1. Of the main weapon-bearing ships built for fighting fleet actions.
2. Of smaller armed ships of many kinds necessary for the right use of the main fighting ships and for the subsidiary operations leading up to, or following from, fleet actions.
3. Of means other than ships—aircraft, mines, and the like—for entrapping6 and injuring the main fleets and cruisers of the enemy, for defending and attacking bases, and for making certain sea areas dangerous or impassable to the enemy’s forces.
4. Of the personnel to man, fight, and command the62 ships and to direct the operations of the separate squadrons and fleets at sea; and
5. Of that higher central command on shore that, by designing and selecting the material, by training the officers and men, creates sea force; that discovers the right method of using weapons; that elucidates7 the tactics that follow from such use; that develops the strategy which the strength and situation of rival forces makes best; that as a preparation for war, keeps the whole force ready in all particulars; that in war, directs it to the greatest advantage.
To get the best naval force it is clear, then, that you want
(a) Ships whose tactical properties are superior to those which the enemy possesses, and you want more of them.
(b) Weapons delivering a more devastating8 blow, that can reach to longer ranges, and can be employed with higher rapidity.
(c) Methods of employing both the ships and the weapons that will assure to them the utmost scope of efficiency so as to strike at the enemy—if possible—before the enemy can strike, and will keep them in use when conditions of movement, light, and weather have become too difficult for the enemy to overcome.
(d) A personnel of higher moral, better discipline, and greater skill.
(e) A staff of officers to train and command this personnel, adept9 in all the craft of fighting, instinct with the loftiest patriotism10, and masters of the art of leadership.
(f) A supreme11 command, not only equally conversant12 both with the doctrine13 that can be gathered from a study of the past and with the resources that modern scientific and industrial development place at the disposal of the fighting men, but consciously cultivating what may be63 called a prophetic imagination, by which alone future developments can be anticipated, and guided throughout, and always, by regard to the public interest only.
The factors that enter are first, material; secondly14, men; and, thirdly, the intellectual, spiritual, and moral activities necessary for shaping and turning the first two to their purpose.
Looked at largely, the elements have been enumerated15 above in the inverse16 order of their importance. For, clearly, the qualities of the ship are much less important than the qualities of the weapons that she carries. A slow, unarmoured battleship, carrying accurate, quick-firing, long-range guns, is a better fleet unit than a fast, perfectly18 protected ship with weapons unlikely to hit, because ill-made, poorly mounted, or badly ammunitioned. And the power and range of the weapons are less important than the science and methods with which they are employed. An old 12-inch gun that can be used with constant effect at 12,000 yards when the change of range is high, the target often obscured by smoke, and the firing ship constantly under helm, is an infinitely19 more effective weapon than a new 15-inch that, in spite of a legend range of 20,000 yards, cannot be made to hit in action conditions. And it is from right method that are derived21 right tactics by which, in turn, the decisive massing of ships in action is obtained. Again, the best of ships’ weapons and methods must be absolutely useless unless the discipline, moral, and skill of those who use them are equal to the strain of fighting. Again, it is highly improbable that you will have good discipline and skill unless you have good leaders, for the excellent reason that it is the officers who make the men; certainly, if they exist in spite of there not being good leaders, weak or heartless leadership64 can throw them altogether away. The Revolution robbed the French Navy of nearly all its trained officers—and, though possessed22 of better ships and courageous23 crews, that navy never fought with real effect in the Great War of from 1792 to 1815. Again, however excellent your ships, weapons, and methods, your moral and your courage, unskilful command at sea and ignorance of the true principles of tactics may rob you of victory. And, lastly, unless those who are responsible for the creation of the material and the training of human force, and for the chief command and general strategy before and during war, are equal to their task unless they keep in close and real touch with the active service, not only is it almost impossible that a force of very high efficiency can exist, but quite impossible that a right direction can be given to it in war.
The reader will very likely detect in the foregoing category of precedence a trite24 maxim25 of Napoleon’s elaborated into a series of sonorous26, if illustrative, commonplaces. But this is a matter in which, even at the cost of being hackneyed, it is absolutely necessary that certain points should be clearly established. First, looking at the whole subject of sea force as a problem in dynamics27, it should be constantly before our eyes that a navy is so highly complex an affair that it can only act rightly when all the elements of which it is composed are employed in accord with the principles peculiar28 to each, and are combined so that each takes its due place in relation to the rest. It is, for example, quite conceivable that you might have a fleet or a flotilla equipped with the best material, its personnel instructed and expert in the best methods, commanded in detail and directed by the chief command according to the soundest principles of tactics and strategy, and yet65 that such a unit might fail in winning its legitimate29 purpose, simply because of some failure to base its operations on correct data. The omission30 to provide all the means for obtaining intelligence that science and experience suggest, or, having employed them and got the raw material, an inability to interpret and transmit it rightly and promptly31 to the officer in command, might send a fleet upon its mission either to the wrong place or at the wrong time, or with the wrong dispositions32. In considering naval science, then, it is, so to speak, axiomatic33 to recognize that, as its extent and variety are almost infinite, the task of elucidating34 and teaching its principles and their application, so that every person making up the organism which is to set the science into action shall act in the light of true doctrine, requires an intellectual effort of incalculable magnitude, just because the dynamic laws governing each element are extraordinarily35 obscure, and because the number of elements is so extraordinarily great. To be part perfect, then, may vitiate the whole effort.
But if a whole science must be explored and its principles universally inculcated, it would seem as if a wholly untenable ideal was being put forward. But there is no escape from this ideal. For the laws of science are ruthless. Just as “the wages of sin is death,” so is failure the fruit of false doctrine. And the cruelty of the things lies in this, that what seems an almost infinitesimal infidelity may bring a large and noble effort, greatly conceived and gallantly36 executed, to disaster.
The scale of the task prescribes the scale of the instruments for its discharge. It was clearly beyond the scope of a single individual as chief professional adviser37 to the Admiralty, I will not say to solve, but even to keep account66 of, all the intricate problems which require investigation38. Indeed, for many years before the war it was fully39 realized that only a properly organized war staff could even make a beginning from which a right understanding of naval war in modern conditions could derive20. The necessity for this had constantly been urged upon successive governments. The matter came to a head when, in 1909, the Cabinet appointed a committee from its own members to consider Lord Charles Beresford’s very grave statements as to the condition of the Navy. This committee never published the evidence by which Lord Charles and his associates tried to establish their case. But in the course of a brief report which was published they said that they had been impressed “with the difference of opinion amongst officers of high rank and professional attainments41 regarding important principles of naval strategy and tactics, and they look forward with much confidence to the further development of a naval war staff, from which naval members of the Board and flag officers and their staffs at sea may be expected to derive common benefit.” Observe, that the most experienced officers of the day differed with regard to important principles of tactics! The technical officers of the navy knew that this absence of doctrine “among officers of high rank and professional attainments” arose very largely out of a total want of exact data as to the precise effect our weapons could be expected to have upon the enemy, and the effect the enemy’s weapons could be expected to have upon us. If there was no agreement as to how to use weapons there could be no agreement as to their value and, without such agreement, any common doctrine of tactics must be impossible. And with tactics in the melting-pot, strategy must be pure guesswork.
67 The 1909 committee had hoped that an extended war staff would bring order out of chaos42. But by 1911 there had still been nothing done to realize its pious43 aspirations44. When Mr. Churchill took office, then, in the autumn of that year, he had the conclusions of the Beresford Committee to guide him as to the state of strategy and tactics and a state of things in the matter of guns, torpedoes46, and mines, no less than the manifest trend of active naval thought, to show where the beginnings of reform must be made.
Mr. Churchill became First Lord in circumstances which were very unexpected, and his first public announcement raised hope to the highest point. For, over the date of New Year’s Day, 1912, there was published by the First Lord a Memorandum47 which contained a passage on which every optimist48 fastened. This document defined the root need of naval force with masterly precision. Coming so soon, expressed with such clarity and conviction, it seemed to be not so much a collection of eloquent49 and thoughtful sentences logically compacted, but a profession of intentions that must definitely turn the current of naval life into the only channel that could assure right progress. Mr. Churchill, in short, had quite evidently grasped the fundamental truth that the whole structure of naval war was based upon the mastery of weapons and, as evidently, intended the pursuit of this mastery to be the watchword of his administration. His actual words were as follows:
“Unit efficiency—that is to say, the individual fighting power of each vessel—is in the sea service for considerable periods entirely50 independent of all external arrangements and unit efficiency at sea, far more so than on land, is the prime and final factor without which the combinations of68 strategy and tactics are only the preliminaries of defeat, but with which even faulty dispositions can be swiftly and decisively retrieved51.”
At last, then, the man and the moment had come together. To the new First Lord had been given the vision that the moment called for. At last, the consistent, concerted, co-ordinated effort would be made which, proceeding52 by investigation, analysis, reason, and experiment, would lead us to the root truths of one weapon after another. When the conditions of action were analyzed54 and the problems they propounded55 isolated56, a measure of our capacity to deal with them would be afforded, and not only would the points of our incapacity be made clear, but the reasons for that incapacity and the character of the measures needed for the remedy would be automatically shown by the analysis. For the first condition for solving any problem is its accurate, scientific, and exhaustive statement. And, if the statement is sufficiently57 full, it almost carries the solution with it. Let the problems of the gun, torpedo45, mine, and submarine once be set out in full, and the principles on which we should proceed to get the utmost out of them in attack, and the utmost against similar efforts by the enemy in defence, would become very clear indeed. In short, when all available knowledge was put before those capable of appreciating it, weighing it, and drawing from it right deductions58, progress in a right direction would be assured because, for the first time, it would be established on a scientific foundation.
Nor, indeed, was this all. For no such inquisition could be made in fundamentals without the work being reflected in every other department of naval activity. In place of uninstructed conjecture59, we should have, as a basis of69 naval thought and plan, the reasoned conclusions of expert knowledge.
There was the more reason for this optimistic view because Mr. Churchill’s Memorandum went on to indicate the machinery60 by which alone right methods can invariably, because together impartially62 and impersonally63, be discovered. For the particular occasion of the Memorandum was the establishment of a new and extended war staff for which, since 1904, we had all been waiting. This, the First Lord explained, must have four carefully differentiated65 but very important tasks.
It was first, the Memorandum said, “to be the means of preparing and training officers for dealing66 with the extended problems that await them in stations of high responsibility.” Its second function was to sift67, develop, and apply the results of history and experience, and to preserve them “as a general stock of reasoned opinion available as an aid and as a guide for all who are called upon to determine in peace or war the naval policy of the country.” Its third function was the exhibition of the vast superiority which a well-selected committee of experts possesses over even the most brilliant expert working by himself. The Staff was to be a “brain far more comprehensive than of any single man, however gifted, and tireless and unceasing in its action, applied68 continuously to the scientific study of naval strategy and preparation.” Finally, this Staff, carefully selected from the most promising69 officers, whose work would train them for the highest command, making all history and experience the province from which to draw the raw material of its doctrines70, engaged tirelessly and unceasingly in applying this doctrine to the guidance of the civilian71 authorities by defining the requirements of our war preparation and war strategy,70 was also to be the executive department through which the higher command would issue its authoritative72 orders. “It is to be an instrument capable of formulating73 any decision which has been taken, or may be taken, by the executive, in terms of precise and exhaustive detail.”
To those hopefully disposed this departure, then, seemed beyond words momentous74. For thirty years, whatever disagreement there may have been in the navy, there was absolute unanimity75 as to the need of a staff for the study of war and the formulation of campaign plans. So long as weapons in use could be mastered by the personnel of the ships without dependence76 on methods of fire control and so forth77 extraneously79 supplied, this was indeed the navy’s chief and overmastering need. Had such a staff existed even sixteen years ago, it is quite inconceivable that we could imperceptibly have drifted into dependence on extraneous78 methods for the right use of weapons, without the staff responsible for preparation for war, bringing the fact of this dependence to the notice of its chief. And, the principle once recognized that staff organization is the only road to infallibility, the institution of an additional staff for the study of so vital a matter must inevitably80 have followed. The existence of one competent, impartial61, and impersonal64 expert body would automatically have resulted in the creation of another.
But actually when this new staff was so resoundingly established at the beginning of 1912, some amongst the optimists81 began to wonder whether there might not be a fly in the ointment82 of their content. It was pointed40 out that to create a staff for dealing “with the combinations of strategy and tactics” before any machinery existed for elucidating the essentials of “unit efficiency” did most certainly have the air of putting the cart before the horse.71 But to doubt that this machinery would follow seemed too absurd in face of the tremendous emphasis that Mr. Churchill had laid upon its necessity. If, without unit efficiency, “the combinations of strategy and tactics were only the preliminaries of defeat,” whereas if it existed a position in which tactics had failed, “could be retrieved with swiftness and decision,” it was manifestly unthinkable that such efficiency could be left to chance, or assumed to exist on the ipse dixit of any official. Obviously the First Lord, having put his hand to the minor83 and secondary matter, would not delay action at least as drastic in the major primary.
The institution of the War Staff, then, was watched with sympathetic interest in the full expectation, not only that it must lead to great results, but that it must be followed—as, of course, it should have been preceded—by one for fathoming84 all the potentialities of the means employed in the attack and defence of fleets.
But the War Staff was never put into the position to discharge the functions which the 1909 committee had designated as its main purpose. So far from being an authority equipped for the exhaustive study of war and how to prepare for it, the whole apparatus85 of fighting was carefully excluded from its purview86. It had no connection with the departments administering gunnery, torpedoes, submarines, aircraft, or mines. As to some of these activities, there were as a fact no departments solely87 charged with their control before the War Staff was instituted. They were not entrusted88 to the War Staff. And no new staffs were created! If the strategical vagueness, to which the Beresford Committee had borne witness in 1909, arose largely, as many supposed, from the uncertain state of naval technique, then, so far as the War72 Staff was concerned, this vagueness had to continue—for technique was not their concern.
The consequences were demonstrated in many striking ways as the war progressed. But not the least curious result was the confusion that arose as to the offensive and defensive89 aspects of naval strategy and preparation. In the debate on the Naval Estimates of 1916 a violent attack on Admiralty policy by Mr. Churchill left Mr. Balfour with no alternative but to break the brutal90 truth to us that, at the outbreak of war, we had not a single submarine-proof harbour on the East Coast. Reflect for a minute what this means. In the years which have elapsed since Lord Fisher came to the Admiralty as First Sea Lord, two altogether revolutionary changes have been made in naval war.
1. Until 1904 the 12-inch guns of our battleships were weapons that no one would have thought of using beyond the range of 4,000 yards. The identical guns have been used in this war at 11,000, 12,000, and 13,000 yards. The advance in range owes nothing to improvements in the gun. It has been brought about by improvements in sights, in range-finders, and in the organization called fire control.
2. Again, in 1904 the submarine, or submersible torpedo-carrying boat, had indeed been proved to be a practical instrument for war, but was still in its infancy91. By 1907, when Captain Murray Sueter wrote his well-known work on the subject, it had become obvious that the tactics of battle, no less than the defence of fleets, stood to be completely changed by its actual and probable developments.
Now every new engine of war—and as a long-range weapon the modern gun is such—creates a double problem.73 There is the art of using it in attack; there is the art of countering it when it is in the enemy’s hands. With every new development, then, the Navy has to learn a new offensive and a new defensive. In the matter of guns, there is but one defensive that can be perfectly successful. It is to develop a method of using them so rapid, so insistent92, and so accurate that the enemy’s guns will be out of action before they can be employed against us. Failing this there is a secondary defensive, viz., to protect ships by armour17. Finally, you may keep out of range of the enemy’s guns by turning or running away. The adoption93 of armour calls for no perfection either of tactical organization or technical practice. It is a matter which can be left to the metallurgists, engineers, and constructors. The purely94 naval policy, then, would have been either to develop the use of guns offensively, which, as we have seen, must also be the best defence, or with a purely defensive idea, solely to enjoin95 the tactic5 that will avoid the risks inseparable from coming under the enemy’s fire. To the country that was completing nearly two battleships to any other country’s one, that aspired96 to command the sea, that hoped to be able to blow any enemy fleet out of the water if it got the chance, it would seem obvious that there could be only one gunnery policy; to wit, push the offensive to the highest possible extent.
Again, the distinguishing feature of submarines is their capacity to approach the strongest of vessels97 unseen and then, in waters superficially under hostile command, to strike with the most deadly of all weapons. As they gained in speed and radius98 of action, it became obvious that wherever a fleet might be—whether at sea or in harbour—it must, unless it were protected by effective passive defences while in harbour, and by numerous mobile74 guards when at sea, be exposed to this insidious99 and, if successful, deadly form of attack.
The basic supposition of British naval policy has been to maintain a fleet sufficiently powerful to drive all enemy’s craft within his harbours and defences. The proposition has only to be stated for it to be clear that the navy could not have expected, except in rare circumstances, to have any targets for its submarines, whereas it was as certain as any future thing could be, that every British ship would be a constant target for the enemy’s submarines. British policy in regard to submarine war should, then, have been mainly, if, indeed, not wholly, defensive.
Thus, if there was one form of offensive imperatively100 imposed on us, it was that of naval artillery101; and if there was one form of defensive not less imperatively incumbent102, it was the provision of adequate protection against submarines.
It is now, of course, common knowledge that it was exactly in these two particulars that Admiralty policy from 1904–1914 was either discontinuous, vacillating, and self-contradictory, or simply non-existent. So far as it cultivated anything, it was a defensive tactic for the gun and offensive tactics for the submarine! On the latter point let the non-provision of a safe anchorage on the Northeast coast stand for the whole. If you pick up a Navy List for any month in any year prior to August, 1914, you will look in vain for any department of Whitehall, any establishment at a principal port, any appointment of flag officer or captain, to prove that there was at any time an individual or a committee charged with the vital problem of protecting the British Fleet against enemy submarines when war broke out. The necessity had indeed been realized. It was set out by Captain Sueter in75 1907. It had been urged on the Board of Admiralty. But no action was taken.
This, of course, was bad enough. The case of gunnery was worse, for if you compare the Navy List of August, 1914, with that of the corresponding month of the year that Mr. Churchill took office, you will find that it was to his administration that we owe the abolition103 of the only officer and department in the navy competent to advise or direct methods of gunnery adequate for war. From 1908 to 1913 the Inspectorship104 of Target Practice had been effective in giving shape, and to some extent, a voice, to the alarm, anxiety, and indignation of the navy at the manner in which gunnery administration boxed the compass of conflicting policies. With the suppression of the office there came administrative105 peace—and technical chaos.
Why were not these problems, each and all of them, thoroughly106 investigated and their solutions discovered before war began?
Mr. Churchill supplies us with the answer. He closes his article in the London Magazine of September, 1916, with a protest against naval operations being more critically and even captiously107 judged than military operations. They are so judged, he tells us, because of the apparent simplicity108 of a naval battle, and the obvious character of any disaster that happens to any unit of a fleet. Regiments109 may be thrown away upon land and no one be any the wiser, but to lose a ship is an event about which there can be no dispute. It is regarded as a disaster, and at once somebody, it is assumed, must be to blame. This is hard measure on the seaman110. Surely, an admiral, he tells us, has a greater claim upon the generosity111 of his countrymen than a general. “His warfare112 is almost76 entirely novel. Scarcely one had ever had any experience of sea fighting. All had to learn the strange new, unmeasured, and, in times of peace, largely immeasurable conditions.”
Now this is really a very striking admission. Whence arose this theory that naval warfare consisted of unfathomable mysteries? Perhaps the explanation is as follows: Popular interest in the navy was first thoroughly aroused by Mr. Stead’s Pall113 Mall articles in the middle eighties. It is from the controversies114 that he aroused that Brassey’s and the other annual naval publications emerged. For twenty years newspaper interest in shipbuilding programmes, design, and so forth, advanced in a crescendo115 of intensity116. The many and startling departures in naval policy that characterized Lord Fisher’s tenure117 of the first professional place on the Board of Admiralty, brought this interest to a climax118. There was a controversial demand for more costly119 programmes involving political and journalistic opposition120, which in turn provoked greater vigour121 in those that advocated them. Thus the whole of naval policy had to be commended to popular—and civilian—judgment122. And it followed that the advocates of expansion had to employ arguments that civilians123 could understand. They very soon perceived that success lay along the line of sensationalism. Larger and faster ships, heavier and longer range guns carrying bigger and more devastating shells, faster and more terrifying torpedoes, those new craft of weird124 mystery, the submarines—all these things in turn and for considerable periods were urged upon the public and the statesmen in terms of awe125 and wonder. But the Augurs126, instead of winking127 behind the veil, came finally to be hypnotized by their own wonder talk. Who cannot77 remember that ever-recurring phrase, “the untold128 possibilities” of the new engines of war? They got to be so convinced on this subject that they made no effort to find out precisely129 what the possibilities were, and Mr. Churchill’s phrase that I have just quoted, “the strange new, unmeasured, and largely immeasurable conditions,” exactly summed up the frame of mind of those who were responsible for naval policy up to and including Mr. Churchill’s time. If all these problems were insoluble, if the conditions were immeasurable, if the possibilities of new weapons were really untold and untellable, what was the use of worrying about experiment and knowledge, judgment and expertize? It was this frame of mind that led a humorist to suggest that the materialists ought really to be called the spiritualists.
It was all very unfortunate, because any rightly organized system of inquiry130, investigation, and experiment, would have dissipated this atmosphere of mystery once and for all. When new inventions are made that affect the processes of industry, it is not the men who go about talking of their “untold possibilities,” their “incalculable” effects, and their “immeasurable” results, that get the commercial advantage of their development. It is those who take immediate steps to investigate the limits of their action and the precise scope of their operations who turn new discoveries to account. To talk as if the performance of guns, torpedoes, submarines, and aircraft were beyond human calculation, was really a confession131 of incompetence132. The application to these things of the principles of inquiry universally employed in other fields was always perfectly simple, and had it been employed we should not have begun the war with wondering what we could do, but knowing precisely what we ought to do.78 It was want of preparation in these matters that was undoubtedly133 one of the deciding factors in tying us down both to defensive strategy and to defensive tactics.
Once grasp what are the possibilities open to the enemy’s armed forces; once realize the scope the mine and torpedo possess; once analyze53 their influence both on strategy and on tactics, with the new problems that they create both for cruising force and for naval artillery in action, and it becomes exceedingly clear what it is that your own fleet must be prepared to do. Had these things been realized at any time between 1911 and 1914, should we have had our own naval bases unprotected against submarine attack? Should we have been without any organization for using mines offensively against the enemy? Still more, should we have been practically without any means whatever of preventing the enemy using mines against us? We should have had a fleet composed of different units, organized, trained, and equipped in a very different way.
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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obedience
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tactic
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| n.战略，策略；adj.战术的，有策略的 | |
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entrapping
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elucidates
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| v.阐明，解释( elucidate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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devastating
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adept
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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conversant
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doctrine
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secondly
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enumerated
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inverse
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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perfectly
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infinitely
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derive
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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possessed
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courageous
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trite
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maxim
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sonorous
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dynamics
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| n.力学，动力学，动力，原动力；动态 | |
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peculiar
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legitimate
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omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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axiomatic
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| adj.不需证明的，不言自明的 | |
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34
elucidating
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| v.阐明，解释( elucidate的现在分词 ) | |
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35
extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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36
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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37
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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38
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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39
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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40
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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41
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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42
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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43
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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44
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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45
torpedo
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| n.水雷，地雷；v.用鱼雷破坏 | |
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46
torpedoes
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| 鱼雷( torpedo的名词复数 )； 油井爆破筒； 刺客； 掼炮 | |
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47
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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48
optimist
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| n.乐观的人，乐观主义者 | |
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49
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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50
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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51
retrieved
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| v.取回( retrieve的过去式和过去分词 )；恢复；寻回；检索（储存的信息） | |
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52
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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53
analyze
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| vt.分析，解析 (=analyse) | |
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54
analyzed
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| v.分析( analyze的过去式和过去分词 )；分解；解释；对…进行心理分析 | |
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propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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57
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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58
deductions
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| 扣除( deduction的名词复数 )； 结论； 扣除的量； 推演 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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60
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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61
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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63
impersonally
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| ad.非人称地 | |
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64
impersonal
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| adj.无个人感情的，与个人无关的，非人称的 | |
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differentiated
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| 区分，区别，辨别( differentiate的过去式和过去分词 )； 区别对待； 表明…间的差别，构成…间差别的特征 | |
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66
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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67
sift
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| v.筛撒，纷落，详察 | |
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68
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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70
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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civilian
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| adj.平民的，民用的，民众的 | |
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72
authoritative
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| adj.有权威的，可相信的；命令式的；官方的 | |
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formulating
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| v.构想出( formulate的现在分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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75
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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76
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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77
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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78
extraneous
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| adj.体外的；外来的；外部的 | |
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79
extraneously
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| 外部的； 外来的； 无关的； 不相干的 | |
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80
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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81
optimists
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| n.乐观主义者( optimist的名词复数 ) | |
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82
ointment
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| n.药膏，油膏，软膏 | |
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83
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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84
fathoming
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| 测量 | |
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85
apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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86
purview
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| n.范围；眼界 | |
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87
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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88
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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90
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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91
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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92
insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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93
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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94
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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95
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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96
aspired
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| v.渴望，追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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99
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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100
imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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101
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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102
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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103
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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104
inspectorship
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| n.检查员的地位 | |
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105
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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106
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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107
captiously
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108
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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109
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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110
seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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111
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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112
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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113
pall
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| v.覆盖，使平淡无味；n.柩衣，棺罩；棺材；帷幕 | |
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114
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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115
crescendo
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| n.(音乐)渐强，高潮 | |
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116
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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117
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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118
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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119
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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120
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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121
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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122
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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123
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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124
weird
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| adj.古怪的，离奇的；怪诞的，神秘而可怕的 | |
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125
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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126
augurs
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| n.（古罗马的）占兆官( augur的名词复数 )；占卜师，预言者v.预示，预兆，预言( augur的第三人称单数 )；成为预兆；占卜 | |
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127
winking
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| n.瞬眼，目语v.使眼色( wink的现在分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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128
untold
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| adj.数不清的，无数的 | |
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129
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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130
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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131
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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132
incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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