The Boyne, which finds its head-waters near Carbery, in the County of Kildare, takes a meandering1 course towards the west and north, until it enters Meath, through which it flows in a north-easterly direction through Trim, Navan, Slane, and Drogheda, four miles below which it falls into the Irish Sea. At tide-water it is navigable to Navan, a distance of nineteen miles, for barges2 of fifty tons burden; but at low-water, from Navan to Slane, it is a shallow stream, brawling3 over a rocky bottom of a few yards in width; and from that to Old Bridge it is fordable by horse and foot at almost every rood of its length. Below Slane, its course is due east for nearly a mile, when, dipping abruptly5 towards the south, it takes a semicircular sweep of nearly three miles to Old Bridge, and the curve so formed embraces its memorable6 battle-ground. The northern bank, for nearly half a mile back, is high and firm down to the water's edge, while the opposite one is low and sedgy, and the ground behind it broken, back to the base of Donore, which is over a mile from its mid7-current:—the chord of the arc indicated is nearly two miles, and the distance from Old Bridge to Slane, in a direct line, is somewhat under three.
On the evening of the 29th, when James crossed the river, the distance between his rear-guard and William's advance, was about eight miles, and on the morning of the 30th the latter appeared, and halted his army facing the concave bend of the river, behind a line of hills which partially8 concealed9 it from observation, while awaiting his artillery10, which was still some miles in his rear.
With that promptitude which characterized all his movements since his arrival in the country, he immediately ordered an examination of the river from Old Bridge to Slane, and proceeded himself with a detachment of cavalry12 to reconnoitre the position of the royal army. While so engaged he was struck by a cannon13-shot that grazed his shoulder and drew a little blood. This caused a report of his death to be spread throughout the camp, and created the greatest alarm among his followers14; but, calling for a napkin, he stopped the blood, and, putting on another coat, passed through the ranks to restore the confidence of his soldiers, and then completed his reconnoissance.24 Towards noon he moved his army forward to the river, when, his cannon having arrived, he established his batteries along the heights, ordered a heavy cannonade to be kept up against the Irish centre, and, retiring within his lines, summoned his generals to receive his plan of action.
It was the intention of William at first to cross the river at Slane during the advanced hours of the night, and falling on James by surprise, to strike his left, and turn it from the road to Dublin. The Duke of Schomberg, with characteristic caution, would have opposed this proposition, on the ground that though James's army appeared small from the English line of sight, he might have large reserves behind Donore. But the duke was again rebuked15 by the prince, and notified to retire, which he did, deeply mortified16, and received his orders afterwards in his tent, with the querulous remark, that "they were the first that had ever been sent him!" Bating this, the utmost harmony pervaded17 the council of William, and confidence reigned18 supreme19 throughout his camp.
But, notwithstanding the discourtesy shown by William to the Duke of Schomberg, the advice of that old veteran had its due weight in his council; the determination to assail21 the Irish left during the night was abandoned, and the following plan of action was adopted: Of the 40,000 men of which the prince's army now consisted, about 13,000, composed of the Dutch Guards, the Enniskillen infantry22, and the Brandenburg and Huguenot regiments23, under the command of Duke Schomberg and Caillemotte,25 formed his centre, opposite to the same division of the royal army. His right, 10,000 horse and foot, under Count Schomberg and General Douglas, respectively, was extended in the direction of Slane; and his left, about 12,000 strong, comprising the Dutch, Danish, and Enniskillen horse, and the British and Scotch25 infantry, was drawn26 up towards Old Bridge, and to be commanded by himself in person. His immense train of artillery, variously estimated at from fifty to sixty pieces, including several mortars27, was portioned out to each division, the weight of it being placed against the Irish centre; and his reserves, about 5,000, were stationed in the low ground to his rear, within easy supporting distance of his right and left, and not more than a mile from either. The Count of Schomberg was to open the battle at daybreak by forcing the Pass of Slane, and turning the Irish left; when this should be accomplished28, the duke was to cross at the centre, and, carrying the intrenchments opposite, press them back from the river; biding29 these results, the prince himself would cross at Old Bridge, and, flanking their right, cut off their retreat to Dublin. Thus, by a general movement, the royal army would be completely overthrown30, and the war terminated by a single blow:—the chances of defeat had no place in his calculation.
As William had the advantage of ground—that is to say, the northern bank of the river was steep and firm down to its margin31, while the southern side was low and broken—James had thrown his army well back towards the hill of Donore, and during the interval32 had made the following disposition33: His centre, about 8,000 men of all arms, was arranged in two lines; one, comprising the musketeers and pikemen, under Major-General Dorrington and the Marquis de Hoquincourt, was placed in the intrenchments along the river, and the other, composed of the exempts34, under General Nugent and Taafe, Earl of Carlingford, in the broken ground behind it. For the support of these the infantry regiments of Tyrconnell, Parker, and Gordon O'Neil, and the dragoons of Lords Clare and Dungan, were held between a small village and the hill of Donore, as the ground nearer to the river was low, and commanded by the enemy's artillery. His right wing, about 3,000 men, of whom but eight battalions35 were infantry, rested near the town of Old Bridge, opposed to William's left, under the command of Lieutenant-General Hamilton and the Duke of Berwick. His left, composed of the French troops under the Duke de Lausun and M. de la Hoquette, stood about a mile from his centre, in the direction of Slane; while that important Pass, which, he tells us in his Memoirs36, he expected to be William's first point of assault, and which lay three miles from his centre, by the course of the river, was entirely37 neglected until late at night, when, at the urgent request of his generals, it was occupied by Sir Neale O'Neil and his regiment24 of dragoons. A strip of moor-land, extending from Old Bridge to the Pass of Slane, ran behind his right and centre, traversing the base of Donore round to the southeast; and behind this, but well drawn up against the hill, he held a reserve of nearly 3,000 infantry and cavalry, the former under Sir Charles Carney, and the latter under Sarsfield and Brigadier-General Maxwell.
How little soever conversant38 in military affairs, one cannot fail to see the almost insuperable disadvantages of the Jacobite army. Lying on the convex of the river, with an army scarce half the number of the opposing force; its supporting distance to the Pass of Slane treble to that of the enemy; the ground near the river unsuited to the action of cavalry, which was its main dependence39; and its ordnance40 miserably41 inferior in number and calibre, it was barely possible to repulse42 the enemy, but almost impossible to turn a repulse into a victory. To an ordinary observation the chances of battle would thus present themselves: by intrepidity43 and superior valor45, James might hold his ground until the return of tide, which would suspend it, or if the enemy succeeded in crossing without his ordnance, he might draw up all his force on the heights, and by one of those desperate and sudden efforts that man is sometimes capable of, hurl46 him back into the river. There was no other alternative between him and defeat; the vast numerical advantage of the Prince of Orange rendered the former improbable, and the lack of military ardor47 in the king himself was not calculated to evoke48 the latter.
With a will concentrated on the object of his mission, exultant49 in power, and personally brave and enterprising, William's plan was simple, bold, and aggressive. Weak in numbers, and straitened in resources, that of James was tortuous50, cautious, and weakly defensive51. Fortitude52 and military capacity he is said to have possessed53, and they would seem not to have entirely deserted54 him on this occasion; but in that desperate daring which alone could wring55 success from the surrounding disadvantages, he was utterly56 deficient57. His army was gallant58, and even eager for the conflict, and a rival whose persistent59 malignity60 would have roused the meekest61 spirit, confronted him; but the blood did not course warmly in his veins62 at the devotion of the one, nor did vengeance63 steel him to action at the sight of the other. Trepidity was manifest in all his motions, and he had not even the self-control to hide it from his soldiers. The Pass of Duleek, in his rear, claimed more of his attention than the enemy on his front; for, while ordering the battle, he was devising a retreat, and had, in their sight, dispatched one-half his artillery in the evening for the defence of the capital. It therefore mattered very little how he disposed of the remainder—six pieces, on a line of four Irish miles.26
So stood the hosts on the night of June 30th, 1690, prepared to deliver battle on the dawn of the morrow; and, as darkness settled down and hid each from the view of the other, the feelings that swayed them may be easier felt than depicted64. One feeling, that in such moments pervades65 every bosom66 alike, from the private to the king, must have been theirs in common—the hope to survive the carnage;—in all else their thoughts must have been as different as the causes they represented. The mercenary can have but one passion and one object—to slay67 and to dominate. The patriot68 has many, and all are sacred. The poetry of emotion is his, and over none does it exert a more boundless69 influence than over the race of which this king's army was mainly composed. The memories of the past, standing20 out like the immemorial hills; the voices of futurity coming up the long vista70 of time, and all pleading the reversal of a fate more cruel than Egyptian bondage71: while clearer to the ear and nearer to the heart come the pleadings of kindred, and the anxious household lifting up their prayers to heaven for the devoted72 hearts that shield them from ruin, death—dishonor. All these speak to them, and a thousand fancies, taking the form of life, pass in solemn review, till the hardiest74 soldier, with moistened eye, and heart full to breaking, grasps his sword, compresses his lip, looks out for the dawning, and sighs for relief in conflict.
But did not the Irish of that day deceive themselves? This king, whose cause they had espoused75, was not their king. His restoration would still leave their country an appanage of the British Crown, and his house was a name of woe76 and desolation throughout the land! Would her future, under it, be much brighter than her past? There was, no doubt, many a thoughtful mind in that Irish army that had all those misgivings77; but this was not the time to indulge them. Nor should we of the present day be hypercritical. Royalty78 was then something more than a name, and we should not judge the events of the seventeenth century by the light of the nineteenth, nor the Ireland of untoward79 circumstances as the nation of her people's will. To the memory of this unhappy king this truth should be generously conceded.... He could have retained his throne had he violated his conscience. He could have ruled the Irish people as his predecessors80 had done, and at that time they had no power to stay him; for the Catholic descendants of the Palesmen were firm in their allegiance to the English throne, and the native race was destitute81 of means to strike for separation. He had forfeited82 his crown and jeopardized83 his power, for right. He had emancipated84 them from a bondage servile to mind and body. He was the first royal champion of civil and religious liberty. He had offered them justice in his power, and appealed to their loyalty86 in his adversity. His cause was their cause. He was banished87 by his own people, outraged89 by his own family; he came to them in his bereavement90, and to their honor, be it recorded, they did not forsake91 him! His very injuries threw a sacred influence around him, and as he sacrificed to justice, they paid him the homage92 of their blood!
Yet, in truth, he was not their king;—not the ideal king of the Irish race. That should be a native king; one infusing nationality through every hamlet in the land, and defending its liberties against a world in arms! Six hundred years had failed to eradicate93 the hope of such a king from the hearts of every successive generation, and every outrage88 of the invader94 only rendered it the more indelible. The place, too, was historic. Every hill and valley, from Drogheda to Clonard, in rath and ruin, bore ample testimony95 of their aspiration96 for native rule. Tara and Skreen, now plainly visible in the soft moonlight of summer, stood out in relief against the southern sky, and it is no stretch of the imagination to say: from that same Pass of Slane, the ancestor of Sir Neale O'Neil, had, nearly 900 years before, reconnoitred the Danish host and marked it for destruction. Many a chief and many a clan97 of his martial98 house had, since then, crossed the Boyne to do battle with the invader, but never a braver soldier than he, nor a more devoted following than that which now counted the moments by the reverberation99 of the enemy's cannon along its banks, and looked through the night for the eventful dawning.27
The night wore slowly away, and as its shadows were blending into the gray dawn of morning, the cannonade which had been kept up since the preceding noon from William's batteries ceased for a time, and the beat to arms was distinctly heard on the heights of Donore. It was promptly101 answered by a roll from the Irish camp, and the troops on each side were immediately in motion, and deploying102 down towards the river. An hour of hurried preparation now passed on, when the waters of the gentle river were again startled from their short repose103 by a heavy peal85 along the whole English line, the smoke of which having cleared away, William's left, the cavalry in advance, was seen doubling the curve in the river, and advancing steadily104 towards the Pass of Slane. The firing thus resumed, was now kept up incessantly105 from the English left and centre, and as the sun appeared above the hills, and both armies stood out bolder on the foreground, William himself, accompanied by Prince George of Denmark, the Prince of Nassau, and the Duke of Wurtemberg, and surrounded by a grand cavalcade106, was observed reviewing his army, and, by word and example, infusing hope and courage through all its ranks.
King James saw all that was passing from the heights of Donore, and as Count Schomberg and Douglas moved in the direction of Slane, he ordered de Lausun to move his troops in the same direction. Then, after seeing the remainder of his baggage on its way to Dublin,28 whither the half of his artillery had already been sent, he stood to watch the issue of the day, with much composure of manner and much Christian107 resignation, but none of that military ardor by which a gallant general often imparts a spirit and energy to a small army that render it invincible108 in the hour of battle. Not so, however, with the Duke of Tyrconnell. Though bowed by age, and broken in health, he moved from rank to rank, exhorting109 all to bravery; and it is very questionable110 which felt most solicitude111 at that hour—that king for the fate of his crown, or that patriot for the cause of his country. As for Sarsfield, he had little to do in the affairs of that day; for both he and General Maxwell were in continual attendance on the king's person, and his attention, with the exception of one visit to his right, was entirely divided between the reserve on Donore and the French troops on his left. Hamilton and Berwick were at their post on the right, and well had it been for James and his cause had he tarried in Dublin and committed the marshalling of his army to those generals, and the issue of the day to the King of battles.
Apprised113 of the design of the enemy on his position, O'Neil had made such preparations as time allowed for his reception. Around the pass on both sides of the river he had drawn intrenchments, and as the morning dawned had thrown forward a small detachment to impede114 his progress. The ground over which he approached was favorable to defensive operations, being much broken and interspersed115 with hedges: these natural impediments, and the weight of his artillery, rendered his movements slow and irregular; the fire of the skirmishers met him at every step as he neared the pass, so that it was eight o'clock before he had forced them back within their intrenchments.
Here the fight was renewed with great stubbornness, and continued for two hours longer, when Schomberg, with the loss of two hundred men, forced the position, and the dragoons retired116 with the loss of one-fourth their number, bearing away the body of their leader, mortally wounded, and renewed the contest on the other side of the river. Schomberg immediately commenced to cross, and the king, apprised of the state of affairs here, sent Sarsfield, with sixty dragoons and a piece of artillery, to oppose him; but these succors118 only arrived in time to see the defenders119 driven from their intrenchments, and the troops of Schomberg drawn out on the southern bank to receive them.
All further attempts to check the progress of the assailants were now futile120; the dragoons retired on their supports; the gun brought down by Sarsfield got "bogged," and had to be abandoned, and Schomberg, his artillery being got over, deployed121 by his right, on the outer side of the marsh112, to turn the left of the king's army. He had, however, scarcely got clear of the river, when the troops of de Lausun appeared on the inner side of the marsh to oppose him. The force of the latter was 6,000 men, within support of a reserve of 3,000; it was fresh, finely appointed, and the marsh at this place was narrow and practicable to horse and foot; but he showed no disposition to engage, although Schomberg halted and drew up to offer him battle. After some time the troops on both sides were put in motion, Schomberg still moving by his right, and de Lausun by his left in the same direction, the marsh gradually widening round towards the rear of Donore, until nearly a mile intervened, when an engagement became impracticable, and the Irish left was flanked.
In the mean time, King James, seeing that Count Schomberg had crossed the river, believed that the other division of William's army would also move in the same direction, and that the entire battle would be finally transferred to his left. He therefore determined122 to withdraw his own right and centre from the river, to the support of de Lausun, and with this intention he now proceeded to his right. There seeing that William's left and centre were still drawn up on the opposite bank, and being opposed in his design by Tyrconnell, he returned to his left, where Count Schomberg and de Lausun were still confronting each other. Posting his reserves on the right of the latter, and riding up to him, he ordered him to charge the enemy across the intervening ground; but the order was disobeyed, although Schomberg halted again and formed to invite an action. In this state of perplexity the king rode back to the reserves, placed the infantry at the edge of the marsh, supported on each side by his cavalry, with the foot dragoons filling up the intervals123, and approaching M. de la Hoquette, "whispered him" to lead on the French infantry. The latter was about to comply with this request, when he was checked by de Lausun; at this time, Sarsfield and Maxwell, who had been out inspecting the ground in front, returned, and pronounced it impracticable to cavalry, it being traversed by two double ditches with a rivulet124 flowing between them. So the king was convinced, and de Lausun was relieved from his importunity125. In this manner the two wings continued to manoeuvre126 the situation each moment growing more critical, as Schomberg neared the end of the marsh, where the road turned towards Duleek, and led on to the capital.
Thus, through some motive127 of de Lausun, never after explained, and through the absence of control in the unfortunate king, never forgiven, the French auxiliaries128, and with them the Irish reserve,—a body of 3,000 men,—were neutralized129; the Irish left was completely turned, and the remainder of the army, not exceeding 11,000, was left to contend with 30,000 under William and the Duke of Schomberg.
In the mean time a considerable change had taken place in William's left and centre. The Duke of Schomberg had discovered another ford4 in the direction of Slane, and when that pass was carried, had moved by his right to avail himself of the advantages it offered, while William had moved by his left somewhat nearer to the town of Drogheda. These changes necessitated130 corresponding movements in the Irish line. A greater extension was the consequence, and some regiments of its rear were extended to oppose the Duke of Schomberg; but still they offered a good front, and awaited the enemy in confidence.
It was well on to noon, and the tide was on the return, when the firing ceased on Duke Schomberg's front, and the Dutch Guards, accompanied by their band, detached themselves from the main body and moved down to the river. Here the music of the band ceased; the guards formed in compacted columns, twenty abreast131, and commenced the passage of the river in the face of a well-directed fire.29 When they had all got below the level of their own artillery, its fire was again directed against the Irish intrenchments, and compelled the men there to lie close in their works, until the guards got beyond the mid current and began to ascend132 on the opposite side, when they quitted their defences, and advanced into the river to meet them, and, as they closed, Major Arthur, of the Irish Guards, singling out the leader of the enemy, passed his pike through his body. This stimulated133 his men to action; a desperate conflict ensued; the Dutch Guards were held in check for a considerable time, and many fell on both sides, and were trampled134 beneath the current.
The Dutch Guards were the household troops of the Prince of Orange; were fighting under his eye, and formed a compact body of five thousand men, while the Irish were mostly raw levies135, inferior in number, and indifferently armed with pikes and muskets136. The result was doubtful for some time, until Major Arthur was wounded and conveyed to the rear; disheartened and borne back by the weight of numbers, his troops gradually gave ground; and the Dutch troops advanced and effected a landing. As they reached the firm ground above the river, they were charged by the dragoons of Clare and Dungan, and wavered; but Lord Dungan being slain137, the dragoons became panic-stricken and retreated, nor could they again be brought to the charge. In this state of indecision the Dutch renewed their assault, and established a position in the broken ground behind the Irish line. The position was a strong one, and at once laid bare the intrenchments on the river, while it afforded a protection against the Irish cavalry; and here they remained during the succeeding events of the day, suffering severely138, but defying every attempt to dislodge them.
William, who witnessed this, felt deep concern for the fate of his household troops. They had accompanied him in all his campaigns, and his care for them, in peace and war, was that of a patriarch for his household. From his point of view, their condition was now perilous139 in the highest degree, they being surrounded by the enemy on all sides, and in danger of total destruction before relief could reach them. To him, the movements of Schomberg, always slow and measured, seemed now painfully so; and, suspending his advance against the Irish right, he rode down to the centre, to precipitate140 the troops forming there for the relief of his famous guards. Two regiments of the Huguenot troops and one of British infantry were immediately formed, and, under the leadership of Caillemotte, commenced the passage of the river.
Hamilton, from the right of the Irish line, had followed these events with a feeling akin73 to that of William. He believed, like him, that the fate of the Dutch troops was sealed, could the reinforcements of the enemy be held in check or repulsed141; but he also saw that the intrenchments at the centre were partially abandoned from the effects of the enemy's fire on their rear, and that all now depended on intrepid44 action. He therefore detached two regiments of infantry from the right, to march close by the river, and throw themselves before Caillemotte, while he hastened himself, by a more circuitous142 route, with the cavalry, to sustain them.
The troops of Caillemotte advanced rapidly to the mid-current, where they were met as the Dutch Guards had been, and, like them, were forcing their way against the Irish infantry, when Hamilton reached the scene of action. As he appeared, the infantry opened to the right and left to make way, and, with unchecked impulse, he rushed to the onset144. The effect was instantaneous. In a moment, the enemy were helplessly broken, trampled, and dispersed145. Caillemotte, two colonels, and two lieutenant-colonels were slain, more than half his command were either killed or wounded, and the remainder fled to the opposite side, pursued by the victorious146 cavalry. As they pressed the fugitives147 up to their lines, the Danish horse were precipitated148 against them, but were instantly broken, hurled149 back in confusion, and closely pressed on the columns now forming under the Duke of Schomberg. Rushing on wildly, and crying out "Horse! horse!" in great alarm, they created a panic, which was near ending in a total rout143; when William again appeared among them, restored order in the ranks, and the Irish cavalry leisurely150 retired.
William now collected all the infantry of the centre, while Schomberg, placing himself at the head of the cavalry, entered the river, and advanced with the same coolness and caution that had hitherto characterized all his movements. The Irish horse had just returned from the pursuit, and were drawn up on the river to oppose him. They did not wait for his whole force to get in motion, but as he approached the middle of the river, they bore down on him with their wonted impetuosity. The effect was the same as before. Schomberg and Walker of Derry were slain; dismay and inextricable confusion was the consequence, and all retreated to the northern side to reform. Taylor, in his short but life-like portraiture151 of this battle, says of the event just detailed152: "Had James chosen this moment to place himself at the head of his troops, for one general charge, or had the French auxiliaries attacked the Dutch in flank, the event of the battle would certainly have restored his crown!" The poor king—he was at that very moment concerting a retreat on his left, outraged by his French general; and even his reserves were two miles from the scene of action!
This was the crisis of the day. The tide was now making fast; the water was nearly waist high in the river, and half an hour more would render a crossing impossible for that day. William could no longer delay his movements on the left, and so, ordering Sir John Hanmer and the Prince of Nassau to reform his demoralized troops at the centre, and lead them on for the relief of his guards, he hastened to the left to make a last effort to restore the battle.
Had Sarsfield and Maxwell now appeared with the reserves, and left de Lausun to watch Count Schomberg, the battle had been won, or, at least, suspended; for at this moment the balance leaned to the Jacobite arms, and delay would have been tantamount to a victory. During the approaching night, the division of Count Schomberg, cut off from support, and lost in the intricacies of the ground behind Donore, could have been totally destroyed; there were three thousand troops within a few hours' march of the field, and the morning would have opened with fairer prospects153 of success.30 But all these chances were lost by the fears of the king for his capital; no support appeared for the centre; and Hamilton, after performing prodigies154 of valor, was forced to retire again to the right, to oppose the passage of the Prince of Orange.
William, whose design through the day had been to strike the Irish army in the rear of its right, turn it from the direction of the capital, and form a junction155 with Count Schomberg, was now compelled to abandon that project, and lead his left to the support of his centre. For this purpose he marshalled a force of about 12,000 infantry and cavalry. The Danish and Dutch horse, bearing the standard of Nassau, were placed in the advance; after them came the foot, and the Enniskillen horse brought up the rear. Placing himself between the cavalry and infantry, he entered the river, the water rising to the flanks of the horses as they reached the mid-current. Hamilton, who had just returned from the Irish centre, watched their approach with great anxiety, until they began to ascend the southern side and had gained a surer footing; when, ordering his infantry to retire, he withdrew the cavalry also, to reform for the charge. William, on seeing this movement, believed that they were abandoning the field, and urged his cavalry more hastily forward. He was soon undeceived: the Irish horse had but withdrawn156 for greater impulse; in another moment they dashed forward; the Danes were scattered157 right and left, bearing back the Prince among them, and the flanks of his infantry lay completely exposed. The Irish cavalry had, for the third time that day, asserted their superiority.
William's situation was now desperate. His Danish and Dutch horse were scattered and swimming in the river; his infantry were hardly able to bear up against its current; the Irish cavalry lay on his front, and their infantry had opened with effect on his flanks. But he was equal to the emergency, and his gallantry at this trying moment would go far to erase158 a very dark record. Making his way to the head of his Enniskilleners, now about to advance, he asked promptly "What they would do for him?" They cried out with one impulse that they would follow where he led, and hastening forward after him, they threw themselves between their infantry and the Irish cavalry, now reformed on the bank above them. The sight of these troops, their own countrymen, protecting the foreign mercenaries of William, roused the spirit of vengeance in the breasts of the Irish, and, wheeling as before, they swept forward in one compacted mass. The Enniskilleners did not await the shock, but turned and fled across the river, deserting their general at his greatest need; nor could they again be rallied until the battle was decided159.31
William, on being deserted by the Enniskilleners, again rode through his infantry and reformed their disordered ranks. The Danish and Dutch rallied, and formed round his person, and, with the desperate resolve to do or die, he pressed resolutely160 forward.
The scene along the whole line was now terribly grand and exciting. The entire left and centre of the English army were in motion, and, stirred to the highest daring by the danger of their Prince and the exigency161 of the hour, were pressing through the river simultaneously162. Hanmer led the cavalry of the centre, and the Prince of Nassau the infantry, each vieing with the other for precedence. The latter was crossing at the ford lately attempted by Caillemotte and the Duke of Schomberg, and the former at one hitherto neglected, which lay nearer to Old Bridge, and offered more immediate11 support to the Prince of Orange. This disposition nearly connected the English left and centre, and caused another derangement163 of the Irish lines opposite. The Dutch Guards, too, who still held their lodgement on the side of Donore, rallied as their succor117 approached, and drew a portion of their fire from the compacted masses of Nassau on their front. Three regiments of the Irish Guards—those of Tyrconnell, Parker, and Gordon O'Neil—the exempts under Nugent, and a few squadrons of cavalry, were thrown against Hanmer, and, animated164 by Tyrconnell and Dorrington, were opposing a most deadly resistance; while Berwick and Hamilton still disputed the passage of William, and held him in check on the right.
But the balance of the day was inclining, and the fates were again propitious166 to William. Nassau pressed fiercely on. The Dutch Guards assumed the offensive, and their fire became destructive. The Irish generals exhausted167 every effort to animate165 their troops, but in vain. Attacked in front and rear by superior numbers, they at last broke, abandoned the river, and withdrew in good order towards Donore. The command of Nassau, on ascending168 from the river, were joined by the Dutch Blues169, and both turned their attention to where the Irish Guards were still offering a stern resistance to Hanmer.32 The position of these troops now became critical in the extreme, and a short time would see them either all slain or captured by the enemy. There was scarce an alternative, when Berwick arrived with a portion of the cavalry of the right, charged vigorously, and held the enemy in check until the remnant of these famous guards retired. This was the most destructive conflict of the day to the Irish; "for," says King James in his Memoirs, "the greater part of the exempts and brigadiers in both corps170 were killed, likewise the Earl of Carlingford, M. d'Amande, and several other volunteers that served with them. Nugent and Casanova were wounded in Tyrconnell's, Major O'Meara and Sir Charles Tooke were killed, and Bada wounded. In Parker's, the Colonel was wounded; Green, the Lieutenant-Colonel, Doddington, the Major, and several officers were killed; and in both squadrons there remained but thirty men unhurt."
Hamilton, with the remaining cavalry, no longer able to offer an effectual resistance on the river, retired before William, who crossed, wheeled to his right, and pressed on towards his centre. As the English forces united, the Irish horse also converged171, and formed on their front for the protection of their infantry, forming in line of battle on the hill. A series of conflicts now ensued between the Irish cavalry and the converging172 forces of the English left and centre, which are described by the annalist Story, as of the most desperate character: for more than half an hour, during which all "were completely enveloped173 in dust and smoke," neither gained or lost an inch; and when no longer able to withstand the overwhelming force against them, the Irish cavalry retired, reformed, charged the enemy again and again, "ten times in succession," and at last fell back to the flanks of their infantry, to make another effort to redeem174 the day. William advanced boldly on the position now assumed by the Irish army, but, astonished at the imposing175 front they still presented, he halted to array his troops, when the Irish infantry, taking advantage of this hesitation176, bore down on him. The first and second line gave way; but their force was spent against the Dutch Guards, and they retired; the cavalry now charged again and broke the guards, but the wings closing on them, they were completely surrounded. A terrific struggle took place; General Hamilton was wounded, unhorsed, and captured; Berwick had his horse killed, but was saved by a trooper; Colonel Sheldon cut his way through at the head of the cavalry, and again reformed them on the front; and while the two armies stood thus, neither advancing nor receding100, the order for a general retreat sounded along the Irish line.
While the events just described were transpiring177 on the river, Count Schomberg continued to hold de Lausun inactive, wearing slowly round by his right; and as the Irish centre retreated on Donore, he had reached the termination of the lowland, and thrown forward his cavalry on the road leading to Dublin. King James, on seeing this, got alarmed for the safety of the capital—should Schomberg get the start of him,—so directing de Lausun to defend the road, he issued an order for a general retreat, and, taking the regiments of Brown and Purcell as an escort, withdrew from the field and pursued his way to Dublin. On receipt of this order, "the Irish army retreated" from the hill, bringing off all their standards and artillery;33—they crossed the lowlands to the north of Donore;—and the Boyne was lost.
It was six o'clock in the evening. The infantry soon reached the town of Duleek, the French bringing up the rear, and formed in line of battle behind the river Nanny. The cavalry arrived soon after, and had just crossed the river as Count Schomberg drew up and formed on the other side. Both armies then remained facing each other for over an hour; the Irish, seeing that the enemy did not advance, began to retire, and Schomberg followed. The Irish halted and reformed again, in a long ravine, near the village of Neal; the enemy also halted, but did not attack; and in this posture178 night settled down on the two armies. It was now nine o'clock; the Irish resumed their march, and the enemy following no farther, they continued their way unmolested towards Dublin. William remained on the field. Some say that sorrow for the death of Schomberg was the cause of his not pressing the foe179. It might have been caused by a lack of artillery, as his train had not crossed the river. Perhaps he might have been apprehensive180 that the garrison181 of Drogheda would issue out and capture or destroy it in his absence, as they might have done during the latter events of the day; but whether it was one of those causes, or a combination of them, now matters but little; he had won the Battle of the Boyne, and it was enough for a day.
The principal personages killed in the Jacobite army were Lord Dungan, Taaf Earl of Carlingford, Sir Neale O'Neil, and the Marquis de Hoquincourt; in that of the Prince of Orange, the Duke of Schomberg,34 Caillemotte, and Walker of Derry, who commanded a regiment of Enniskilleners. Besides these, several officers of distinction fell on both sides; among whom were two colonels, two lieutenant-colonels, in the division of Caillemotte, and Sir Charles Tooke, Majors Arthur and O'Meara, and the Chevalier de Vaudry, in Tyrconnell's. The number of officers of subordinate rank killed and wounded on each side was very great, considering the loss in private soldiers, which did not exceed one thousand in either. The number of the wounded in the army of William is not known, and, excepting Hamilton, there is no mention of prisoners being taken on either side.
Such was the Battle of the Boyne. Memorable for the extinction182 of the Stuart dynasty, for the politico-religious government it entailed183 on England, and for the wrongs innumerable it bequeathed to Ireland; but for nothing more memorable than as a well-contested and long-doubtful battle. It was one fought by twenty thousand men, 35 indifferently armed, with only six pieces of artillery, and under a king whose conduct would have disconcerted the best army in the world, from six in the morning until six in the evening, on a river fordable at every rood of its length, against an army of thirty thousand36 veteran mercenaries, with experienced leaders, cannon at will, and a prince of great military skill and daring. From the beginning their temerity184 seemed almost madness, to the bravest and most experienced, and their king was besought185 to relinquish186 it. Yet three times through the day the battle seemed equally poised187, and once victory was assuredly within their grasp, had their king but displayed one-half the courage and intrepidity of his rival. Through the loss of this field the future was foreshadowed. There the Irish army lost prestige abroad—and at home every thing but their manhood: yet seldom was that better vindicated188 than on that "ill-fated river;" and as they turned their last look on it, and saw the long lines of William winding189 up to Donore, well might they exclaim in their anguish190, "Change kings, and we'll fight the battle again!" The kings were changed, but not for them. On that river their web of destiny was woven, and though they battled on bravely for a time, patriotic191 devotion and heroic sacrifice were in vain.
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1
meandering
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| 蜿蜒的河流，漫步，聊天 | |
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barges
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| 驳船( barge的名词复数 ) | |
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brawling
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| n.争吵，喧嚷 | |
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Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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mid
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| adj.中央的，中间的 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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26
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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28
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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29
biding
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| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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30
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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31
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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exempts
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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conversant
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| adj.亲近的，有交情的，熟悉的 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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42
repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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43
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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45
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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46
hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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47
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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48
evoke
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| vt.唤起，引起，使人想起 | |
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exultant
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| adj.欢腾的，狂欢的，大喜的 | |
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50
tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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51
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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52
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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53
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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54
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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55
wring
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| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
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56
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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57
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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58
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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59
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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60
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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61
meekest
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| adj.温顺的，驯服的( meek的最高级 ) | |
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62
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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63
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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64
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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pervades
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的第三人称单数 ) | |
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66
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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67
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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70
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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hardiest
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| 能吃苦耐劳的，坚强的( hardy的最高级 )； （植物等）耐寒的 | |
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espoused
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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78
royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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81
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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82
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
jeopardized
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| 危及，损害( jeopardize的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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86
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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outraged
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| a.震惊的，义愤填膺的 | |
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90
bereavement
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| n.亲人丧亡，丧失亲人，丧亲之痛 | |
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91
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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93
eradicate
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| v.根除，消灭，杜绝 | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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97
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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98
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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99
reverberation
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| 反响； 回响； 反射； 反射物 | |
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100
receding
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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101
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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102
deploying
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的现在分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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103
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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104
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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105
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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106
cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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107
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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108
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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109
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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110
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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111
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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112
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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113
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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114
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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115
interspersed
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| adj.[医]散开的；点缀的v.intersperse的过去式和过去分词 | |
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116
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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117
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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118
succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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119
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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120
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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121
deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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122
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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123
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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124
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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125
importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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126
manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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127
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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128
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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129
neutralized
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| v.使失效( neutralize的过去式和过去分词 )；抵消；中和；使（一个国家）中立化 | |
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130
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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132
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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133
stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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134
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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135
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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136
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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137
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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138
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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139
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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140
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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141
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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142
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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143
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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144
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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145
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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146
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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147
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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148
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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149
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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150
leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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151
portraiture
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| n.肖像画法 | |
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152
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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153
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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154
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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155
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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156
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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157
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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158
erase
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| v.擦掉；消除某事物的痕迹 | |
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159
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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160
resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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161
exigency
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| n.紧急；迫切需要 | |
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162
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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163
derangement
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| n.精神错乱 | |
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164
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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165
animate
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| v.赋于生命，鼓励；adj.有生命的，有生气的 | |
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166
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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167
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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168
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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169
blues
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| n.抑郁，沮丧；布鲁斯音乐 | |
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170
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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171
converged
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| v.（线条、运动的物体等）会于一点( converge的过去式 )；（趋于）相似或相同；人或车辆汇集；聚集 | |
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172
converging
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| adj.收敛[缩]的，会聚的，趋同的v.（线条、运动的物体等）会于一点( converge的现在分词 )；（趋于）相似或相同；人或车辆汇集；聚集 | |
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173
enveloped
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| v.包围，笼罩，包住( envelop的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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174
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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175
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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176
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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177
transpiring
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的现在分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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178
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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179
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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180
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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181
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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182
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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183
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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184
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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185
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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186
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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187
poised
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| a.摆好姿势不动的 | |
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188
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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189
winding
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| n.绕，缠，绕组，线圈 | |
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190
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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191
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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