The consequences of "the Boyne" are too well known for comment; what a reversal of that day's events might have done, it is painful to contemplate2. A suspension of the battle for a week—even for a day—would have changed the whole complexion3 of the war, and turned the finger of destiny. The very hour that William drew up at Townly Hall, on the 30th of June, the combined fleets of England and Holland had been almost utterly4 destroyed by Admiral Tourville at Beachy Head: and as he crossed the Boyne next day, the combined armies of the League, under Prince Waldeck, had been overthrown5 at Fleurus by the French army under the renowned6 Marshal Luxemburg. While James was hastening to Dublin to quit his dominions7 forever, the fleet of Admiral de Seignelay was unmoored, waiting a favorable wind to sail for Ireland to destroy William's transports round the coast; the fleet of Tourville was riding triumphant9 at the mouth of the Thames, and "there were not," says Hume, "ten thousand armed men in all England." There, disaffection was on the increase, the Jacobite cause was gaining strength, and it was not easy to decide, even with the loss of the Boyne, which was at that moment in the more critical plight—the victor or the vanquished10.
Had any nominal11 force been thrown into England at this moment, all had been at once recovered; for William, if indeed he could, would have to withdraw his army from Ireland "to save the larger stake," and that country, relieved of his foreign veterans, would soon rectify13 itself; or, if compelled to remain in Ireland, and continue the war for awhile, he would certainly lose the other two kingdoms, and the third would follow as a consequence. His affairs in Holland, too, were in an unpromising condition. The arms of France were everywhere predominant, and this was a matter of deeper importance to William, than even the loss of the English throne, which, 'tis said, he ambitioned only so far as it enabled him to cope with his proud and detested14 enemy, Louis XIV. Such a happy combination of events, dashed but by a single defeat, in which only about one thousand men were lost, would have imparted courage and hope to any heart, but that of this unfortunate king. But from the first to the last his course, if not leading to the ruin of a noble people, might be read as a great "Comedy of Errors." He seemed continually under the spell of some evil genius that lulled15 him to a sense of security, while leading him to destruction:—and from his refusal of the first generous offer of King Louis, through M. Bonrepas, while he was yet upon the throne of England, the series of mishaps16 and miscalculations through which he stumbled, seems indeed to mark out a manifest destiny.
At Salisbury, when deserted17 by his nobles, he had but to choose generals from the ranks, and pledging his army the estates forfeited18 by this treason, he could have created a revolution within a revolution, and held his throne at will as the sovereign of the people. If, instead of going to Ireland, where four-fifths of the people were unalterably attached to him, he had gone to Scotland, we are told that the whole country would have risen under Dundee; and William would have had two countries to conquer instead of one. On his arrival in Ireland, he weakened the strength of that country by sending 3,000 trained soldiers to the assistance of Dundee; under the advice of Secretary Melford, a Scotchman, and against the advice of Tyrconnell, who had seen the fate of the soldiers sent under Hamilton to England. He next disconcerted the arrangements for the surrender of Derry, and afterwards, through a weak punctilio, refused the second offer, and protracted19 the rebellion of Ulster until the arrival of Schomberg. Again, deaf to the entreaties20 of his generals, he virtually saved the army of invasion from total destruction, on the plea that winter and desertion would do the work of war, on the foreigners. As time advanced, and the war assumed greater proportions, his blunders became more glaring and more fatal. In the spring of 1690, he sent Lord Mountcashel, the best general then in the country, and 6,000 men, "the flower of the Irish army," to France, in lieu of 6,000 nondescripts, under the lead of de Lausun, a man, if not of dubious21 courage, of very dubious loyalty22, and to sustain this equivalent in Louis' army, sent 4,000 more the same year. He fought the Battle of the Boyne against the counsel of his generals, and when fortune seemed to favor his army, he lost an offered victory by trepidity and indecision. And, now, to complete a series of blunders by one more fatal than all: instead of sending Tyrconnell, or some other statesman of diplomatic ability, to plead his necessities before his "brother of France," he formed the resolution of appearing in person at the French court, where the general rejoicing over recent victories could only render his forlorn condition the more marked, and his suit the more neglected. And, yet, through all, the people of Ireland loved him, and followed him with a devotion deepened and intensified23 by each successive misfortune. Her young men presented themselves in thousands, aye, in tens of thousands, at every call for new levies24, but to go away and fold their arms, while their country was sacrificed! Such a country! and such a king! We read the history of La Vendée in vain, for an exemplification of the fidelity25 of the one; and there is no parallel in the category of royal refugees, save that of the fabled26 Lear, for the misfortunes and melo-dramatism of the other!
When he arrived in Dublin, he summoned his council, and communicated his intention of quitting the country to solicit27 aid from France. It is but justice to state that he says they were unanimous in their approval; that de Lausun was importunate28 in his persuasion29 to that effect, and that letters, lately received from his queen, were still more urgent, and that so his resolution was confirmed. Ordering that the army should rendezvous30 at Limerick, each colonel leading his men thither31 as he might, he committed the government of the kingdom again to Tyrconnell, and, after giving some salutary advice on the regulation of affairs in the city until the arrival of the Prince of Orange, he made an exposition of his principles, and of the hopes he yet entertained of establishing them; then, in a very simple and affecting address, he bade farewell to his friends, and left the city under escort of two regiments32 of the Guards, those of Brown and Purcell. From Dublin he proceeded to Bray33, where he left those troops to defend the bridge there in case of pursuit, and continued his route to Wicklow, where he spent the night at the residence of a gentleman named Hacket; from Wicklow he journeyed to Duncannon, and thence to Waterford. The detail of this route in the "Memoirs34" forms a chapter, highly interesting and suggestive to a writer of romance, although of little import to the general reader. It tells how on the way he was almost startled from his propriety35 at every step by Messieurs de la Hoquette, Famechon, Chamarante, and Merode, colonels in the French contingent36, who had, no doubt, been sent by de Lausun to urge him to swifter flight; for this general had many intrigues37 of his own at the French court, and, as they were spoiling in his absence, he encouraged the king's departure as the surest way of procuring38 his own recall from Ireland. But, as the subject is irrelevant39 here, the curious are referred to the notes of Berwick's Memoirs, where they may contemplate the web woven around this unfortunate king by the general for whom he had made the powerful Louvois his inveterate40 enemy.
At Waterford he heard that the French ship De Lausun, of twenty guns, was moored8 at Passage, with a cargo41 of corn and supplies; and in this he sailed from Waterford to Kinsale, where, after a short delay, he embarked42, and arrived at Brest on the 9th of July, escorted by the fleet of M. de Seignelay, which he met on its way to destroy William's transports around the Irish coast!
So ended the reign12 of James II.; and with it, virtually, the dynasty of the Stuarts. He died at St. Germains, in France, on the 16th of September, 1701, surviving his daughter Mary by seven years; and on the 8th of March, 1702, his death was followed by that of the Prince of Orange, who broke his collar-bone by a fall from his horse; surviving his much injured father-in-law only by six months. The son and grandson of the expatriate monarch43, each in turn, tried to regain44 his inheritance, but the Hanoverian line prevailed, and with Prince Charles, "The young Chevalier," the grandson of the renowned Sobieski, the noblest and bravest of his race, the royal house of Stuart became extinct.
James was an ascetic45 and religious prince, sincerely devoted46 to the Catholic religion, but perfectly47 tolerant of the religious doctrines48 of others. A just man, generous in great things, and yet scrupulously49 exacting50 and punctilious51 in small ones; a king solicitous52 for the welfare of his subjects and the glory of England, but, above all, unalterably devoted to the principle of civil and religious liberty, which he endeavored to establish in his realms, but which the intolerant spirit of the times prevented. He was the generous patron and consistent friend of William Penn, and the fosterer and protector of the American colonies, which received his charters with adulation, and repaid them with ingratitude53. He was the first and last sovereign of England that stretched out the hand of justice towards Ireland; and her people served him with devotion, and, notwithstanding his many military blunders, which justify55 their irony56, they appreciated his motives57, and their descendants recall with pity, not unmingled with reverence58, the name of this much maligned59 king, who, in trying to ameliorate the condition of their country, became the victim of intolerance, and died a discrowned exile.
Two characteristics, seemingly irreconcilable60, are attributed to him by his enemies;—that he was at once an "enthusiast61" and a "bigot,"—and they may be accepted. His enthusiasm was that of a good, rather than of a great mind; but that he was a "bigot," in the repulsive62 application of that term, cannot be accepted from histories which are in themselves but tissues woven of the darkest intolerance. "Enthusiasm" and "bigotry63" are terms much at variance64; but when applied65 to his whole life, they are easily reconcilable, and not unlovely. He was a bigot so far as to be a firm believer in the doctrines of the Catholic Church, but not to the extent of prescribing them as the panacea66 for the sins of others, nor of making it penal67 not to believe as he believed: and he was an enthusiast in so far as he imagined that he could harmonize the discordant68 religious elements of the country to abide69 in peace and good-will, and establish a name and an era in the history of England to which all her people henceforth could point with gratitude54 and admiration70. He was a bigot and an enthusiast just to the extent that Washington and O'Connell were bigots and enthusiasts71, and no more. The good that he intended for his own kingdom died with him, but his principles were carried to the Western continent by the Irish emigrants72, and established there.37 He failed; not because his object was unjust, or his reforms unnecessary, but because an evil spirit, not yet cast out, rendered the hearts of his people obdurate73 and insensate. Two things, however, that should not be forgotten, are manifest from the history of that period and the century succeeding it: that Ireland is the precursor74 and exemplar of American liberty, and that James II. was the first, the only English king that had the true idea of popular government; the first that had the virtue75 to practise it, and was at once its apostle and its martyr76.
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1
retrospect
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| n.回顾，追溯；v.回顾，回想，追溯 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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4
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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6
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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8
moored
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| adj. 系泊的 动词moor的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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11
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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rectify
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| v.订正，矫正，改正 | |
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14
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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mishaps
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| n.轻微的事故，小的意外( mishap的名词复数 ) | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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23
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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fabled
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| adj.寓言中的，虚构的 | |
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27
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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importunate
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| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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31
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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32
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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bray
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| n.驴叫声, 喇叭声；v.驴叫 | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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35
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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38
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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39
irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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40
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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41
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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42
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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43
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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44
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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45
ascetic
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| adj.禁欲的；严肃的 | |
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46
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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47
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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48
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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49
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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50
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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51
punctilious
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| adj.谨慎的，谨小慎微的 | |
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52
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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53
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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54
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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55
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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56
irony
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| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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57
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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58
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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59
maligned
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| vt.污蔑，诽谤（malign的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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60
irreconcilable
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| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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61
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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62
repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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63
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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64
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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65
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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66
panacea
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| n.万灵药；治百病的灵药 | |
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67
penal
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| adj.刑罚的；刑法上的 | |
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68
discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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69
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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70
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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71
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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72
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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73
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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74
precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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76
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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