The accession of James was not met by any overt2 act of opposition3. On the contrary, it was hailed by the rejoicings of the people, and the parliamentary leaders of the High Church party, at that moment plotting his expulsion, received him with the usual congratulations and addresses of loyalty4. The Catholics of England and Scotland, who were still a respectable minority, felt their long-suppressed hopes kindle5 anew, and by their Irish brethren the event was hailed with undisguised satisfaction. Nothing could shake the loyalty of this oppressed people to the house of Stuart. The cruel exactions, broken pledges, and studied persecutions of the last three reigns7 were at once forgotten. The advent8 of each false king after the other, had been represented as sure to redress9 the grievances10 which the former one had inflicted11, and after every outrage12 they became more steadfast13 in their devotion. If, during the rebellion of 1641, their attachment14 to this house was sufficient to withdraw a large portion of them from the standard of their native chiefs, then battling for their lands and religious liberty, how then must they have felt when the house of Stuart presented them a Catholic king, and one who gave unmistakable signs that justice and toleration should at last be extended to them; that persecution6 for conscience sake was at an end, and that the exiled of many years might again return to their native land!
That James knew the dangers that beset15 him in England, there can scarcely be a doubt; but the measures of redress which he contemplated16 being just and beneficent, he believed they would in a short time harmonize all interests. He had faith in his own justice, but miscalculated in attributing so noble a sense to the dominant17 and intolerant nobles by whom he was surrounded, and was still more mistaken when he expressed an abiding18 faith in the justice of the English people. Yet filled with the hope of marking a glorious page in the annals of England, he assumed the sceptre with a bold and kingly hand. His speech before the assembled council of the nation was all that a generous or magnanimous people could desire, and all his subsequent acts are marked by a strict adherence19 to the principles which he then enunciated20. "I will endeavor," said he, "to preserve the government of Church and State in the manner by law established. I know that the Church of England is favorable to monarchy22, and those who are members of it have made it appear on various occasions that they were faithful subjects. I will take particular care to defend and support it. I know likewise that the laws of the kingdom are sufficient to make the king as great as I could wish. As I am determined23 to preserve the prerogative24 of my crown, so I will never deprive others of what belongs to them. I have often hazarded my life in defence of the nation; I am still ready to expose it to preserve its rights."
He eschewed25 the tendency to despotic power which his enemies had circulated, or any design to call in question the titles or hereditaments of such as acquired lands through the Reformation. His object was not to disrupt but to harmonize and adjust, and blend all interests for an onward26 movement in civilization. He declared civil liberty to be the right of Catholics and Protestants alike. He proclaimed liberty of conscience, and took immediate27 action to secure it by liberating28 several thousand Catholics confined in the prisons of Ireland for non-attendance on Protestant worship, and also twelve hundred Quakers who had been imprisoned29 for a like offence. He declared the abolition30 of all penal31 laws, all religious test-oaths, and even oaths of allegiance on the assumption of civil office. He extended the same rights to the people of Ireland and Scotland as to those of England, and enjoined32 the bishops34 to announce in their churches that liberty of conscience was henceforth the law of the land. Here, 'tis said, he made his first royal blunder. Proclaiming liberty of conscience from a pulpit is hardly in accordance with that right of denouncing heresy35 and schism36, which every church, whether founded on human will or divine right, has asserted from the days of Abram. But, then, on the other hand, the Church of England, which had been proclaiming that and every thing else the royal reformers of the last century chose to dictate37, might have announced this liberal measure of a king, the goodness of whose motives38 were well understood. But they denounced the innovation as a license39 to sin, though he intended only to have it announced that persecution for conscience sake had ceased in his dominions40. The order was obeyed by some of the bishops, but by the majority it was stubbornly resisted. The king prosecuted41 for contumacy. The judges in some cases executed the royal mandate42 and the bishops were imprisoned; in others they refused, and bishops and judges joined issue in a passive resistance. Still the king bated not a tittle of the principle laid down. The establishment of civil and religious liberty for all classes and denominations43 had been the great object of his life, and he was not to be driven from his purpose. He believed that the majority of the nobles were tired of persecution for conscience sake, and wished for a restoration of social harmony. He believed that the masses yearned44 for it, and he calculated on their loyalty. He believed that the Restoration was a proof that legitimacy45 would never again be assailed46, and he took no precautions against conspiracy47; nay48, he scouted49 the warnings of his friends, that one was ripening50 among the members of his council, and that even his own children were spies upon his actions, and plotting his destruction. But an event soon transpired51 that removed his incredulity, and awakened52 him to a sense of the difficulties and dangers that beset him.
The first rebellion of the Duke of Monmouth and its result have already been noticed. On its suppression, the chief conspirators53, Shaftesbury and Argyle, fled to the continent. The former died shortly after, but the latter linked his fortune to that of Monmouth, plotted on, and gave direction to the ambition of this English favorite. Repairing to Holland, it is said that they received both counsel and a promise of aid from the Prince of Orange to attempt another invasion. After the death of Charles, William detached himself from this conspiracy, for his own pretensions54 to the British throne had become greater than those of Monmouth, and indeed it is hard to reconcile the conduct of William unless we accept a charge, which is not without supporters, and which is greatly to that Prince's discredit:—that of urging the wayward Duke to his destruction, and thus removing an obstacle to his own ambition. However that be, William disconnected himself from the conspiracy, and Monmouth soon after retired55 to Brussels, where he was joined by Argyle and continued his preparations for an invasion. Getting counsel and assistance from his partisans56 in England and Scotland, he prepared for a descent at the earliest opportunity; and the excitement created by the troubles between King James and the bishops gave him at once both a hope and a pretext57. With a fleet of three ships and one hundred followers58, he landed at Lyme, in Dorsetshire, and in a few days he had a following of above two thousand men. He proclaimed the king a traitor59 and a popish usurper60, and called on the country to rise in opposition to his rule. At Taunton he was presented with a pair of colors and a copy of the Bible, by twenty young ladies, and assumed the title of king. Here his army increased to six thousand. At Sedgemoor he attacked the royal forces under Feversham and Churchill, and was completely overthrown61; and, flying for shelter through the country, he was taken and finally executed. His evil genius, Argyle, met with a similar fate; the greatest rigor62 was exercised against the scattered63 refugees of this ill-advised rebellion, and many of the nobles of the land were attainted of treason.
This event opened the eyes of the king to the dangers by which he was surrounded. The army had shown signs of disaffection. Many of the leaders of the Protestant party in Ireland and Scotland were known to be connected with this conspiracy; even the members of his council were more than suspected of complicity; and he saw that his rule could only be established by the introduction of a Catholic element into the army. Since the passage of the "Test Act," nearly all the Catholic officers of the army and navy had been removed. Many of these were men of distinguished64 ability, and he now determined to recall them to the service. Accordingly, in his speech to Parliament on the 9th of November, 1685, in allusion65 to the rebellion of Monmouth, he introduced the proposition in the following words: "Let no man take exception, that there are some officers in the army not qualified66, according to the late Test, for their employments; the gentlemen, I must tell you, are most of them well-known to me, and having formerly67 served me on several occasions (and always approved the loyalty of their principles by their practice), I think them now fit to be employed under me; and will deal plainly with you, that after having the benefit of their services in such time of need and danger, I will neither expose them to disgrace, nor myself to the want of them, if there should be another rebellion to make them necessary to me. I am afraid some men may be so wicked, to hope and expect that a difference may happen between you and me upon this occasion. * * * I will not apprehend68 that such a misfortune can befall us as a division, or even a coldness between me and you; nor that any thing can shake you in your steadiness and loyalty to me, who, by God's blessing69, will ever make you all returns of kindness and protection, with a resolution to venture even my own life in the defence of the true interests of this kingdom."
It is scarcely necessary to say that this met the opposition of Parliament; and so far from being received in the liberal and loyal spirit which the king seems to have anticipated, it was denounced as a measure for the abolition of the Protestant religion. The revocation70 of the "Edict of Nantes," by Louis XIV., occurring about the same time, had filled England with Protestant refugees, which gave strength to the arguments of the opposition, and excited a spirit of retaliation71 in the English people. The king, however, persevered72, and tested the legality of the "Test," in the person of Sir Edward Hales, who had held the commission of colonel in the army, and who had lately become a Catholic. The judges decided73 in his favor, but the king was accused of intimidation74. This opened the way to reform in the army, and gratified the Catholics, but it raised the spirit of opposition among the bishops and leaders of the High Church party in a corresponding degree. Not deterred75 by this opposition, the king persevered in his measures of redress; and called Dissenters76 and Catholics to office wherever opportunity occurred; and, says Hume, "Not content with this violent and dangerous innovation, he appointed certain regulators to examine the qualifications of electors, and directions were given them to exclude all such as adhered to the test and penal statutes78." In all of which one fails to see, notwithstanding the exaggeration of Hume, any attempt at injustice79, or proscription80. It was in fact, from beginning to end, an effort to establish equality and right on the one part, and to preserve and perpetuate81 an odious82 ascendency on the other. That many of the steps taken by the king to reach his object may have been imprudent, and must, from the surrounding circumstances, have met with bitter opposition, is not to be wondered at; but that his views were right, and his object wise and magnanimous, cannot be denied. The exclusion83 of Nonconformists, from social and legal equality, in a former reign, produced a civil war, which most Protestant writers vindicate84 as necessary, and it is hard to see why the same writers advocate the permanent exclusion of the Catholics, who were certainly entitled to equal consideration. Meanwhile the opposition ran high, and the High Church party being now united by the death of Monmouth, took council throughout the three kingdoms, and determined to call in William Henry, Prince of Orange, as their last hope to preserve their cherished and glorious ascendency.
The title—Prince of Orange—is derived85 from the town of Orange (ancient Awrasio), in the southeast of France, department of Vaucluse. In the middle ages this town was the capital of a principality, which for a considerable period belonged to the house of Nassau; and William Henry was then the incumbent86 both of the title and the domain87. After his death the title passed to his heir, the King of Prussia, and is still retained in the royal family of Holland; but the principality whence the title is derived, has been since ceded88 to France. The father of William, who was Stadtholder of the Dutch provinces, died in 1650, and the office, which was not inherent, but elective, remained in abeyance89, under the management of the brothers De Witt, until 1672, when England and France declared war against Holland. William laid claim to the office of his father, but was opposed by the De Witts. The emergency pointed77 out William as the choice of those opposed to the claims of France, and the De Witts, still opposing, became the victims of an assassination90, said to have been concocted91 by William. This placed William at the head both of civil and military affairs, which, however unscrupulous were the means of attainment92, he conducted with great ability, and saved Holland from subjugation93 to the French king. From 1672 to 1677, the war continued with various success. At the close of that year's campaign, William visited England by invitation, and Charles, in order to terminate a war which was unpopular with the majority of his nobles, acceded94 to the proposal of his counsellors, to pave the way for an alliance with Holland, by espousing95 Mary, the eldest96 daughter of James, then Duke of York, to the Stadtholder. This marriage, which took place shortly after, gave William, who was then both nephew and son-in-law to James, the right of heir-presumptive; and, the immediate result of it was a peace between England and Holland, at Nimeguen, in 1678.
William was a very ill-favored prince, weak of body, ungraceful in gait and manner, and of a forbidding countenance97 at once expressive98 of cruelty and unscrupulousness. He was not a statesman, nor yet an able diplomatist, but possessed99 a keenness of perception, that enabled him to see through the motives of men, a reticence100 of habit, which protected him from importunity101, and a will subservient102 to the call of ambition. Yet though he was the acknowledged head of the Protestant league, and conformed to the ceremonies of exterior103 worship, he was a most confirmed sceptic, and averse104 to all religious disquisition. He, however, possessed those qualities which the enemies of James most desired. He was ambitious of power, an able soldier, the ostensible105 champion of Protestantism, and the irreconcilable106 enemy of the French monarch21.
From the time of his marriage with Mary, he was ambitious of the English throne, chiefly, 'tis said, that he might check the power of his detested107 enemy, Louis, and the connection gave him a valid108 title, should the king, his father-in-law, die without legitimate109 male issue. The Duke of Monmouth, who was an English favorite, being removed, and the Duke of Berwick, the natural son of James, and nephew of Lord Churchill, afterwards Duke of Marlborough, cherishing no such pretensions, William's fears were quieted, and it is even said that he received the first advances of the High Church party with indifference110. But rumors111 of the queen's pregnancy112 excited the fears of William; he became apprehensive113, listened to their appeals, a conspiracy was set on foot through the agency of Bishop33 Burnet, Sydney, Peyton, and Gwynne, and he began to organize a military force for the invasion of England. The materials were ready to his hand. "The Thirty Years' War" had overspread Europe with adventurers from every nation, and he soon gathered to his standard an army of the most daring spirits of the age, consisting of Dutch, Danes, Swedes, Huguenots, and Germans, always ready and eager for any enterprise that offered fame or fortune to their arms.
On the 10th of June, 1688, while these preparations were carried stealthily forward, the Queen of England gave birth to a son. This event removed all hesitation114 on the part of the Prince of Orange, and precipitated115 "the Revolution." From this time forward negotiations117 between the Prince and the English conspirators were pressed with earnestness and vigor118; every concession119 demanded by the Prince was yielded without question by the agents of the Church party, and he bound himself to the invasion and the maintenance of Protestant supremacy120. Still the utmost secrecy121 was observed on both sides, and the Earl of Sunderland, who was in the king's confidence, and at the same time in league with William, kept the one impressed with a sense of security, and apprised122 the other of all that transpired in the national councils.
An incident which occurred at this time may serve to show the animus123 of party spirit, and illustrate124 the intriguing125 and unscrupulous character of William. It had been prearranged between the Prince and his English partisans, that in case the queen gave birth to a son it should be declared suppositious. Accordingly, William prepared an instrument to that effect, to be published on his arrival in England; and yet, with characteristic duplicity, he dispatched Zuylestein, ostensibly to congratulate the king on the birth of his son,—the Prince of Wales,—but covertly126 to complete arrangements with the heads of the conspiracy in England.3 By such artifices127 the king was kept in complete ignorance of the storm gathering128 around him, until the summer had nearly passed, when Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnell,—then deputy for Ireland,—received information from the captain of a Dutch trading vessel129, of the extensive preparations going on in Holland, and of the designs of the Prince of Orange on the English throne.4 Tyrconnell lost no time in communicating this intelligence to the king; and a letter which he received shortly after from his minister at the Hague, informing him that a powerful invasion must be soon expected, followed by private information from the French king to the same effect, at last opened his eyes to his real situation. M. Bonrepos, the envoy130 of Louis, who brought this intelligence, accompanied it with the offer of 30,000 French troops, to suppress the invasion before it could make head; but as the evil counsel of Sunderland still prevailed, on the ground that such an armament from France would excite the indignation of his English soldiers, and precipitate116 the catastrophe131 which he wished to avoid, the generous offer of Louis was declined. James continued in a state of the greatest bewilderment. All the boldness and decision of his earlier years seemed to have deserted132 him; and at a time when only men of approved loyalty should be trusted, he recalled to his service the contumacious133 officials of the late reign, and so paved the way for the success of the impending134 Revolution.
Preliminaries being arranged between William and his English adherents135, by the beginning of October, 1688, he collected his forces at Holvoetsluys, a port in the south of Holland, lying over against the eastern coast of England, and, under the advice of Bishop Burnet, put to sea toward the end of the same month. His armament consisted of fifty ships of war, twenty frigates136, four hundred transports, and some smaller craft, carrying 14,000 men, with arms and equipments for 20,000 more. The van and rear of this fleet were commanded by Admiral Herbert and Vice-Admiral Evertzen, respectively, having the Prince of Orange and his military adherents in the centre. All the ships carried the English flag, having the arms of the Prince emblazoned at the top, with the words:
"RELIGION AND LIBERTY,"
and at the bottom with the device of the house of Nassau,
"I WILL MAINTAIN."
In his train were many English, Irish, and Scotch137 refugees, and three hundred Huguenot officers, the principal of whom were Marshal Schomberg; his son, Count Schomberg; Caillemotte and his brother Ruvigny; Mellioneire, Cambon, Tettau, and others of approved valor138 and of great military experience.
During the voyage a storm arose, the whole fleet was scattered, some of the ships foundered139 at sea, and the rest had to put back for several days. William, however, continued his course, and arrived safe at Torbay, in the county of Devon, on the 5th of November, 1688, with about 700 followers. It being the anniversary of the Gunpowder140 Plot, he availed himself of the circumstance, and appealing to the passions and prejudices of the people, stated the object of his invasion to be the protection of the Protestant religion from the machinations of "Popery." But this not having the desired effect, he felt somewhat disconcerted, and after spending a few days in the exercise of his marines and being joined by the remainder of his forces, he made the necessary disposition141 and took up his march for Exeter. Here, finding that the country gentlemen and clergy142 of the Established Church fled at his approach, and that none of the leading conspirators came to meet him, he began to think that he had been deceived by false promises; and with a presence of mind that rarely deserted him, he at once had recourse to intimidation. Accusing them of their twofold treachery, he apprised them of his intention of furnishing the king with a list of their names, and of then returning to Holland and abandoning them to their fate. This soon aroused them to a sense of their position. Lords Colchester and Godfrey fled from London in the night and joined his standard; others came in after these, and with a force continually increasing as he went, he continued his march towards London.
Upon receiving information of William's descent upon the English coast, King James mustered143 an army of 30,000 men, and marched towards Salisbury to oppose him. On the way, Lord Cornbury, under pretence144 of attacking an outpost of the enemy, took his own regiment145 and three others and abandoned the royal cause: further on, the Duke of Grafton, Colonel Barclay, and Lord Churchill, Lieutenant-General of the Guards, openly deserted. Seeing the defection continue, the king retired to Andover, whence Prince George of Denmark, the young Duke of Ormond, and other distinguished personages, fled in the night, and joined the standard of the invader146. Overwhelmed with shame and confusion he returned to London, but here he found that his daughter, Anne, under pretence of fearing his anger on account of her husband's defection, had left the palace and taken refuge with his enemies. He had always been a most affectionate and indulgent father. The ingratitude147 of his elder daughter, though it pressed heavily on his heart, was borne with becoming fortitude148, but that of the younger, not having the same extenuating149 causes, outraged150 all the dearest sensibilities of the father; his spirit was broken, and, weeping in his bereavement151, he exclaimed: "God help me, my own children have forsaken152 me!" His queen and infant son demanding his first attention, he committed them to the care of the Count de Lausun, by whom they were conveyed in safety to France, and dispatching Lord Feversham with a letter of remonstrance153 to William, he determined to remain in London himself, and bide154 the issue of events. But contrary to honorable usage, Feversham was imprisoned, the palace was surrounded by Dutch guards, in the night, and the king was notified that he should quit London by 12 o'clock next day. Accordingly, he was sent under arrest to Rochester, whence he escaped to Picardy, and arrived at St. Germains on the 25th of December, deserted by all his family but the Duke of Berwick, and the Grand Prior Fitzjames.
The departure of the king was a signal for the uprising of the London mob; the Catholic inhabitants were forced to seek refuge in flight; their property was marked out for destruction; the houses of the Spanish and Florentine envoys155 were rifled, and William entered the city by the blaze of the few religious houses which had been erected156 during the short reign of the expatriate king. He lost no time in arranging his terms of settlement with his new subjects and in opening negotiations with the leaders of the Church party in Ireland and Scotland. On the 12th of February, the Princess Mary joined him in England, and they were proclaimed king and queen; the Prince of Wales was debarred the right of succession, William was invested in the administration, and his children by Mary—should he be blessed with any—were to be endowed with the right of succession.
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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7
reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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abiding
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| adj.永久的，持久的，不变的 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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enunciated
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| v.（清晰地）发音( enunciate的过去式和过去分词 )；确切地说明 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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eschewed
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| v.（尤指为道德或实际理由而）习惯性避开，回避( eschew的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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liberating
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| 解放，释放( liberate的现在分词 ) | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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44
yearned
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| 渴望，切盼，向往( yearn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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47
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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48
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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49
scouted
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| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
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50
ripening
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的现在分词 )；熟化；熟成 | |
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51
transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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52
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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53
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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54
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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55
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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56
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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57
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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58
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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59
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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60
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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61
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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62
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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63
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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64
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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65
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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66
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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67
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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68
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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69
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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70
revocation
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| n.废止，撤回 | |
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71
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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72
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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74
intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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75
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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77
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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78
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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79
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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80
proscription
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| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
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81
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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82
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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83
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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84
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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85
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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86
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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87
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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88
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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89
abeyance
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| n.搁置，缓办，中止，产权未定 | |
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90
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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91
concocted
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| v.将（尤指通常不相配合的）成分混合成某物( concoct的过去式和过去分词 )；调制；编造；捏造 | |
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92
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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93
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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94
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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95
espousing
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的现在分词 ) | |
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96
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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97
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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98
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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99
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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100
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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101
importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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102
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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103
exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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104
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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105
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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106
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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107
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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109
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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110
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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111
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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112
pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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113
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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114
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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115
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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116
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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117
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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118
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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119
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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120
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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121
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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122
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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123
animus
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| n.恶意；意图 | |
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124
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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125
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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126
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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127
artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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128
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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129
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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130
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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131
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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132
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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133
contumacious
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| adj.拒不服从的，违抗的 | |
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134
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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135
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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136
frigates
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| n.快速军舰( frigate的名词复数 ) | |
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137
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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138
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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139
foundered
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| v.创始人( founder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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141
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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142
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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143
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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144
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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145
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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146
invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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147
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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148
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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149
extenuating
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| adj.使减轻的，情有可原的v.（用偏袒的辩解或借口）减轻( extenuate的现在分词 )；低估，藐视 | |
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150
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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151
bereavement
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| n.亲人丧亡，丧失亲人，丧亲之痛 | |
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152
Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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153
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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154
bide
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| v.忍耐；等候；住 | |
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155
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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156
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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