The winter, and the advantages it offered to the Irish army, passed away, and the Duke of Schomberg, who, for several months, could have offered but an ineffectual opposition1, was, through the vacillating policy of the king, and the factious2 opposition of the Lords, spiritual and temporal, in his Parliament, allowed to take the initiative in the renewal3 of hostilities4. While he pressed the siege of Charlemont with renewed vigor5, he dispatched 3,300 English and Enniskilleners, under the command of Brigadier Wolseley, to seize on Belturbet and Cavan, which were occupied through the winter by a small force under General Wauchop, and to the relief of these positions, which were considered of much importance, the Duke of Berwick was ordered with a force of 1,500 foot and 200 horse. Belturbet had been the scene of many bitter conflicts since the commencement of the rebellion, and had been taken and retaken by the troops of each army in turn, as the tide of war fluctuated. Situated6 in the midst of a fertile district, it was of much advantage in the way of supply. By its possession, through the previous year, the Irish had been enabled to hold the Enniskilleners in check even after the disaster of Newtownbutler; and it was still hoped that, by holding it, they could confine them to the more northern counties, and prevent their concentration round the Duke of Schomberg, or divert his attention from the capital.
Berwick, on receipt of the order, proceeded by rapid marches, and arrived at Cavan, which is about five miles from Belturbet, late in the evening, whence he sent orders to General Wauchop to throw out pickets7 in the direction of the enemy, and notify him of their earliest appearance. Owing to the heavy rains that had fallen through the night, this order was either totally neglected, or but carelessly observed; and early in the morning, while Berwick took up his march from Cavan, Wolseley approached as rapidly from the direction of Monaghan; each with the intention of occupying a mud fort which commanded the town. Both forces, each unapprised of the design of the other, met in the intrenchments, and a fierce conflict followed. Wolseley was driven from the fort and through the adjoining coppice in great confusion, but Colonel MacGeoghaghen being killed, and General Nugent and several officers wounded, their troops became panic-stricken, "and, in a moment," says Berwick, "from being conquerors8, we became conquered." Wolseley lost 300 men, and Berwick 500; the fort was evacuated9 as a consequence; the Irish fell back to Cavan, which they shortly after abandoned; and Schomberg, being relieved of further apprehension10 from that direction, and being strengthened by his native auxiliaries11, turned his undivided attention to the siege of Charlemont.
Believing that the fall of Belturbet, and the isolation12 of his position, must have dampened the ardor13 of Colonel O'Regan, the commandant of the Castle of Charlemont, Schomberg offered him honorable conditions in case he agreed to surrender the fort, but he found the spirit of this indomitable old chieftain as hopeful and defiant14 as ever. Since the arrival of Schomberg, he had succeeded in baffling all efforts to reduce the place; and, though now surrounded, and cut off on all sides from hope of succor15, he thanked the duke for his offer, but replied that he would never surrender "his castle," and was determined16 to hold it for his king, or die in its ruins. He was, however, placed in a very embarrassing situation. Within the last few days a body of five hundred soldiers, bearing a scanty17 supply of ammunition18 and provisions, had forced their way into the garrison19, and, having thus partially20 relieved it, were ordered unceremoniously to fight their way out again, but, in making the attempt, were driven back under the guns of the fort. The governor refused them admittance. He said that he was ordered to defend the place, and would do it, and looked on them as much his enemies as the troops of Schomberg. They were, therefore, placed on the counterscarp of the fort, where they were exposed to the fire of the enemy, and many of them were actually killed during the bombardment that followed. But, though in appearance, and in many of his characteristics, he affected21 the ogre, his heart relented; and, while he could bear to see them shot from the walls, he could not see them die of starvation, and so doled22 out his scanty provisions until they were consumed, and the garrison was reduced to all the horrors of a famine-siege. Every means of supporting life was now resorted to, and every effort for the reduction of the fort was in vain, until on the 14th of May, when, literally23 starved out, after a siege of nine, months from the landing of Schomberg, he capitulated, and marched out with what remained of his famished24 garrison. The terms granted him by Schomberg, who was impatient of delay, were highly honorable: the garrison was allowed to retire with arms and baggage, and the king, who neglected to succor him during this protracted25 siege, raised him to the order of knighthood, and he was henceforth known as Sir Teague O'Regan, and intrusted with the defence of Sligo, which he held until the last tocsin summoned him to Limerick.
This was the only event worthy26 of the military fame of Schomberg since his arrival in the kingdom. From the first to the last, the Castle of Charlemont and its commandant were as thorns in the side of this unfortunate soldier of fortune. It would seem as if the old chief had him under a spell; for once he set eyes on him and his stronghold, they were in his thoughts day and night, and he would not depart until the place was rendered to his arms. Yet, 'tis said that he had an immense liking27 for that quaint28 old soldier, and was even sorry when he saw him depart from his seemingly enchanted29 castle. A soldier himself, and an accomplished30 one, he could appreciate soldierly qualities even in an enemy; and O'Regan, notwithstanding his grotesque31 appearance and eccentric habits, was a rare military genius. Of this siege it may be said, that, unless in so far as that of Derry affected the final issue of the war, it loses in comparison with that of Charlemont, both in the duration of the contest, and in the spirit, hardihood, and valor32 of the besieged33. Its fall may be said to have put an end to the Jacobite power in Ulster, and also to the military career of Schomberg. He frittered away his time in its reduction, when it might have been safely left in his rear; and the stubborn old chief that commanded it, after having diverted his purpose so long from the real object of his campaign, offered him his grateful acknowledgments, and laughed at his folly34 when departing. The delay occasioned by this event was a matter of vital importance to the Jacobite cause; for it had enabled King James to make more ample preparations for the opening campaign, and saved Dublin, which, up to that time, could have made but slight resistance, if any, to the veteran army of Schomberg.
Knowing, through his English agents, that the earliest possible attention of the Prince of Orange would be directed to his affairs in Ireland, King James was now making active preparations. While the levies35 lately made were undergoing that hasty discipline which the duty of the hour made obligatory36, he sent Tyrconnell to the French court to solicit37 the assistance so long promised, and so unaccountably delayed. Men there were at his call for any purpose, and to any amount, but he lacked money, small-arms, artillery38—in short, every thing that could render their service available. Through the exertions39 of Tyrconnell, a French contingent40 was immediately put in readiness, and, towards the end of April, a force of six thousand men, with a park of artillery, consisting of ten pieces, under the command of the Duc de Lausun, arrived in Ireland. But this was the extent of the French king's bounty41, for the money, clothing, provisions and arms, on which James had calculated so long, and which alone could enable him to put the requisite42 number of troops into the field, were still withheld43. Had the troops now sent been of the regular French army, and given in good faith, they would have been a great acquisition to King James. But the French king did not allow his generosity44 to outrun his discretion45. He was then engaged in a war with the allies, which severely46 taxed the population of his own kingdom, and so the troops sent to Ireland were a heterogeneous47 body consisting of French Huguenots, Germans, and even English Protestants, taken prisoners on the Continent, and offered pardon on condition that they would serve under the standard of King James. It is said that at least one-third of de Lausun's force was so constituted, and of this, the number of desertions that took place while they remained in Ireland, and the unwilling48 service performed by the rest, would afford ample corroboration49. Nor were the discordant50 elements of which this force was composed, nor its want of devotion to the Irish cause, nor the eccentricities51 of its general, the only drawbacks consequent on this accession. Ireland had been represented, as indeed it would seem to be, inexhaustible in men who wanted but arms and discipline to become excellent soldiers. Louis wanted men at the time, and, taking advantage of this information, stipulated52 for an equivalent to the force which he sent over with de Lausun. On the other hand, King James thought that he would engage the French king and nation more earnestly in his cause, by the introduction of French troops into Ireland, and, as a matter of course, the terms were accepted. All things considered, it did not seem an unwise act, and might even be an advantage to his cause, had he not been as poor a diplomatist as he had lately proved himself a statesman. Any number of armed men would have been better than the same number without arms; and 'tis said that it was optional with him to send his equivalent either in disciplined soldiers or in raw recruits. But his pride prevailed over his judgment53; and, perhaps ashamed to make a poor display in the eyes of the French king and people, he resolved to send over Lord Mountcashel and his command in exchange. This general, who had escaped from Enniskillen in December, was now at the head of six thousand troops, designated by the annalists of the period as "the flower of the Irish army," and had all seen service in the events of the preceding years. They were accordingly marched to Cork54, where, embarking55 on board the fleet of Chateaurenaud, which brought over the brigade of de Lausun, they bade adieu to their own country, and arrived in France early in May.
We therefore hear no more of Mountcashel in the last struggle for the liberty of his country; but his name was occasionally borne from another land, in whose service he fought and bled, like the gallant56 men so soon to follow. During the remaining year, he received an accession of four thousand troops to swell57 this force, which formed the nucleus58 of that "brigade," still the theme of the warrior59 and poet, but who have left no other memorial to Ireland than their wrongs, and their reckless valor in foreign lands. The year after his arrival in France, Mountcashel, while fighting against the allies in Savoy, received a wound from the effects of which he subsequently died at Barège, in the Hautes Pyrénées, and the highest military honors were decreed by the French king to his memory.
The Convention Parliament of England had been dissolved on the 6th of February, and a new one, more in the interest of William, had been convened60 in March. To this Parliament he signified his intention of taking the command of the forces in Ireland. The proposition was highly satisfactory, and a supply of ￡1,200,000 was granted him for that purpose; a presentation of ￡100,000 was also voted to Marshal, the Duke de Schomberg; and large supplies of provisions, clothing and military stores were soon got in requisition.
The report that de Lausun had landed in Ireland with a French army, tended to hasten these preparations, and to swell the proportions of the designed armament. Pending61 the prince's departure, large bodies of English troops were shipped to the garrisons62 of Ulster, and as Schomberg had expressed dissatisfaction with the conduct of his English and Anglo-Irish troops in the field, a new army, consisting of foreign adventurers—Dutch Danes, Scandinavians, Swiss, and French Huguenots; some, no doubt, induced by religious fanaticism63, but many by the higher pay in the English army, and the promise of subsequent plunder64, flocked to his standard. On the 6th of June, William's grand park of artillery and ordnance65 stores arrived at Carrickfergus, and on the 14th he himself, accompanied by Prince George of Denmark, the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, the Dukes of Ormond and Wortemberg, the Earls of Oxford66, Portland and Scarborough, Generals Mackey and Douglas, and other notables, arrived and proceeded to Lisburn, where Schomberg had awaited his arrival since the fall of Charlemont.
No sooner was the news of William's arrival spread abroad, than the clergymen of the Established Church, and the Presbyters and dissenting68 clergy67 of all denominations69, waited on him, proffering70 him their allegiance, and embarrassing him with fulsome71 addresses, indicative of all they had done and would do for the advancement72 of religion and the eradication73 of "popery."23 William, though impatient of delay, received them with grave respect, if not with cordiality. The gentlemen of the establishment were simply told that "he would take care of them," while large sums of money were distributed among the dissenting teachers of the northern province, indicating that, as they had already done more for the cause, more was expected under the government about to be established for their behest. The men of the establishment retired74 not over-pleased with their new master, and the Covenanters, thanking God that they had a country to sell, and a religion to trade in, also took their departure, and William addressed himself to the real object of his mission; for, as he expressed it, "he did not come into Ireland to let the grass grow under his feet." This was a significant hint to the Duke of Schomberg, that he had fallen under his displeasure through his tardy75 movements since he came to the country. It was so received by that old veteran, and an estrangement76, never after reconciled, was the consequence. The days of Schomberg were nearly numbered; but, short as they were, they were embittered77 by the ingratitude78 of the prince in whose service he had spent the better part of an eventful life.
The available force of William in Ireland now numbered over sixty thousand effective men. There were none of these who had not seen active service, and by far the greater portion were veterans long inured79 to continental80 warfare81. The "Thirty Years' War," which has left its impress on the nations of Europe, down to the present day, had sent afloat a swarm82 of military adventurers ready for any cause that could offer fame or reward; and to England they flocked as the best market for their services. From this force he selected an army of 38,000 or 40,000 men, and, placing the remainder in the garrisons of Ulster, he struck his tents and turned his steps towards the Irish capital.
If we except those bands of Rapparees that traversed the country at large, and levied83 on it in the name of the king, or for their own support, the Jacobite force, according to the highest estimate, was now but 30,000 men. And taking into consideration the long sweep of coast from Dublin round by the south and west to Galway, and the defences of the Shannon from Lanesborough to Limerick, there could not have been then in garrison less than 10,000. This would leave him an available force for active service of about 20,000, and of these 6,000 were French, the only well-appointed infantry84 in the service; and about 9,000 Irish infantry, indifferently armed with muskets85 and short pikes; but the cavalry86 were a superb body, long inured to service under Hamilton, Berwick, and Sarsfield, and numbered about 5,000 men. When with these is taken into consideration a train of twelve field-pieces, lately brought over from France by the Duke de Lausun, the reader will have a reliable estimate of the force which King James now assembled to dispute the possession of the country with the Prince of Orange.
On the 16th of June King James arrived at Castletown-Bellew, near Dundalk, where part of his army occupied an advanced position under the command of M. Girardin, a French officer; and thither87 also the rest of his forces soon repaired from their winter-quarters at Drogheda. Here, drawn88 up on the heights, behind a river, with their right resting towards Dundalk and the lowlands, where Schomberg had passed the preceding winter, stretching before them to the north, they awaited the appearance of the enemy.
From the 16th to the 22d William was at Newry and James at Dundalk, each awaiting the arrival of his artillery. While the main armies stood thus, almost in sight of each other, several skirmishes occurred between the pickets thrown forward on both sides, in one of which Colonel Dempsey, with two companies of his own regiment89, encountered 200 foot and 60 horse of the enemy, only six of whom escaped; but the gallant colonel himself received a wound of which he died a few days after. This incident raised the spirit of the troops to a high pitch, and made them eager for a battle; and the king himself, much elated by the event, determined to abide90 the enemy in his present position. But the Irish leaders were not so favorably impressed, either with the condition of the troops, or the position which they occupied, and endeavored to dissuade91 the king from risking a battle under such disadvantages. They again urged him to abandon the capital, and to fall back on the defences of the Shannon, where, by instituting a desultory92 system of warfare, he could keep William in check until the winter set in, when, by the promised assistance from France, they could render his campaign as inglorious as that of Schomberg had been in the last. Every argument that could favor such a course was urged, and all the circumstances by which he was surrounded seemed to point it out as the best that could be adopted. A fleet was fitting out in France, of which his earnest friend, M. de Seignelay, would have command; a few days more would see it afloat, and on its way to destroy the fleet and transports of William around the coast of Ireland: it would also bring arms and ammunition in abundance, and by winter a powerful and well-disciplined army would be ready to take the field. These and many other arguments were urged, but all in vain. The king would not relinquish93 the capital without striking a blow for it; he became all at once as bold and intrepid94 as he had hitherto been weak and temporizing95; rejected their remonstrance96, and determined to risk all on a single battle.
This he tells in his memoirs97, written several years later, and it is but just that his reasons for disagreeing, which are not wanting in plausibility98, should be placed beside those of the generals. He held that the loss of the capital would end whatever prestige his name had with the French king; that it would entirely99 alienate100 the Protestants of Ireland; that it would throw the provinces of Leinster and Munster completely open to William, while he would be confined to one province, the smallest and poorest in the kingdom; and that his final defeat, though it might be protracted for a time, would be eventually certain. But, whatever were the merits of the different views, is now but speculation;—the king remained persistent101.
On the 23d, William's artillery having arrived, he moved forward. The same day King James retired to Ardee, where he was met by his train, and drew up in a strong position in the direct route between William and the capital. William, still advancing, crossed the mountains between Newry and Dundalk, and, observing the situation of the Irish army, divided his own into two bodies for the purpose of flanking it, or forcing it into the plain, where his great numerical superiority would render victory certain. Seeing this, King James continued gradually to fall back; on the 29th, he crossed the Boyne, at Drogheda, and, drawing up his army on the heights of Donore, overlooking that river, he there awaited the enemy.
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1
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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pickets
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| 罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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evacuated
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| 撤退者的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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defiant
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| adj.无礼的，挑战的 | |
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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doled
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| 救济物( dole的过去式和过去分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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corroboration
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| n.进一步的证实，进一步的证据 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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eccentricities
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| n.古怪行为( eccentricity的名词复数 )；反常；怪癖 | |
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52
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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54
cork
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| n.软木，软木塞 | |
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embarking
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| 乘船( embark的现在分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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dissenting
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| adj.不同意的 | |
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denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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proffering
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的现在分词 ) | |
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fulsome
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| adj.可恶的，虚伪的，过分恭维的 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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eradication
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| n.根除 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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plausibility
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| n. 似有道理, 能言善辩 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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