Few monarchs4 ever ascended5 the English throne under more unfavorable auspices6 than James II. Though he reached it in the order of legitimate7 right, it was at a time when the monarchy8 of England was well-nigh divested9 of its most vital prerogatives10, and when the voice of the sovereign had little more weight in the national councils than that of any ordinarily dissentient member; and to this were superadded rivalries13, jealousies14, and hatreds16, which having their sources in remoter times, gathered strength like the rivers, and grew deeper and darker in their course.
As a representative of Scottish royalty17, he inherited many a bitter memory from Bannockburn to Flodden, and as a descendant of the unfortunate Mary, he was an object of hatred15 to the old reform families of England, with whom her persecutor18, Elizabeth, was still a hallowed memory; he was a grandson of James I., whom neither the acquisition of a kingdom, nor the confiscation19 of Ireland,—so grateful to every English adventurer,—could redeem20 from national contempt; a son of Charles I., whom the revolutionary elements evoked21 in Church and State by the pedantry22 of his father, had brought to the scaffold; and brother to the second Charles, one of the most indolent and dissolute monarchs that ever disgraced a throne. Through the last three reigns23, the name of Stuart had been a term of distrust or hatred, both to the High Church party of England, and the fanatics24 of Scotland; but through some unaccountable cause, it had one, and only one, abiding25-place,—the heart of Catholic Ireland,—whose people, through every phase of that dynasty, had experienced nothing but treachery, confiscation, and proscription26.
Other circumstances, too, though of a domestic nature, tended to establish the unpopularity of James, and to raise up difficulties in his road to royalty. In 1671, his wife, the Duchess of York, though nominally27 a Protestant, died in communion with the Catholic Church, and from that time forward he himself made open profession of Catholicity. Towards the beginning of 1673 he was married to Mary of Modena, a Catholic, and the daughter of a royal house then in close alliance with France. The Parliament, which met shortly after, expressed great indignation at this event, and gave practical effect to its resentment28. A declaration of indulgence which had been issued by Charles in 1671, granting to dissenters29 from the High Church the public observance of their religion, and to Roman Catholics the right to hear Mass in private houses, was censured31, and repealed32 in its application to the Catholics. In this session was also passed the "Test Act," which continued in full legal force down to the reign12 of George IV., and which, with some modifications33, is virtually observed at the present day. By the passage of this act, every Catholic official in the realm was removed, and the Duke of York lost the command of the British navy, in which he had won high distinction, and which he had brought to a greater degree of efficiency than it had hitherto known. These and similar marks of disapprobation were specially34 meant for James, who was then heir-presumptive, and showed him the dangers that beset35 his way to the throne. He, however, continued on unwavering in his principles, while every exercise of conscience on his part was met by a check on the king's prerogative11, or a direct censure30 on himself. But when it became known, after the demise36 of Charles, that he, too, had received the last sacraments at the hands of a Catholic priest, and that James had been instrumental in the conversion37 of his reprobate38 brother, the rage of the High Church party knew no bounds, and their denunciations were echoed through every recusant party in the land. Comfort they knew none; their forbearance was stretched to the utmost tension; their cup of hatred was filled to the last drop; and even that drop was pendent, as from a leaf; the next wind might shake the branch, and then——
But still they had one hope. James was a good round age; as yet he had no issue male by his Catholic queen; his daughters, by his former wife, were educated in the Protestant faith, and had each been espoused39 to a Protestant prince; and in a few years, the throne would apparently40 revert41 to a Protestant sovereign.
William, Prince of Orange, the husband of the elder, was the ostensible42 head of the Protestant Alliance, and a devoted43 enemy to France. This was a relief in their present misfortunes, and a little forbearance was thought better than much blood-letting. The Duke of Monmouth, too, the natural son of Charles, was a great favorite with a large portion of the English people, and had even, during the life of his father, struck for the crown; and though banished44 the realm for that offence, he was still a centre to rally round, in case of necessity. These were the considerations which alleviated45 the misfortunes of James's enemies, and made his accession, even for a moment, tolerable.
The reign of James I., commonly called the "Pedant," from his affectation of learning, his uncouth46 appearance, and slovenly47 habits, was not marked by any act that elevates a people, or adorns48 a crown. It was chiefly employed in religious disquisition, which, giving rise to innumerable sects49, greatly disturbed the interior spirit of the nation. That part of his time not so devoted, was spent in securing to the reform party the lands, lay and cleric, which had been confiscated50 during the reign of his immediate51 predecessors52. But he was never popular. Though his low garrulity53 and set apothegms were hailed by the vile54 minions55 by whom he was constantly surrounded, as the sublimation56 of wisdom, they never failed to plant a thorn in the breast of the nobles, and with them he was an object of unmitigated contempt—deeply felt, but not openly expressed. Still the courtiers and the king got along pretty well, and each improved after a mutual57 acquaintance. He knew their instincts and their passions, and they secured his favor by sacrificing to his egotism. In them he discovered an inordinate58 appetite for plunder59, and in him they saw an obtusity60 of honor, and an unscrupulousness of conscience, that could be made sure instruments in securing the spoils of an incomplete reformation. He resolved to cater61 to their appetite, and they determined62 to obey his rule, though they did not at all reverence63 his majesty64.
The death of Elizabeth had left England in a profound peace, which was scarcely disturbed during his reign; and this fortuitous circumstance, more than his innate65 cowardice66, won for him the name of "the peaceful monarch3." He has had many satirists and many eulogists, and some who were both as occasion answered. Among the latter may be reckoned Sir Walter Scott, by whom we are told that the restless spirits of the former reign might calmly enjoy "the peace which James the peaceful gave." But, then, this was only in poetic67 romaunt, and by one who greatly despised him in romantic prose. Such eulogiums, however, had only reference to the influence of his reign on England and Scotland; the tyranny of an English king towards Ireland had been, in all times, his surest passport to popularity, and there his reign was one of terror, vengeance68, persecution69, and spoliation.
The prince who connived70 at the murder of his royal mother, could lay little claim to the respect of the good or high-minded in any age or nation, and so he lived an object of contempt and loathing71 to all that was good or honorable in the land. But though men of honor shunned72 his court, the venal73 there held high jubilee74. The king's natural avarice75 was keen, and it was still further whetted76 by Scotch77 self-seekers, who thronged78 lobby and vestibule in all their greedy officiousness. Their rapacity79 had to be appeased80. The people of England, too, were grown sullen81 and discontented; a spiritual madness had lately overspread the land, and produced a state of society always ominous82 of evil to the monarch; hence the public mind should be diverted from its sombre broodings. To secure himself on the throne, he saw the necessity of opening a way to the enterprise of the incongruous elements by which he was surrounded, and many precedents83 pointed84 to Ireland as the never-failing outlet85 for English discontent.
The latter half of Elizabeth's reign had been disturbed by a series of revolutions in Ireland. The first of these was headed by the Earl of Desmond, in defence of religious liberty; it extended all over Munster, and ended in his death and the confiscation of that province. Shortly after it was revived by Hugh O'Neil, Earl of Tyrone, and assuming national proportions, continued with almost unvaried success to the battle of Kinsale, in 1602, and terminated in a treaty which was wantonly violated after the queen's death. These wars extended through a period of more than twenty years, and left Ireland greatly prostrated86 on the accession of James I.; but the country was beginning to revive, and, under a fostering hand, it would soon have been content and prosperous. It was hoped, too, that as James, while king of Scotland, had contributed much to foment87 the uprising of O'Neil, he would be as instrumental in allaying88 the causes that led to it. The English "Undertakers," however, looked on an Irish war as a prelude89 to a general confiscation, and felt bitter disappointment at the terms accorded to the Irish rebels by the late queen. The apportionment of one province, which took place after the death of Desmond, did not satisfy them, while Ulster, a wealthy and populous90 one, was still left in the possession of the natives. The Scotch followers91 of James could not understand the thing at all, and attributed it to the dotage92 of the queen. In this state of affairs, the king saw an opportunity of rendering93 himself acceptable alike to his English and Scotch subjects. It was an age fruitful in plots and expedients94, when plunder took the name of civilization, and avarice stalked forth95 under the cloak of religion. "The artful Cecil," the contriver96 and discoverer of many plots, was consulted by the king, and a scheme was laid for the violation97 of the compact of Mellifont, and the confiscation of Ulster. Lord Chichester was then deputy for Ireland;—but the words of Dr. Jones, the king's bishop98 of Meath, will tell the matter with sufficient brevity:1 "Anno 1607, there was a providential discovery of another rebellion in Ireland, the Lord Chichester being deputy; the discoverer not being willing to appear, a letter from him, not subscribed99, was superscribed to Sir William Usher100, clerk of the council, and dropt in the council-chamber, then held in Dublin Castle, in which was mentioned a design for seizing the Castle and murdering the deputy, with a general revolt and dependence101 on Spanish forces; and this also for religion; for particulars whereof I refer to that letter, dated March the 19th, 1607."—This letter was read, and O'Neil, the late leader of the Irish, was singled out as the head and front of the supposed conspiracy102.
O'Neil, who had been educated at the English court with a view to the advancement103 of the English interest in Ireland, was apprised104 of the conspiracy designed for his ruin, and at once detected the master-spirit—"The artful Cecil." From this he knew that his doom105 was sealed should he abide106 the action of the council, before which he had been summoned. He accordingly notified the chiefs of Ulster of the impending107 blow, and advised flight as the only means of safety. Most of them followed this advice, and he himself, collecting his household, retired108 to Rome, where he died in 1616.
The flight of O'Neil accomplished109 all that the conspirators110 wished, and with far less trouble than they anticipated. Wholesale111 confiscation, without resistance, was out of their calculation, even in a country borne down by the protracted112 strife114 of nearly twenty years. There still remained an element in Ulster, which, though it could not work the deliverance of the nation, could wreak115 summary vengeance on many a hungry Undertaker; but this settled all at once, to the great "joyousness116" of the king: and he lost no time in proclaiming his satisfaction, in words of which the following is an extract: "Wee doe professe, that it is both known to us and our council here, and to our deputie and state there, and so shall it appeare to the world (as cleare as the sunne) by evident proofes, that the only ground and motive117 of this high contempt, in these men's departure, hath been the private knowledge and inward terrour of their own guiltinesse," etc. "But," says Mitchell, "no attempt to give these proofs was ever made," and never will be. The very manner of their departure is a proof of innocence118. Had there been a conspiracy, they would have abided the result, and sold their lives with their lands at a price dear enough to the English enemy. But they went in the belief that their lives and lands alone were what the king sought, and that by quitting the country, they would save the minor119 chieftains and their clansmen from the greed of England. They calculated erroneously, for this did not accord with the design of the infamous121 king, and the whole province soon became the spoil of the "Undertakers." An act of Parliament—the English Parliament—immediately followed the king's proclamation, declaring that "Whereas the divine justice hath lately cast out of the province of Ulster divers122 wicked and ungratefull traytors, who practised to interrupt those blessed courses begun and continued by your majestie for the general good of this whole realm, by whose defection and attainders great scopes of land in those parts have been reduced to your majestie's hands and possession," etc.—and of course awaited but the royal pleasure to be transferred to his loyal subjects of the realm. Nor was the royal assent123 long withheld124, for the royal coffers were always open, even to smaller windfalls than the revenues arising from a confiscated province.
The work of settlement was soon commenced, under the supervision125 of the king, privy126 council, committees of conference, committees of inquiry127, contractors128, undertakers, speculators, and commissioners129 names of ominous import in Ireland and so often revived there that her people can rehearse them like a catechism. "In the six counties of Donegal, Tyrone, Derry, Farmanagh, Cavan, and Armagh, a tract113 of country containing 500,000 acres, was seized upon by the king and parcelled out in lots to Undertakers." 2 The "domains130" of the attainted lords were assumed to include all the lands inhabited by their clans120, and so far were the king's new arrangements from respecting the rights of the ancient natives, that "the fundamental ground of this plantation131 was the avoiding of natives and planting only with British."
That this cruel policy was carried out to the letter, would seem scarcely credible132. But let the authority already quoted settle that matter. "It is true," says Sir Thomas Phillips, in "Harris's Hibernia," "that after the prescribed number of freeholders and leaseholders were settled on every townland, and the rents therein set down, they might let the remainder to natives, for lives, so as they were conformable in religion, and for the favor to DOUBLE THEIR RENTS!" Even so, to double their rents, if natives, though conformable in religion. A high favor, and all for the love of God!
This is but a very imperfect outline of the plantation of Ulster, and the manner of effecting it; and it is alluded133 to in these pages, only in so far as it illustrates134 the subject-matter of them, on which that settlement has a direct bearing. Its immediate and subsequent effects on the Irish race, though the theme of many a commentator135, have never been told, and never will be. Even its remoter consequence at the present day can scarcely be alluded to without opening up wounds but imperfectly healed, and memories too bitter for wholesome136 reflection. It renewed, by one dash of the royal pen, all the wrongs of the preceding centuries, and filled the last stronghold of the Irish race with a people inimical to their interests, and who, with the exception of one short epoch137 in the country's history, have remained a cancer on the body politic138, and, as if by a special providence139, though meant to strengthen the dynasty of the Stuarts, were mainly instrumental in causing its extinction140.
The reign of Charles I. was an eventful and a bloody141 one. In 1625 he ascended the throne; in 1649 he ascended the scaffold; and through the intervening period of twenty-four years, it was a continual struggle for the preservation142 of the royal prerogatives. These prerogatives were yielded, one by one, to the fanatical spirit of the age, and the last royal prerogative, that of life—for it is held a standing143 apothegm, that the king can do no wrong—terminated in a disastrous144 civil war which drenched145 the three kingdoms in blood.
England had been in a state of transition since the reign of Henry VIII. The religion of the country had undergone a change which had left more than one-half of its population—and that the more powerful one—adherents146 of the new faith. New manners and new morals had kept pace with the change of religion. The lands, too, had undergone as great a change as the people. Most of the old manors147 were possessed148 by new lords; and as for the Church, its glebes had passed to the early conformists, and its cash to the royal coffers. Hatred on the one hand, and revenge on the other, the usual concomitants of all violent changes in civil or ecclesiastical bodies, were the order of the day. Among those who had become recipients149 of the spoils, a feeling of insecurity was predominant. These changes had all been wrought150 through the will of the sovereigns—the royal prerogative, and it required no prophetic ken151 to know, that while that prerogative remained unimpaired, some future sovereign might undo152 all that his predecessors had accomplished; and this continual apprehension153 was the parent of each successive reform: and self-preservation the object.
The reign of James I. sowed the seed of religious discontent; that of Charles I. reaped the harvest. The old faith had been too closely drawn154 towards the political arena155, and had suffered by the contact; the new one whirled in its vortex, and the result was the worst state of human society—civil and religious anarchy156. A church had been established by law, and richly endowed by the spoils of the old one, antecedent to the accession of Charles, and its followers were called the "High Church" people. But outside its communion, innumerable sects overspread the land, known by the general name of "Nonconformists." The highways and by-ways of England and Scotland resounded157 with their religious disquisitions; every man had become an interpreter and a prophet. The most powerful of those sects were the Puritans of England, and the Covenanters of Scotland, who, though differing in religious principles, closely assimilated in their hatred of all monarchical158 government, and of the outward ceremonies of divine worship. Practising greater simplicity159, they laid claim to greater purity of religion, until they at length believed themselves invested with a divine mission to eradicate160 "popery," "prelacy," and monarchy. The materials of combustion161 had been long preparing, and nothing was wanting but some partisan162 more daring or fanatical than the rest to apply the match, and he was at last found in Oliver Cromwell, a great king-hater, and one of the most daring military spirits of that or of any other age. Putting on "the armor of the Lord," and the "Shield of Righteousness," they seized the "besom of destruction," and went forth under his banner to complete the purgation of the land.
How this war, between the King and Parliament, progressed and terminated, forms a bloody chapter in English history, but it can be noticed in this place no further than its effect on Ireland; there it helped to swell163 the tide of oppression; it brought another war, another defeat, another confiscation, and another wholesale expatriation of the native race.
Since the plantation of Ulster, religious persecution had been aggravated164 by an established system of confiscation, under the name of the "Irish Titles Act." In the mean time the "Nonconformists" of England and Scotland having taken up arms against King Charles, made a solemn vow165 to exterminate166 the Catholics of Ireland, and the apprehensions167 of the latter were soon alive to the emergency. Groaning168 so long under civil and religious exactions, they looked on the king's difficulty as a most suitable event to petition for a removal of their grievances169. But their action was anticipated, and while their leaders were considering a course of procedure, a series of outrages170 was perpetrated in the province of Ulster which precipitated171 them at once into the vortex of rebellion. A garrison172 of Scotch soldiers, stationed at Carrickfergus, in the dead of night, and without premonition, made a descent on Island Magee, a peninsula in the neighborhood, and drove all its inhabitants, to the number of 3,000, over the cliffs into the sea; scarce a soul escaping to tell their cruel fate. The Catholic inhabitants of the surrounding counties flew to arms, and the flames of rebellion were soon lit throughout the province. The Protestants rose to oppose them, and excesses were perpetrated on both sides. This hastened the action of the Catholic leaders. The Irish chiefs, the Catholic Lords of the English Pale, and the bishops173 of the Catholic Church convened174 at Kilkenny for mutual protection and right, under the name of the "Confederation of Kilkenny," and inaugurated one of the boldest efforts for civil and religious liberty known in the country's history.
In the mean time, the war between the king and the Parliamentarians progressed in England. The king's affairs grew desperate, and overtures175 were made to the Irish Confederates by the king's adherents in Ireland, the principal of whom were the Earls of Clanricarde and Ormond. The Confederates held out with great tenacity176 for their stipulated177 measures of redress178; yet these the king, even in his direst extremity179, refused to concede. But through the intrigues180 of the two royal agents, the councils of the Confederation were at last distracted; two parties, one for the king, and one for Catholic right, were formed; the soldiers took sides with their respective leaders, and made war against each other. So they fought for some time, the latter being generally successful, and the king at last offered concessions181, but too late to redeem his fallen cause. The result is history; the king lost his head; Cromwell invaded Ireland; O'Neil, the only soldier capable of opposing him, is said to have been poisoned, and after his death Cromwell met with but futile183 opposition184. The son of the decapitated king, after a few abortive185 attempts to secure the crown, became a refugee until the death of Cromwell, when he was recalled, through a popular reaction, and crowned as Charles II.:—and this is called the Restoration. It is called the Restoration, because it restored the throne to its lawful186 successor; because it restored the High Church party its privileges; and because it restored some of the lands confiscated in England during the Commonwealth187 to their former owners. But it was ushered188 in by an odious189 concession182. It left the English rebels in full enjoyment190 of their lands and immunities191, both in England and Ireland. In the latter country the confiscations of Cromwell were legalized, nor was the property of those who joined the late king's cause ever restored to them! But then, in England, it was a Parliament that rebelled against a sovereign; in Ireland, it was a people that demanded rights older than sovereign or Parliament,—that made all the difference.
Under the Protectorate of Cromwell 5,000,000 acres of arable192 land were confiscated, and the Restoration continued the robbery, by searches into titles which produced litigations, generally settled in English courts, to which all Irish questions were then transferable. It is needless to say that those suits terminated in establishing defective193 titles in the natives: the lands became the prey194 of the crown or its cormorants195, and expatriation or slavish dependence was the award of the complainant. Five-sixths of the land passed away from the native race, and the population became dependents, without law or appeal, on the soil which had been theirs from time immemorial.
These confiscations had great effect in satisfying the vulture appetite of England. But as this business approached completion, the national mind reverted196 to the one great question—that of Protestant succession. The days of Charles drew towards a close. As yet the British Constitution had not debarred the heir-presumptive, though he should be a Catholic; and this was a thorn in the national heart. The fears of "popery" became again the national theme, and nobles and people alike brooded on this impending calamity197. The hostility198 to James, always bitter, grew more open and violent as the king declined. In 1680, the Earl of Shaftesbury had him indicted199 in Westminster Hall, as a popish recusant; but the Chief-Justice dismissed the suit. In 1681, during a temporary illness of the king, a rebellion was set on foot by Shaftesbury, the Duke of Argyle, Lord William Russell, and others. The avowed200 object was the restoration of The Protectorate, but the covert201 design, to supplant202 the Duke of York, and place Monmouth, the natural son of Charles, on the throne. The king recovered; the plot exploded, Monmouth was banished the court, and retired to the Continent, and Argyle and Shaftesbury were attainted, but fled to Holland, to concoct203 new schemes for barring the succession of James. On the 6th of February, 1685, Charles died, unhonored and unlamented, save in so far as his death opened the way to an unwelcome successor, and all looked in fearful boding204 to that dreaded205 event.
The reign of Charles was a weak and inglorious one. His was a kind of passive existence, spent in connivance206 at the treason of a corrupt207 court, and the regicides of the last reign, while they connived at his secret carousals and studied profligacy208. His youth was one of promise, and it is even asserted by some of his biographers that his indifference209 to all the great ends that excite the ambition of princes was an exemplification of practical wisdom. That such a reign was the only one that could have secured his permanency on the throne is now a matter of speculation210. The received opinion is, that he believed it was, and acted in accordance with that belief. His well-known repartee211 to the Duke of York, who endeavored to rouse him from his apathy212, would more than indicate this—that "he was too old to go again upon his travels." Yet it scarcely serves as an excuse for a long life wasted, and the noble ends of government neglected. But this much is well known in Ireland,—too well to be forgotten,—that he mulcted his English subjects to carry on his debaucheries; that he despoiled213 the Irish Catholics to remunerate his English creditors214, and when both sources failed, he became a stipendiary on the bounty215 of the French king, bequeathing to his successor an exhausted216 exchequer217, a turbulent people, a crown pawned218 for many a debt, and yet with many an heir-expectant. It required but a short time for James to establish facts which were patent to all minds but his: that the nobles by whom he was surrounded were irreconcilable219 to his views; that a time-server might wield220 and direct them if he pandered221 to their passions; but a king could not rule in peace, and retain the faith he had chosen. Yet, with all the evidence of the three last reigns before him to the contrary, he had an abiding faith in the justice of the English people. He knew that he was the choice of the Irish, and believed the native pride of the Scotch would not admit of the alienation222 of their crown; but above all, he trusted in the justice of his views, and he came to the throne with a fixed223 resolve to harmonize the conflicting elements of the State, and to make England, what he believed it ought to have been—a really free and happy nation.
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cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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anterior
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| adj.较早的；在前的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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prerogative
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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evoked
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| [医]诱发的 | |
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pedantry
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| n.迂腐，卖弄学问 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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abiding
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proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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30
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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31
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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32
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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34
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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35
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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36
demise
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| n.死亡；v.让渡，遗赠，转让 | |
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37
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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38
reprobate
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| n.无赖汉；堕落的人 | |
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39
espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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40
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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41
revert
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| v.恢复，复归，回到 | |
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42
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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43
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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44
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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47
slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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48
adorns
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| 装饰，佩带( adorn的第三人称单数 ) | |
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49
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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50
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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52
predecessors
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|
| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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53
garrulity
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| n.饶舌，多嘴 | |
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54
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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55
minions
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|
| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
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56
sublimation
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|
| n.升华，升华物，高尚化 | |
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57
mutual
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|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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58
inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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59
plunder
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|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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60
obtusity
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| n.obtuse（钝的，不尖的）的变形 | |
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61
cater
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| vi.(for/to)满足，迎合；(for)提供饮食及服务 | |
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62
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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63
reverence
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|
| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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64
majesty
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|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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65
innate
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|
| adj.天生的，固有的，天赋的 | |
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66
cowardice
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|
| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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67
poetic
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|
| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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68
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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69
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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70
connived
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|
| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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71
loathing
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|
| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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72
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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74
jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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75
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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76
whetted
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|
| v.（在石头上）磨（刀、斧等）( whet的过去式和过去分词 )；引起，刺激（食欲、欲望、兴趣等） | |
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77
scotch
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|
| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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78
thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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80
appeased
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|
| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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81
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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82
ominous
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|
| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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83
precedents
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|
| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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84
pointed
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|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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85
outlet
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|
| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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86
prostrated
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|
| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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87
foment
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|
| v.煽动，助长 | |
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88
allaying
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|
| v.减轻，缓和( allay的现在分词 ) | |
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89
prelude
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|
| n.序言，前兆，序曲 | |
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90
populous
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|
| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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91
followers
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|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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92
dotage
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|
| n.年老体衰；年老昏聩 | |
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93
rendering
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|
| n.表现，描写 | |
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94
expedients
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|
| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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95
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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96
contriver
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| 发明者，创制者，筹划者 | |
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97
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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98
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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99
subscribed
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|
| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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100
usher
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|
| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
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101
dependence
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|
| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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102
conspiracy
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|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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103
advancement
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|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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104
apprised
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|
| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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105
doom
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|
| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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106
abide
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|
| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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107
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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108
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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109
accomplished
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|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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110
conspirators
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|
| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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111
wholesale
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|
| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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112
protracted
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|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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113
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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114
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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115
wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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116
joyousness
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| 快乐，使人喜悦 | |
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117
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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118
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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119
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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120
clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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121
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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122
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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123
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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124
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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125
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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126
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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127
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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128
contractors
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| n.（建筑、监造中的）承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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129
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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130
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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131
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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132
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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133
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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135
commentator
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| n.注释者，解说者；实况广播评论员 | |
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136
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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137
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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138
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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139
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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140
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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141
bloody
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|
| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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142
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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143
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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144
disastrous
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|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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145
drenched
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|
| adj.湿透的；充满的v.使湿透( drench的过去式和过去分词 )；在某人（某物）上大量使用（某液体） | |
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146
adherents
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|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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147
manors
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| n.庄园（manor的复数形式） | |
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148
possessed
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|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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149
recipients
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|
| adj.接受的；受领的；容纳的；愿意接受的n.收件人；接受者；受领者；接受器 | |
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150
wrought
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|
| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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151
ken
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| n.视野，知识领域 | |
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152
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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153
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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154
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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155
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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156
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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157
resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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158
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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159
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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160
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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161
combustion
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| n.燃烧；氧化；骚动 | |
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162
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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163
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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164
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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165
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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166
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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167
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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168
groaning
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| adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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169
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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170
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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171
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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172
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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173
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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174
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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175
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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176
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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177
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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178
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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179
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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180
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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181
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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182
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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183
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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184
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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185
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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186
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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187
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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188
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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189
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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190
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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191
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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192
arable
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| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
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193
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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194
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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195
cormorants
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| 鸬鹚，贪婪的人( cormorant的名词复数 ) | |
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196
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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197
calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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198
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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199
indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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201
covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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202
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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203
concoct
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| v.调合，制造 | |
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204
boding
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| adj.凶兆的，先兆的n.凶兆，前兆，预感v.预示，预告，预言( bode的现在分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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205
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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206
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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207
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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208
profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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209
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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210
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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211
repartee
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| n.机敏的应答 | |
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212
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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213
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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215
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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216
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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217
exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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218
pawned
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| v.典当，抵押( pawn的过去式和过去分词 )；以（某事物）担保 | |
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219
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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220
wield
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| vt.行使，运用，支配；挥，使用(武器等) | |
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221
pandered
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的过去式和过去分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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222
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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223
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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