Among my recollections of the year 1889, one pleasant memory remains1 to me—how we commemorated2 the hundredth anniversary of the storming of the Bastille. While the French nation, amid fervent3 rejoicings, celebrated4 the centenary of their great Revolution, a handful of convicts, imprisoned5 by the Russian despot in a barren wilderness6 of the Far East, took their share in the festival. Ours was truly but a modest ceremonial—no banquet, no toasts, no speeches. Tea and a cake provided at the common expense were all that we could afford; and our banqueting hall was the prison-yard, whither all the tables from our cells were carried for a public feast. There we sat, and thought of the great triumph of the Revolution, and of its heroes—the spiritual heroes of the civilised world.
“Will the day ever come when the people will demolish7 our Bastilles—the Fortress8 of Peter and Paul, Schlüsselburg, the Citadel9 of Warsaw, and all the other gaols10 in which Tsarism imprisons11 its foes12?” we asked ourselves; “and will any of us be still alive then?”
“The battle for freedom will have been fought and won by the beginning of the twentieth century,” our optimists13 averred14.
“Who knows if it will ever take place?” said the sceptics.
284The subject was argued over and discussed up and down. Many who then were full of hope now rest in their graves; others languish15 to this day in Siberian deserts.
I return to the sorrowful events that were then happening in Kara. After Sigida’s assault upon the commandant the women began their hunger-strike, their third and most terrible. They adhered resolutely16 to their decision; Masyukov must go, if it cost them their lives. For sixteen days they abstained17 from food. Sigida, it was asserted, remained fasting for twenty-two days, and when the prison doctor reported that he could not answer for her life, the Governor sent an order that she was to be fed artificially. Whether the doctor carried out that instruction I do not know. A rumour18 came to us during those dreadful days that he had had a scene with Maria Kovalèvskaya: he went—it was said—into her cell one day, when she was lying on her bed, exhausted19 by hunger; and she, supposing he had come to administer nourishment20 to her forcibly, struck him in the face. The doctor, a rather humane21 kind of man, seems to have looked on this simply as the act of an invalid22 not properly responsible for her actions; he told her she was doing him an injustice,—that he was not going to touch her,—whereupon she begged his pardon. He said to his friends afterwards that he had never seen a woman with such strength of character, so spirited and eloquent23 as she.
When it became evident that these women, who were already at death’s door, would never give in, the higher authorities consented to the following compromise: Masyukov could not be removed, lest it should be said that the prisoners had forced such a step on them, but the Governor should arrange that Sigida, Kalyùshnaya, Kovalèvskaya, and Smirnitskaya should no longer be under the commandant, but should be removed to the female criminals’ prison, and treated in future as ordinary convicts. Our comrades agreed to this, and ceased their 285hunger-strike. But the martyrdom of the unhappy women was not yet accomplished24, worse sufferings still were in store for them.
In the second half of October Masyukov, who had kept in the background since Sigida’s encounter with him, entered our prison one day surrounded (as had never before been the case) by a guard of armed soldiers. The man looked thoroughly25 shaken and upset; he sheltered himself behind the soldiers, and told us to come and listen to an order from the Governor-General. When we had all assembled in the corridor he read aloud with trembling voice a document saying that in consequence of the disturbances26 among the political prisoners in Kara the Governor-General warned us that on any repetition of such occurrences the most stringent27 measures would be taken against us, and that recourse would even be had to corporal punishment.
Now the “politicals” had had much to bear, but had never been legally liable to personal chastisement28; the mere29 threat was held by many as an insult only to be wiped out with blood, and this view was voiced by Sergius Bobohov. I have not hitherto mentioned this excellent man; for the part that he played, and that gives him a place in the annals of the Russian revolutionary movement, only began with this challenge from the Siberian satrap.
Sergius Bobohov was born in the Volga district. He had studied in the Petersburg veterinary college, and had been expelled towards the end of the sixties for taking part in a riot of the students directed against Professor Zion, an affair that made a good deal of stir at the time. He was subsequently banished30 by “administrative methods” to the government of Archangel, and in 1878 attempted unsuccessfully to escape. When he was recaptured he fired a revolver-shot in the air, hoping that this would cause him to be brought to trial, and that so he might have an opportunity of denouncing the arbitrariness 286of the so-called “administrative methods.” For this shot he was sentenced to twenty years’ “katorga,” and brought to Kara in 1879.
During the nearly thirty years of my intercourse31 with Russian revolutionists I have met many remarkable32 men, but none that lived on a higher moral plane than Bobohov. Genuine sincerity33, seriousness of purpose, and boundless34 devotion to his ideal were his leading characteristics. He was the most modest of men, but when the honour of a revolutionist was at stake, or if it were a question of duty, he would undergo a transformation35 and become a fiery36 and inspired prophet. There was never the slightest contradiction between his words and his deeds, he was the most logical and consistent of men, and it was no wonder if he won universal respect and esteem37 in Kara, even though everyone did not share his opinions.
Bobohov was but a youth when I entered the prison, and the ideas that he had imbibed38 were the then prevalent, rather anarchistical views of the Buntari, to which he remained faithful all his life. Imprisonment39 and exile are apt to exercise a conservative influence on the mind; the opinions with which one enters prison tend to become stereotyped40. Bobohov was well read, and interested himself keenly in all questions of social politics; but it happened with him as with many other intelligent men among us—he gathered from every book he read only what tended to strengthen anew the opinions he already held. He took great interest in the Social-Democratic theory, for instance, but his way of thinking prevented him from properly grasping its argument, and he was continually combating those who were attracted by it. He and I were never room-mates, but when walking in the yard I used to have endless discussions with him on this subject, and he always showed himself an exemplary debater, attentive41, restrained, never ill-tempered or personal.
Bobohov took the threat of flogging more keenly to 287heart than any of the others. His idea, which he at once did his best to promulgate42, was that we should immediately send a telegram to the Minister of the Interior, declaring that if the threat of the Governor-General were not withdrawn43 we would all commit suicide; and he further demanded of us that if the minister had not yielded within a certain time, we should each in our turn, to be decided44 by lot, take measures to put an end to our lives.
I had an opportunity one day of speaking to him about this proposal, and I tried to convince him of its impracticability, especially arguing against his impossible notion of casting lots, which would make suicide cease to be a voluntary act, as those who had at first agreed might feel in honour bound to cast away their lives, even if when the time came they had changed their minds. Moreover, I reasoned, if we were to announce such an intention to the authorities, they would at once take steps to prevent its being carried out.
Bobohov passionately45 disputed my arguments. “I cling to life as much as any other man,” he said. “If I am ready to face death as a means of protest, it would only be if I could reckon on others to follow my example. Without casting lots—that is, without making it a duty—there would be no sense in the undertaking46; the others might draw back after I had taken my life, and my sacrifice would have been in vain, for the effect on the Government would be lacking.”
The impression I gathered from the whole of this conversation with Bobohov was that life was really dear to him, and that he would not commit suicide, so that my worst fears were quieted. But his fate and that of some others of our comrades was already sealed.
Rumours47 reached us directly after this that, by order of the Governor-General, Nadyèshda Sigida was to be subjected to corporal punishment for assaulting the commandant. We took this rumour as quite improbable. In 288all the history of our movement there had been no single instance of a woman being punished in such a manner; and among the men even, Bogolyùbov alone (sentenced to fifteen years’ “katorga” on account of the demonstration48 in the Kazan Square of December, 1876) had suffered this indignity49. And since, to avenge50 him, Vera Zassoùlitch had fired at and wounded Trèpov, and had been acquitted51 by a jury, in all the twelve years that had elapsed no attempt had ever again been made to inflict52 corporal chastisement on a political prisoner. Certainly it had been repeatedly threatened in cases of attempted escape; but the threat had never been carried out, only lengthened53 terms of imprisonment imposed. It seemed therefore impossible to believe that such treatment of a woman should be meditated54. On the other hand, in view of the Yakutsk tragedy, the victims in which had been mere boys and girls, we could not but fear that the Government of the “peace-loving Tsar” would shrink from no barbarity.
Terrible days followed for us, but our uncertainty55 was not of long duration. In the beginning of November we learned that the Governor-General’s order had actually been executed.
I find it hardly possible to describe our state of mind. It was not depression that we felt, but deep agitation56 and gloomy resolution. Externally we strove to preserve calm, lest the gendarmes57 should become suspicious.
We soon heard that Sigida had died immediately after the infliction58 of the punishment. Some reports said that she had succumbed59 to a nervous seizure60; others that she had poisoned herself. And at the same time we were informed that Kovalèvskaya, Kalyùshnaya, and Smirnitskaya had taken poison, and had died in the prison infirmary.
On hearing these tidings many of our number silently resolved, without any discussion or consultation61, to follow the example of the women. They got poison from outside, and determined62 to take it after roll-call one evening. No 289one asked now who was going to join in the act, but each man who had made up his mind to it possessed63 himself of a portion of the opium64 that lay on the table in every room.
Bobohov, during these days, had appeared calm, serious, and taciturn as ever, behaving as though nothing unusual lay before him. Kalyùshny, too, seemed long ago to have taken an unalterable decision. This decision had brought them together, and the two were now close friends.
Seventeen men—seventeen out of the nine-and-thirty that made up our number—had resolved to put an end to their lives. On the appointed day, after the evening rounds, singing was heard in the “Yakutsk room,” where were Bobohov and Kalyùshny and the greater number of the others who had also determined to die, though there were some in every room—two in ours. This singing was the signal to them all. Those who were to die then took leave of their comrades and swallowed the poison.
Shortly after, they began to feel ill, with headache and great weariness, and they lay down on their beds to sleep, not expecting to wake again.
I had taken no poison, but when this general suicide began it seemed as though it would be easier to kill oneself than to witness the deed. How strong and deep was the impression made on me may be gathered from the fact that late in the night I began to suffer from severe headache and general uneasiness, and the doctor said afterwards that I had exhibited all the symptoms of poisoning.
However, our comrades had not effected their purpose. The opium was bad—either old or adulterated—and was not deadly; the unhappy men awoke next morning in great pain and distress65. But the frustration66 of their design did not in most cases weaken their resolution. Three only abandoned the attempt; the others determined to take a more potent67 drug—morphia.
Next evening the farewell scenes were repeated. The 290nerves of the survivors68 were still further tortured; our position was indeed cruel. The morphia also proved bad; most of those who had swallowed it were very ill, but eventually recovered. Bobohov and Kalyùshny, however, having each taken a treble dose, speedily became unconscious. In the night Bobohov awakened69 yet once again. He heard Kalyùshny’s throat rattle70, and tried to rouse him, embracing him, covering his face with kisses. When he saw that his friend would never wake more, he seized a whole handful of opium, swallowed it, and lying down beside Kalyùshny, closed his eyes for ever.
When the inspector71 and the gendarmes made their rounds the next morning, they found the two insensible. The doctor was fetched, and pronounced that the death-agony had already begun; Kalyùshny expired that evening, Bobohov not until the following morning. The corpses72 were removed to the mortuary, and were subsequently buried side by side with those of the four dead women.
GRAVEYARD OF POLITICAL PRISONERS AT KARA
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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commemorated
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| v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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celebrated
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imprisoned
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wilderness
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demolish
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| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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gaols
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| 监狱，拘留所( gaol的名词复数 ) | |
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imprisons
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的第三人称单数 ) | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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optimists
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| n.乐观主义者( optimist的名词复数 ) | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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languish
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| vi.变得衰弱无力，失去活力，（植物等）凋萎 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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imbibed
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| v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 )；喝；吸取；吸气 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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promulgate
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| v.宣布；传播；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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avenge
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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lengthened
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| （时间或空间）延长，伸长( lengthen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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opium
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| n.鸦片；adj.鸦片的 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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frustration
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| n.挫折，失败，失效，落空 | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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