Leaving William of Orange in undisputed possession of the English throne, and King James a suppliant2 at the French court for the support which he had so unwisely declined previous to the invasion, it is necessary to reconsider the condition of Ireland before presenting her part in this great politico-religious drama.
Of the three generations which had passed, antecedent to the events under consideration, each had witnessed a war more protracted3 and devastating4 than any which marked her history since the invasion. These were the wars of Desmond and Tyrone, and the war of the Irish Confederates of 1641; each of which was followed by a wholesale5 confiscation6 and plantation7 of the country with a population antagonistic8 to every interest of the native race. Through these violent changes four-fifths of the ancient chieftainries had changed proprietors9, and those which were undisturbed by each successive military convulsion, the court of claims and the acts of attainder and settlement that continued down to the death of Charles II., had well-nigh sequestrated. The surface of the country is computed10 at ten millions and a half of acres; and of these, says Newenham, "Upon the final execution of the acts of settlement and explanation, it appears that 7,800,000 acres were set out by the court of claims, principally if not wholly, in the exclusion11 of the old Irish proprietors." It is scarce necessary to remark that if the above estimate of the island—which is taken from Dr. Petty's survey—includes the waste and water, the arable12 land had passed to the undertakers, and the waste and water were the portion of the old Irish proprietors.
The loss of liberty, too, had outstripped13 the loss of lands, for liberty and law had first to be silenced that these wholesale robberies might go unquestioned. Education had been proscribed14, and ignorance had increased exceedingly. True, those of the "better sort" might have received an education at the hands of the Establishment, by forswearing their religious convictions and pandering15 to the spirit of the times, but the Catholic schools and colleges of the land had been suppressed; expatriation was the consequence of all attempts at the education of youth in the religious principles of their fathers, and death the penalty of return after banishment17. Nearly all those who still retained any vestige18 of their patrimonial19 estates, had purchased them at the sacrifice of their religious convictions, and those who haply retained both, had done so through the friendly interference of some powerful minions20 of the English court, who were few and far between. There were still a few other exceptions to this general rule, which deserve a casual notice. The descendants of the early settlers of the Pale, though still adhering to the Catholic faith, had been held by the English Government as a distinct element from the native race. On questions pertaining21 to the English tenure22 of the island they had antagonistic interests. Through each successive convulsion they had been treated with greater leniency23, and had received much more consideration on the adjustment and final settlement. Their condition was, therefore, less intolerable than that of the native chiefs; they had privileges without rights, while the latter had neither rights nor privileges. But then there was a counterbalancing influence; the native gentry24 had local popularity; while the Palesmen had Government consideration;—both felt their religious grievances25 in common, and between them there was a mutual26 forbearance, and an exchange of kindly27 offices.
Such was the condition of the descendants of the Normans, and of the fast waning28 septs of the ancient race; but, the people!—they had no consideration, national nor local; no protection but their poverty and their native tongue: no right but that of animal existence, and that only on sufferance! Yet, through all, they had retained the noblest characteristics of manhood; tenacious29 memory, stubborn will, unselfish love of country, unshaken fidelity30 to their faith; and who could doubt that they would now—true to their instincts—be the last refuge of a just king in adversity.
When James ascended31 the throne, on the 16th of February, 1685, the Earl of Ormond was deputy for Ireland. He had taken a leading part in the most exciting scenes of the last fifty years. Gifted with the highest graces of mind and person, he had figured, in early life, as one of the most important personages of the English court, and had won the highest favors of Charles I., and his queen, Henrietta. His powers of diplomacy32 and statesmanship were kept in continual exercise during the latter years of that reign33; but though gifted with talents to excel in each, in each he was signally unsuccessful; and all the evils that befell that king and eventuated in the extinction34 of his house, may be fairly traced to the one leading passion of Ormond,—an implacable hatred35 of the Irish Catholics. It would seem as if all the enmity of all the reformers, from Elizabeth to Cromwell, had in him found an exponent36, and in directing his deadly malice37 against them, he was over-successful: he accomplished38 their ruin, but virtually consigned39 his patron and sovereign to the scaffold.
His after life was ignoble40 and inglorious. He became prodigal41 of honor, tenacious of power, and served as trimmer and timeserver in turn, to Royalists and Parliamentarians alike. But whether in the service of his king or in complicity with his enemies, he held his political principles subservient42 to his worldly interest, and was consistent only in one passion, his religious intolerance. The character of this statesman had become odious43 to James long before his accession to the throne; and believing that no wholesome44 measures of redress45 could be introduced into Ireland, while one so notorious for his duplicity and hatred of its people remained at the head of affairs, he lost no time in recalling him. He then deputed the government to two Lords-Justices: Boyle, the Protestant primate46, and Forbes, Earl of Granard, each of whom had attained47 a high degree of popularity with the people of all religious denominations48. He had reason to believe that these appointments would be received in the spirit which dictated50 them, and prove a measure of general satisfaction. Upon the Catholic population it had the desired effect; but with the High Church party and the Nonconformists it was quite different. The hatred and jealousy51 that existed between them was only secondary to their mutual hatred of the Catholics, and these appointments kindled52 anew the ire of each party against the other. The Puritans were dissatisfied with Boyle, alleging53 that his Protestantism savored54 of "Popery;" and the Churchmen averred55 that Granard was a favorer of the sectaries, and an enemy to the "Establishment."
In order to harmonize all interests and carry out his measures of redress, James sent over the Earl of Clarendon as deputy, and with him Colonel Richard Talbot, an Irishman and a Catholic, as Lieutenant-General of the militia56. But whether it was that Clarendon was opposed to the policy of the king, or that he felt unable to give effect to his measures of redress in a country so divided in sentiment, he retired57 shortly after, and Talbot was created Earl of Tyrconnell and appointed deputy in his stead. In Tyrconnell were then united the civil and military power, and of all the king's subjects who at that time accorded with his religious and political views, there could scarcely be chosen one better adapted to give practical effect to the reforms which he had extended to Ireland.
Richard Talbot, Earl, and afterwards Duke of Tyrconnell, is one of the noblest characters in Irish history. He was a loyal subject of the king, whom he served with characteristic loyalty58, and though of Norman descent, he was as national in heart as the most devoted59 of the native race. Of noble presence,5 courtly manners, untarnished honor, unshrinking courage, indomitable will, and fervid60 patriotism61, he was old enough to remember the Revolution of 1641, had been a sympathetic observer of the sufferings that succeeded, and all the energies of his mind, from his first introduction to royal favor to the end of his career, were directed to effect the civil and religious liberty of his country. Had James been a timeserving king, from Tyrconnell he would have received no adulation; as he was sincere and steadfast63 in his pledges to the Catholics, Tyrconnell was his devoted servant. As deputy and commander-in-chief, his powers for good were more than ordinary, and he stretched them to the utmost tension that justice permitted. His task was delicate and dangerous; but he discarded the delicacy64 and braved the danger, as though he alone felt the awakened65 energy of a whole people. Imprudent they term him; but looking through his chequered life, and reviewing the scenes he had witnessed in youth, we cannot acquiesce66 in the decision. The circumstances by which he was surrounded brooked67 no delay, and what is termed imprudence by our recent annalists, would, if viewed in the light of his time, appear the wisest statesmanship; and it must be generally conceded, that if the king was as bold and intrepid68 as Tyrconnell, the usurpation69 of William would have been as abortive70 as that of Monmouth.
I have turned aside from the course of direct narrative71 to dedicate a page to the memory of this much-maligned statesman. It is deemed a duty obligatory72, because there is a tendency, even among Irish nationalists, to offer him as a sacrifice on the altar of conciliation73. Truth may be unpalatable, but it is always wholesome, and without due reverence74 for it, there will be no incentive75 to do and suffer for noble ends. The religious martyr76 finds his reward above, but the patriot62's reward is the blessing77 of posterity78, and history should never divert a people's heart from those who labored79 for their good, albeit80 their efforts were unsuccessful. Richard Talbot, Duke of Tyrconnell, is a name to be on the tongue of every Irish child, and his deeds a memory in the heart of every Irish patriot. He survived the battle of Aughrim, at which he was present, but a short time; and he should have died there, and gone to rest on that mournfully historic field, where rest some of the best and bravest that Ireland ever nurtured81 on her bosom82. His character would then be complete. He labored for them through life; they were worthy83 of his companionship in death.
Of the parliament which he assembled in Dublin, after the removal of religious disabilities, the majority in the lower house were of the Catholic faith, and as the measures which were introduced during that session afford ample testimony84 that they were keenly alive to the higher duties of legislation, a brief outline of them is here submitted in the order of their political importance:
First.—An act removing all political disabilities from the natives of Ireland.
Second.—An act against removing writs85 of error from the Irish to the English courts.
Third.—An act of indemnity86 to Catholics who had been declared innocent by the Court of Claims.
Fourth.—An act to encourage strangers to settle and plant in the kingdom of Ireland.
Fifth.—An act investing in his majesty87 the goods of absentees.
Sixth.—An act for the advancement88 and improvement of trade, and the encouragement of ship-building.
Seventh.—An act declaring that the Parliament of England cannot bind89 Ireland.
The last was a virtual repeal90 of "Poyning's Law," an act passed during the reign of Henry VII. in a parliament convoked91 at Drogheda by Sir Edward Poyning, in 1494, and which provided "that no parliament could be held in Ireland until the chief governor and council had first certified92 to the king under the great seal of the land, as well the causes and considerations, as the acts designed to pass, and until the same should be approved by the king and council of England."
All these acts were known to be so just and salutary, that it was hoped they would at once meet the unanimous approval of the English king and his council. But they were all, or nearly all, negatived by the council; and the king himself, though he gave his assent93 to all the others, rejected that repealing94 the law of Poyning. It had met with great opposition95 in the upper house of the Irish Parliament, for though it was a law which placed Ireland under the complete legislative96 control of England, there was in the "higher estate" then, as to-day, a spirit of subserviency97 to the English interest, and the king was as jealous of his royal prerogatives98 as any of his predecessors99. But this act was afterwards repealed100, when nearly one hundred years more of bitter experience had proved its ruinous effect on the country, and eighteen years of unparalleled prosperity was the consequence. This subject is, however, out of the course of our narrative, and is only referred to as showing that the repeal of Poyning's law did not originate with Grattan or the volunteers of 1782, but had been the principal object of the statesmen of ante-Jacobite times, as the repeal of the union has been in our own days.
No body of legislators ever understood the wants of a country better than that parliament did the necessities of Ireland. And well might they understand them, for their impoverished101 country and broken fortunes bore striking and melancholy102 evidence of the evil effects of foreign legislation aided by a subsidized native oligarchy103 inimical to every interest but their own. For three generations the people had known no respite104 from robbery and proscription105. Over two hundred thousand of them had passed into exile, or had been consigned to penal16 servitude in the colonies within the last fifty years. Then, as to-day, the population, though small, was deemed "surplus," while outlawry106 and banishment suppressed all manifestations107 of a national spirit. The chiefs were detached from their clans109, and the clans, in losing their former protectors, had found but deadly enemies in their new taskmasters. The old feudal110 system was nearly extinct, even in the districts least visited by English adventure, and this Parliament had realized the stern necessity of reconstructing a nation out of the elements at its disposal. The troubles that surrounded the king gave it a temporary power, which it wielded111 for the removal of grievances becoming chronic112 in the land, but "no act of a proscriptive113 or retaliatory114 character stains the parliamentary records of that period."6
Measures of redress now followed in quick succession. Political and religious disabilities were removed from all denominations, without distinction; and the people were not slow in availing themselves of their long-lost privileges. Catholic churches were once more opened to the service of God, and local schools began to appear throughout the country. Catholic judges, mayors, and sheriffs took their places wherever opportunity offered, and the people felt a gratification corresponding to their altered condition. But, throughout all, they acted with a forbearance and dignity worthy of a people long tried in adversity; they expressed no exultation115 at their sudden emancipation116, and no spirit of retaliation117 was manifested that might give alarm to their Protestant countrymen.
The Protestant officials of that day, who held the liberty of the country, as it were, in lien118, threw many obstructions119 in the way of these reforms. Among the foremost of these were Topham and Coghill, masters-in-chancery, and the Chancellor120 himself, and they were removed for open contumacy, and on what then appeared "good and sufficient reasons,"—throwing the legal technicalities of an odious system in the way of a people's emancipation from the penal servitude of ages.
Early in 1686, Tyrconnell issued a proclamation in accordance with that of the king, that all classes of his majesty's subjects were allowed to serve in the army, accompanied by an order that the arms which had hitherto been given out should be returned to the king's stores, preparatory to a reorganization of the militia. The militia of the country, which at that time must have numbered about 20,000, were exclusively Protestant, and were officered by men of the most proscriptive tendencies, and apart from those regularly enrolled121, the whole Protestant population were under arms, subject to the call of local leaders at a moment's notice. Being, almost to a man, opposed to the measures of Catholic redress then being instituted by the king, would appear sufficient motive122 for this action on the part of the deputy. For the last generation they had been the rigorous executors of the acts of attainder and settlement; the memories they awakened could scarcely be conducive123 to good order or a feeling of public security: not being national, they were regarded with distrust, and were held as unsafe guardians124 of the liberty which they openly denounced. Many of their leaders were known to be implicated125 in Monmouth's rebellion, and as a precautionary measure, it became necessary to infuse a spirit of loyalty among them by the introduction of a Catholic element. To accomplish this seems to have been the great trouble of the deputy. Men there were, to any number, ready at his call, but arms were wanting, and the revenue of the country was scarce sufficient to defray the expenses of the civil government. There was, therefore, no other resource but to call in the arms for a redistribution, and to organize a body of native troops from whom exclusion would be excluded. This measure created great alarm, among a party who had been so long dominant126; and, if in its accomplishment127, any denomination49 were excluded who felt a liberal sentiment towards the great body of the people, there would have been cause for just apprehension128, but such does not appear on the record of the period. All test oaths were abolished according to the proclamation of the king, and all denominations, without distinction, were invited to join the new organization. The Catholic people responded with promptitude and alacrity129, and an army of about 8,000 men, was soon enrolled from the old royalist corps130 scattered131 through the country; a few regiments132 more sprang up from the remnants of the native clans, and with these the deputy felt able to execute the laws, and garrison134 a few of the most important military stations in the kingdom.
On the other hand, the Protestant militia, feeling jealous that men so long outside the pale of all law, should at once be endowed with the high privilege of freemen, shunned135 the organizations, and many of their prominent officers, retiring to Holland, took service under the Prince of Orange, then conspiring136 for the overthrow137 of their rightful sovereign.
In this age and clime, such intolerance may seem greatly exaggerated, if not altogether incredible. But stepping down through the successive changes of ninety years, we find that the Volunteers of 1782, with the light of the American Revolution before them, were quite as exclusive. Up to the day when, on Essex-Bridge, the regiment133 of Lord Altamont held its way through the ranks of his Britannic majesty,7 and a revolution appeared imminent138, the proposition to allow Catholics to bear arms in the native militia, even as private soldiers, had been scouted139 with contempt. The provisions of Catholic Emancipation are not yet accepted there, for we have seen the "Test Act" revived as late as 1864, in Dublin, to the exclusion of a Catholic alderman. Before such evidences, doubt vanishes, and we are able to appreciate the position of Tyrconnell, and the necessity for intrepid action in the premises140. No man had a greater share of praise and censure141 from contemporary historians than he, and he is still a subject of each as the minds of men incline to either side in the issues that then distracted the country. His precipitancy in removing the restraints on religion, and in giving too active an impulse to the popular will, has come in for its share of condemnation142. He is also criticized for a too pompous143 display of his dual144 power, as Viceroy and Commander-in-Chief: but we should remember that they who censure his hasty measures of redress, are those who persistently145 oppose all redress; that his manner of life as Viceroy was simple and unostentatious as compared with that of his successors in office, and that his dual power was conferred on him, when the king's brother-in-law, Clarendon, had deserted146 him, and there was no other man capable and at the same time willing to assume that critical position.
Tyrconnell, however, was not a man to be diverted from his purpose by either threat or criticism, and so he pursued his course unshrinking. His country demanded redress and he hearkened to her call. The emancipation of his co-religionists was necessary, and he endeavored to effect it: but in doing so he infringed147 no civil or religious right of others: none were denied equality before the law, and none were removed from office except for open contumacy or covert148 treason. No doubt he had to brave obloquy149 and opposition; but who could serve that country and that king at that particular crisis, and escape the shafts150 of malignity151?
In the summer of 1688, when the conspiracy152 of the Prince of Orange became known to Tyrconnell, in the manner already indicated, he lost no time in communicating his intelligence to the king. It was received with incredulity, for the evil counsel of Earl Sunderland still held sway over every other representation. How could he believe that his affectionate son-in-law, who had made him a prompt tender of military assistance to suppress the rebellion of Monmouth, could have been prompted by any but the most honorable and filial motives153? Had he not offered to lead his forces in person, and to protect the capital and the inmates154 of the royal palace?
But the urgency of the occasion emboldened155 Tyrconnell, and he at last succeeded in arousing the king's suspicions. He urged the necessity of an immediate156 alliance with France, and though in this he was not able to move the fixed157 impression left by the wily secretary, he prevailed so far on the king as to accept the greater part of the forces he had raised for the protection of Ireland; and so they were immediately sent over and placed at the royal service.
Tyrconnell then formed the bold design, without the knowledge of the king, of placing Ireland under the protection of France. The proposition was well received by Louis, but events culminated158 with such rapidity during the autumn of 1688, that no time was left for diplomacy, for it required the undivided attention of Tyrconnell to repress the spirit of disaffection throughout Ulster as the winter approached. The leaders of the Protestant party in Ireland were alive to all that was taking place, and premonitory symptoms of open revolt were apparent to all. In Ulster, Lord Blaney, Rawdon, Skeffington, Keames, Kelso, and Walker, who had kept a close correspondence with the Prince of Orange since the death of Monmouth, sounded the alarm, and called their followers159 to arms. Every action or word of the deputy was seized on to excite the passions and fears of their people, and every counter-effort on his part to allay160 the growing excitement was futile161. The time was propitious162, and they seized on every event to magnify their danger. The alarm became wide-spread, and the old hatred that so often left the country a prey163 to foreign adventure was revived in all its bitterness. Fanaticism164 overruled common sense, and the people were divided.
A report was industriously165 circulated that a massacre166 of the entire Protestant population of the country was arranged for the 9th of December, with a minuteness of detail that convinced the most incredulous. This was about the date that was to usher167 in the Prince of Orange. The conspirators168 knew it, but the people were ignorant. The utmost consternation169 prevailed; the Protestant people in considerable numbers abandoned their homes, flocked to the sea-shore, and stowing themselves away in the hold of every available craft that presented, passed over to England, while the boldest of them fled to the North to join the standard of William's adherents170. Those who reached England awakened the liveliest sympathy for the condition of their Irish brethren, and the most bitter indignation against "the murdering Irish." The arrival of William at Whitehall was the signal for a general onslaught on the English Catholics, and the Irish residents there had to take refuge in immediate flight. The regiments imprudently sent there at the suggestion of Tyrconnell, being placed in small detachments throughout the country, were forced into the usurper's service, or, trying to make their way home, were set upon in detail, and slaughtered171 mercilessly in the streets and by-ways wherever they passed. Some few fought or forced their way to the seaboard, and through the kindly offices of the English Jacobites, made their way back in the most wretched condition.8
The news of William's arrival soon spread throughout Ireland and Scotland. In the former country this event had been anticipated: the people had already arrayed themselves into two parties known through succeeding times as Williamites and Jacobites. In the latter a convention was called, and after much angry opposition, the covenanters declared that James's flight was a virtual abdication172, and that he had consequently "forefaulted" his right to the throne and the allegiance of his subjects of Scotland, which they tendered to William. A respectable portion, however, headed by the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Duke of Gordon, the Earl of Balcarras, and Graham of Claverhouse (Viscount Dundee) supported the Jacobite cause and took up arms in defence of their lawful173 king.
On the 7th of December the gates of Derry were closed against the Earl of Antrim's regiment of Highlanders sent thither174 by Tyrconnell on the invitation of its governor, and the call to arms was sounded through all the province of Ulster. Blaney, Walker, Keames, Kelso, Skeffington, and Rawdon called a convention, and assuming their right to dispose of the country, tendered its allegiance to William. They then entered into a league "for the maintenance of the Protestant religion and the dependency of Ireland upon England," and placed themselves at the head of the military organizations formed throughout the province: and Enniskillen, Culmore, Sligo, Coleraine—nearly all the important posts from Down to Donegal, and from Cavan to Antrim—were seized on and garrisoned175 in the name of the Prince of Orange.
It is scarcely necessary to say, that the 9th of December came and passed without any manifestation108 of that murderous design attributed to the Catholics. The conspiracy was on the other side, and manifested itself in the following manner. Major Poor, who had served in a dragoon regiment under Cromwell, had got the command of two companies of cavalry176, from "The League." With this force he commenced a series of raids on the inhabitants of Louth, and levied177 a tax of ￡500 on the tenantry of Lord Bellew. Hearing of this, Bellew sent his son, a youth of eighteen, with a company of dragoons, to assist the farmers in resisting the tax. These troops met and fought for some time with the most determined178 bravery, until Bellew, closing with the Major, killed him with a blow of his pistol on the head, when the troops of the Major took flight, leaving their dead and wounded behind them. This was the first act of open hostility179: it aroused the Catholic people to the necessity of defensive180 measures, and quickened that martial181 spirit, never extinguished; their hearts responded to the war-note of the times; but what could the spirit do, but chafe182 at delay? Their country was impoverished, and they had neither arms nor organization.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
hostilities
|
|
| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
suppliant
|
|
| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
protracted
|
|
| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
devastating
|
|
| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
wholesale
|
|
| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
confiscation
|
|
| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
plantation
|
|
| n.种植园，大农场 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
antagonistic
|
|
| adj.敌对的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
proprietors
|
|
| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
computed
|
|
| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
exclusion
|
|
| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
arable
|
|
| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
outstripped
|
|
| v.做得比…更好，（在赛跑等中）超过( outstrip的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
proscribed
|
|
| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
pandering
|
|
| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的现在分词 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
penal
|
|
| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
banishment
|
|
| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
vestige
|
|
| n.痕迹，遗迹，残余 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
patrimonial
|
|
| adj.祖传的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
20
minions
|
|
| n.奴颜婢膝的仆从( minion的名词复数 )；走狗；宠儿；受人崇拜者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
pertaining
|
|
| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
tenure
|
|
| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
leniency
|
|
| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
gentry
|
|
| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
grievances
|
|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
waning
|
|
| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
tenacious
|
|
| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
fidelity
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
ascended
|
|
| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
diplomacy
|
|
| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
extinction
|
|
| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
hatred
|
|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
exponent
|
|
| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
malice
|
|
| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
consigned
|
|
| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
ignoble
|
|
| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
prodigal
|
|
| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
subservient
|
|
| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
odious
|
|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
wholesome
|
|
| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
redress
|
|
| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
primate
|
|
| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
attained
|
|
| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
denominations
|
|
| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
denomination
|
|
| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
dictated
|
|
| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
kindled
|
|
| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
alleging
|
|
| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
savored
|
|
| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的过去式和过去分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
averred
|
|
| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
militia
|
|
| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
retired
|
|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
loyalty
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
devoted
|
|
| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
fervid
|
|
| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
patriotism
|
|
| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
patriot
|
|
| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
steadfast
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
delicacy
|
|
| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
awakened
|
|
| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
acquiesce
|
|
| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
brooked
|
|
| 容忍，忍受（brook的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
intrepid
|
|
| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
usurpation
|
|
| n.篡位；霸占 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
abortive
|
|
| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
obligatory
|
|
| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
conciliation
|
|
| n.调解，调停 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
reverence
|
|
| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
incentive
|
|
| n.刺激；动力；鼓励；诱因；动机 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
martyr
|
|
| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
blessing
|
|
| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
posterity
|
|
| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
labored
|
|
| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
albeit
|
|
| conj.即使；纵使；虽然 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
nurtured
|
|
| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
bosom
|
|
| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
worthy
|
|
| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
writs
|
|
| n.书面命令，令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
indemnity
|
|
| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
majesty
|
|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
advancement
|
|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
bind
|
|
| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
repeal
|
|
| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
convoked
|
|
| v.召集，召开（会议）( convoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
certified
|
|
| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
assent
|
|
| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
repealing
|
|
| 撤销，废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
opposition
|
|
| n.反对，敌对 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
legislative
|
|
| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
subserviency
|
|
| n.有用，裨益 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
98
prerogatives
|
|
| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
predecessors
|
|
| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
repealed
|
|
| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
impoverished
|
|
| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
melancholy
|
|
| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
oligarchy
|
|
| n.寡头政治 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
respite
|
|
| n.休息，中止，暂缓 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
proscription
|
|
| n.禁止，剥夺权利 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
outlawry
|
|
| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
107
manifestations
|
|
| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
manifestation
|
|
| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
clans
|
|
| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
feudal
|
|
| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
wielded
|
|
| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
chronic
|
|
| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
proscriptive
|
|
| adj.剥夺人权的，放逐的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
114
retaliatory
|
|
| adj.报复的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
exultation
|
|
| n.狂喜，得意 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
emancipation
|
|
| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
retaliation
|
|
| n.报复，反击 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
lien
|
|
| n.扣押权，留置权 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
obstructions
|
|
| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
chancellor
|
|
| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
enrolled
|
|
| adj.入学登记了的v.[亦作enrol]( enroll的过去式和过去分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
conducive
|
|
| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
guardians
|
|
| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
implicated
|
|
| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
dominant
|
|
| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
accomplishment
|
|
| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
apprehension
|
|
| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
alacrity
|
|
| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
corps
|
|
| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
scattered
|
|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
regiments
|
|
| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
regiment
|
|
| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
garrison
|
|
| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
shunned
|
|
| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
conspiring
|
|
| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
overthrow
|
|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
imminent
|
|
| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
scouted
|
|
| 寻找，侦察( scout的过去式和过去分词 )； 物色（优秀运动员、演员、音乐家等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
premises
|
|
| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
censure
|
|
| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
condemnation
|
|
| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
pompous
|
|
| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
dual
|
|
| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
persistently
|
|
| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
146
deserted
|
|
| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
147
infringed
|
|
| v.违反（规章等）( infringe的过去式和过去分词 )；侵犯（某人的权利）；侵害（某人的自由、权益等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
148
covert
|
|
| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
149
obloquy
|
|
| n.斥责，大骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
150
shafts
|
|
| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
151
malignity
|
|
| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
152
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
153
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
154
inmates
|
|
| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
155
emboldened
|
|
| v.鼓励，使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
156
immediate
|
|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
157
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
158
culminated
|
|
| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
159
followers
|
|
| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
160
allay
|
|
| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
161
futile
|
|
| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
162
propitious
|
|
| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
163
prey
|
|
| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
164
fanaticism
|
|
| n.狂热，盲信 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
165
industriously
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
166
massacre
|
|
| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
167
usher
|
|
| n.带位员，招待员；vt.引导，护送；vi.做招待，担任引座员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
168
conspirators
|
|
| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
169
consternation
|
|
| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
170
adherents
|
|
| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
171
slaughtered
|
|
| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
172
abdication
|
|
| n.辞职；退位 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
173
lawful
|
|
| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
174
thither
|
|
| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
175
garrisoned
|
|
| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
176
cavalry
|
|
| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
177
levied
|
|
| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
178
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
179
hostility
|
|
| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
180
defensive
|
|
| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
181
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
182
chafe
|
|
| v.擦伤；冲洗；惹怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |