Hitherto, the success of the Jacobite cause in Ireland and Scotland, had rendered the tenure1 of the English throne by the Prince of Orange a matter of uncertainty2 both to himself and his English adherents3. The state of public feeling in the capital had rendered the presence of his foreign mercenaries continually necessary to his person; and he knew that should James succeed in repressing the rebellion in the other two kingdoms, his restoration to the third would follow as an inevitable4 consequence. He had already, with the English people, lost all that popularity which immediately succeeded his invasion. By turning the Convention into a Parliament, in order to avoid a popular election, he outraged5 the first principle of the British Charter, and the people soon learned that his pledges to maintain their liberty and religion were only affected6 for the time, to establish his own dominion7 over them. The Conventionists, too, so long subservient8 to his wishes, had, since erected9 into a Parliament, inveighed10 against the Dutch influence in the kingdom, and he, more than once, had threatened to abdicate11 and leave them to the mercy of their outraged king. This threat never failed of its desired effect on the leaders of the Opposition12 in Parliament; but the popular discontent had to be suppressed by the strong hand; and the British soldiers who showed any sign of disaffection, were sent to serve as his Dutch contingent13 to the League, while the followers14 of Schomberg and Ginckle lived at will in England.
But now that the relief of Derry and Enniskillen put a better face on affairs in Ireland; and the death of Dundee freed him from farther apprehension15 for the safety of Scotland, he resolved to relieve the English people of the presence of his foreign mercenaries, by employing them in the reduction of the only kingdom that preferred allegiance to King James. He accordingly apprised16 the Parliament of his intention. The proposition was favorably received, and large subsidies17 being granted for that purpose, an army consisting of eighteen regiments19 of foot, and six regiments of horse—about 20,000 men,—was soon organized from among the military adventurers that the higher pay given in England at that time had drawn20 thither21 from the Continent. A fleet was soon ready to transport this army to Ireland, and the whole was placed under the command of Marshal, the Duke of Schomberg, and Count Solmes, to make a descent on the eastern coast of Ireland, and, after establishing communications with the rebels, to proceed to the reduction of Dublin. On the 12th of August this fleet appeared off the coast of Down, and, sailing into Belfast Lough, effected a landing at Bangor Bay, between Belfast and Carrickfergus. The next day Schomberg took possession of Belfast, and after strengthening its defences, and giving his troops some rest, he appeared before the Castle of Carrickfergus and summoned it to surrender. The garrison22 was under the command of Colonel McCarthy-More, and consisted of his own regiment18 and that of Colonel Cormac O'Neil,—about eight hundred men,—poorly supplied, and greatly embarrassed by the population of the town, who had taken refuge within its walls. Schomberg immediately opened upon it from his ships and land batteries, keeping up a fierce cannonade day and night during the entire period of the siege. The garrison made a stubborn resistance, and visited the besiegers with severe loss, which elicited23 the praise of Schomberg, and excited a spirit of vengeance24 among his followers. The walls being breached25 after the second day, the besieged27 had resort to a singular stratagem28. The cattle within the walls were slaughtered29, hauled up and thrown into the breach26, and earth and stones being heaped over them, the place was soon as tenable as ever; their balls being spent, they tore the lead from the roof of the castle, and converted it into bullets; and at last, their powder being exhausted30, and no succor31 arriving from the Irish army; after a siege of eight days, they surrendered on terms considered highly honorable. But these conditions were flagrantly violated after the evacuation; the prisoners, whom the English Annalist calls "brave fellows, but poorly clad," were subjected to treatment which darkens the history of the time; crimes too abominable32 for recital33, were perpetrated by the foreign mercenaries on the defenceless inhabitants of the town: and Schomberg, who tried to check their excesses, only succeeded in rendering34 himself so unpopular as to affect unfavorably the result of the ensuing campaign.... Judging of this army of mercenaries on the authority of the historian, Taylor, they must, indeed, have been a godless host. "They were," says he,21 "the outcasts of all society, familiar with every crime, abandoned to every excess. Vices35 for which language scarcely ventures to find a name; abominations that may not be described, and can scarcely be imagined, were constantly practised by these bandits.... The traditions of the Irish Protestants and Catholics contain a horrid36 catalogue of the enormities practised by this 'black banditti;' and these accounts are fully37 confirmed by the narratives38 which the contemporary writers have given of their conduct in other countries. With these were joined some raw English levies39, who found it much easier to imitate the debaucheries than to practise the discipline of the foreigners. Indeed, no worse scourge40 could be sent by an angry Providence41 than the army which now proceeded against Ireland."
Having repaired the Castle of Carrickfergus, and left English garrisons42 there and in Belfast, Schomberg drew out his army into the open country, and spent some time in organizing the Enniskilleners, who now flocked to his standard. Nor does it appear that they who now joined him were of a character to check the evil propensities43 of his foreigners. In allusion44 to them, the authority just quoted, gives the following not very flattering picture:
"The soldiers of Schomberg were perfectly45 astounded46 by the appearance of the men whose fame had been so loudly trumpeted47 in England.... Every man was armed and equipped after his own fashion, and each was attended by a mounted servant bearing his baggage.... Descended48 from the Levellers and Covenanters, they preserved all the gloomy fanaticism49 of their fathers, and believed the slaughtering50 of Papists an act of religious duty. They were robbers and murderers on principle, for they believed themselves commissioned to remove idolatry from the land.... Reeking51 from the field of battle, they assembled round their preachers, who always accompanied them in their expeditions, and listened with eager delight to their wild effusions, in which the magnificent Orientalisms of the Old Testament52 were strangely combined with their gross and vulgar sentiments.... William himself despised them most heartily53, and subjected them to military execution by the dozen for violating the laws of war. From the moment they joined the regular army, they performed no exploit worthy54 of their former fame, simply because they could not learn a new mode of fighting. They were aware of this themselves, and frequently declared, with truth, that they could do no good while acting55 under orders."22
Such was the army; discordant56 in language, in habit—in fine, in every thing but its love of plunder57 and confiscation58, with which Schomberg now undertook the conquest of the country and the eradication59 of the Catholic faith; and had he moved directly on the capital without delay, there is hardly a doubt that he could have established his winter-quarters in it, for there was then no army on his front capable of offering any protracted60 opposition. Behind him, and to his right, lay the northern province, lately relieved from the presence of the Jacobite army; with no garrison but Charlemont, on the Blackwater, to concern his movements, and that, in the presence of the Enniskilleners, and in the midst of a population friendly to his cause, might have been safely disregarded. Far off towards its western confines lay a few detached encampments of the Irish, too remote to offer any timely opposition, while the garrison of Belturbet was so straitened and reduced by the late reverse at Newtownbutler, as to be scarcely able to maintain its position against the outlying insurgents61 of Fermanagh. At this moment he might have safely chosen at once, either to march westward62 across the whole breadth of the island, or direct upon the capital, without meeting a force capable of disputing his progress. But on his front lay Newry, and there, report said that a large army was encamped under the Count de Rosen and Hamilton, though, in truth, no body of any consequence had as yet left the capital, and these generals were then at Drogheda, engaged in the work of mobilizing and disciplining their raw levies. After spending several days, undecided whether to advance direct against it, or turn northward63 and undertake the siege of Charlemont, he at last adopted a middle course, which was to detach a force against that stronghold, while with the bulk of his army he felt his way cautiously towards Dublin. Proceeding64 slowly along the coast for several days, within easy communication of his fleet, he at last turned his steps towards Newry, to try the countenance65 of the enemy. The time lost by this indecision enabled the Duke of Berwick to anticipate him there, and with a force of 1,000 foot and 600 horse dragoons, hastily mustered66, he stood prepared to oppose him. Knowing the futility67 of giving battle with such a small body of men to an army like that led by Schomberg, flushed with its recent success, he endeavored to effect by stratagem that which he could not by force. So, raising intrenchments at Newry, and causing a report to be spread through the enemy's ranks that he was marching forward to give him battle, the movements of the latter became more slow and cautious as he advanced. The country between the two armies was studded with hills favorable for deception68, and on these Berwick posted videttes, within sight of the enemy, and took up a central position himself, making as bold a front as possible. Schomberg, on observing this, believed that the whole Irish army was drawn up to dispute his advance, and, halting his army, he encamped at the distance of two miles, and went at the head of fourteen squadrons to reconnoitre the position. Berwick in the centre, with only two troops of horse, caused his videttes to withdraw gradually, and ordered a flourish of trumpets69, as if about to charge, when Schomberg hesitated, halted, and finally retired70 to his camp. He was followed at a safe distance by Berwick, and, the night soon closing, he spent it in hasty preparation; he strengthened his position, delivered ammunition71 to his troops, and resolved to attack in force the following morning. The morning came, every thing was in requisition for the great issue of arms, but no army appeared on his front, for Berwick had retired during the night, and marched to Drogheda to join the Duke of Tyrconnell, who had assembled an army there, and where the king had arrived to conduct the campaign in person.
The army now assembled at Drogheda, under the command of the king, consisted of about 20,000 men, not more than half of whom were the veterans of the last year, the rest being raw levies, indifferently clad, and armed with such weapons as could be hastily improvised72 for the occasion; with a park of artillery73, generally estimated at twelve light field-pieces. Here a council of war was held, in which the king was earnestly besought74 to abandon the capital and fall back towards the centre of the island; but, after much deliberation, he determined75 to offer battle, and advanced to Dundalk, where Schomberg lay intrenched with an army greatly augmented76 by accessions from Derry and Enniskillen, and vastly superior in every thing that could render an army effective.
It is hard to account for the indecision of Schomberg at this period; for several days the Irish army hovered77 in his vicinity, but no challenge could induce him to quit his intrenchments. His well-known gallantry made this the more remarkable78, and his continual persistence79 in declining an engagement, daily offered, led de Rosen to believe that "he wanted something," and to urge the king to assail80 him in his encampment. But this proposition was declined by the latter, on the ground that, as "he wanted something," winter would do the work of war on his army of foreigners without hazarding a battle, and leave him completely powerless to continue his campaign in the ensuing season. Elated with the belief that Schomberg was afraid to meet him in the field, after issuing a manifesto81 offering rewards to such as would desert to his standard, he took leave of his army and returned to the capital. The army soon retired to winter-quarters at Drogheda, and Schomberg, after an inglorious campaign of four months, spent in advancing about thirty miles, withdrew from Dundalk, and encamped in the low country to the north of it, where he passed the remainder of the winter. Here a loathsome82 disease attacked his troops. Thousands of them fell victims to it, and the whole army became so enfeebled, that the living were scarcely able to bury the dead. Others, principally of the French troops, under the inducement held out by King James, deserted83 to the Irish army, though many were retaken and executed: until disease, demoralization, and desertion had actually reduced his army to four or five thousand men at all capable of service. Cognizant of this, the Irish generals again appealed to the king, to attack him while in this condition, and rid the country effectually of his presence; but with his characteristic dogmatism, he still persevered84 in a policy that seemed to work so well, lost an opportunity which seems to have been offered by Providence for the success of his cause, and hugged his illusion till too late. De Rosen and d'Avaux were soon after recalled to France; the Irish generals had become disgusted with their leadership; the army felt relieved by the event, and higher hopes were felt for the campaign of 1690.
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1
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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2
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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3
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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4
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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5
outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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6
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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7
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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8
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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9
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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10
inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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12
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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18
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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20
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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21
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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23
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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25
breached
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| 攻破( breach的现在分词 )； 破坏，违反 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28
stratagem
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| n.诡计，计谋 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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31
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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32
abominable
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| adj.可厌的，令人憎恶的 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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34
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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39
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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40
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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41
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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42
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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43
propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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44
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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45
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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46
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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47
trumpeted
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| 大声说出或宣告（trumpet的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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48
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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49
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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50
slaughtering
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的现在分词 ) | |
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51
reeking
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| v.发出浓烈的臭气( reek的现在分词 )；散发臭气；发出难闻的气味 (of sth)；明显带有（令人不快或生疑的跡象） | |
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52
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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53
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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54
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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55
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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56
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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57
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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58
confiscation
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| n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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59
eradication
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| n.根除 | |
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60
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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61
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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64
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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65
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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66
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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67
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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68
deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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69
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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70
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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71
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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72
improvised
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| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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73
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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74
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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75
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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76
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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77
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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78
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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79
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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80
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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81
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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82
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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83
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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84
persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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