siberia in the early nineties he fell seriously ill and died in Kurgan, on the threshold of Europe, in 1897.
206At last, on the morning of December 24th, 1885, we arrived at Ust-Kara, a little village wherein is situated103 the prison for ordinary convicts and the prison for women “politicals.” Here we had to part from Maria Kalyùshnaya, and I saw her that morning for the last time. Tchuikòv and I had fifteen versts more to travel to Nizhnaya Kara, where was the prison for male “politicals”; and we had to wait till next day for the commandant, who received in charge both ourselves and the ordinary criminals. Our luggage was put into a cart; and accompanied by a guard, we marched off, having previously104 donned our fetters in due form.
It was a frightfully cold day, and despite the chains and our heavy clothing, we stepped out briskly as though we were in a hurry to get under lock and key. We knew that this was our last tramp in the open, that for many long years there would be only a trot105 round the prison-yard for us, and our thoughts dwelt dismally106 on the prospect107.
“There is your prison,” said one of the soldiers, and pointed14 out, a little way ahead, a stockade108 made of tall posts set side by side.
Suddenly there appeared coming towards us a group of people—two women, a Cossack, and a man in civilian109 dress. “Victor!” I cried, recognising the latter as we approached nearer. It was my old friend Victor Kostyùrin, whom I had not seen for nine years.[75] He was now being removed from prison to his place of internment.
After hasty greetings he introduced me to the two ladies who accompanied him—Natalia Armfeld and Raissa Prybylyèva, both “colonists” in Kara. Kennan has given Natalia Armfeld’s story in his book,[76] and I will only mention here that in 1879 she (with Maria Kovalèvskaya) was implicated110 in armed resistance to the gendarmerie, 207and sentenced to fourteen years and ten months’ penal servitude. Raissa Prybylyèva had been a member of the Naròdnaia Vòlya, and had been sentenced in 1883 to four years’ “katorga.”
Victor and I had, of course, much to say to each other, but our time was short, for our guards naturally did not see the fun of remaining longer than necessary in the freezing cold of the open field, and a few brief sentences were all we could exchange.
“A Frenchman would have had a lot to say about this,” I said: “we two friends meeting on the threshold of a prison, one going in, the other coming out.”
Another pressure of the hand, and we parted.[77]
“Shall we ever meet again?” I asked.
“Ah yes!” cried one of the ladies. “We shall all meet in Petersburg at the triumph of the Russian revolution.”
For her, at least, that hope was vain. Natalia Armfeld died at Kara in 1887, and Raissa Prybylyèva (who married afterwards the exile Tiutchev) is also no longer among the living. Kostyùrin still lives in Tobolsk; but since that day our paths have never again crossed.
Tchuikòv and I were now taken to the guard-room, which was close to the prison. Our arrival was notified; and soon there appeared, accompanied by some of the gendarmes111, the governor of the prison, an officer of Cossacks named Bolshakov, a man who had been described to us by our comrades as respectable and humane112.
We and our luggage were carefully searched. Of our clothes only our warm under-garments were left in our possession; everything else was to be taken to the wardrobe-room, except certain articles which were reserved that 208Commandant Nikolin might decide whether we should be permitted to retain possession of them.
“You need not put the fetters on again,” said the captain of the guard, Golubtsòv. “They are not necessary here.”
It was evening before we were ready to be taken on by the gendarmes to the prison—the goal of my long wanderings. Since my arrest in Freiburg twenty-two months had elapsed; I had travelled about 12,000 versts (nearly 8,000 miles), and I had visited more than a hundred different prisons.
“Guard, there!” cried our escort. A bolt flew back with a crash, and we stepped across the threshold.
MARTINOVSKY
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fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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tune
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| n.调子；和谐，协调；v.调音，调节，调整 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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technological
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| adj.技术的；工艺的 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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interned
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| v.拘留，关押( intern的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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vouch
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| v.担保；断定；n.被担保者 | |
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joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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condemned
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internment
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| n.拘留 | |
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overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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whit
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| n.一点，丝毫 | |
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concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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38
restive
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| adj.不安宁的，不安静的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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41
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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42
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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44
gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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45
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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46
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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47
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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48
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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49
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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50
vegetate
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| v.无所事事地过活 | |
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51
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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54
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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commiserating
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| v.怜悯，同情( commiserate的现在分词 ) | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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bustle
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| v.喧扰地忙乱，匆忙，奔忙；n.忙碌；喧闹 | |
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riddle
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| n.谜，谜语，粗筛；vt.解谜，给…出谜，筛，检查，鉴定，非难，充满于；vi.出谜 | |
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farmhouse
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| n.农场住宅（尤指主要住房） | |
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vivacious
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| adj.活泼的，快活的 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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carousal
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| n.喧闹的酒会 | |
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hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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80
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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81
outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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83
numb
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| adj.麻木的，失去感觉的；v.使麻木 | |
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84
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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85
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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86
sledges
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| n.雪橇，雪车( sledge的名词复数 )v.乘雪橇( sledge的第三人称单数 )；用雪橇运载 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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88
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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89
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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brutally
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| adv.残忍地，野蛮地，冷酷无情地 | |
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91
forestall
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| vt.抢在…之前采取行动；预先阻止 | |
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92
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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93
throng
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| n.人群，群众；v.拥挤，群集 | |
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dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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95
sleepers
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| n.卧铺（通常以复数形式出现）；卧车( sleeper的名词复数 )；轨枕；睡觉（呈某种状态）的人；小耳环 | |
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96
excrement
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| n.排泄物，粪便 | |
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97
squatted
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| v.像动物一样蹲下( squat的过去式和过去分词 )；非法擅自占用（土地或房屋）；为获得其所有权；而占用某片公共用地。 | |
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98
deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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99
inferno
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| n.火海；地狱般的场所 | |
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100
trudged
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| vt.& vi.跋涉，吃力地走（trudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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101
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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102
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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103
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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104
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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105
trot
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| n.疾走，慢跑；n.老太婆；现成译本；(复数）trots:腹泻（与the 连用）；v.小跑，快步走，赶紧 | |
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106
dismally
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| adv.阴暗地，沉闷地 | |
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107
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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108
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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109
civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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110
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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111
gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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112
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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