But here we observe the persistence20 and the potency21 of Christian22 and theological thought. The progress so much discussed was, so to speak, a progress without development, manifesting itself chiefly in a sigh of satisfaction and security, as of one, favoured by fortune, who has successfully encountered many obstacles and now looks serenely23 upon the present, secure as to the future, with mind averted24 from the past, or returning to it now and then for a brief moment only, in order to lament25 its ugliness, to despise and to smile at it. Take as an example of all the most intelligent and[Pg 245] at the same time the best of the historical representatives of enlightenment M. de Voltaire, who wrote his Essai sur les m?urs in order to aid his friend the Marquise du Chatelet to surmonter le dégo?t caused her by l'histoire moderne depuis la décadence de l'Empire romain, treating the subject in a satirical vein26. Or take Condorcet's work, l'Esquisse d'un tableau27 historique des progrès de l'esprit humain, which appears at its end like a last will and testament28 (and also as the testament of the man who wrote it), and where we find the whole century in compendium29. It is as happy in the present, even in the midst of the slaughters30 of the Revolution, as rosy31 in its views as to the future, as it is full of contempt and sarcasm32 for the past, which had generated that present. The felicity of the period upon which they were entering was clearly stated. Voltaire says that at this time les hommes ont acquis plus de lumières d'un bout33 de l'Europe à l'autre que dans tous les ages précédents. Man now brandishes34 the arm which none can resist: la seule arme contre le monstre, c'est la Raison: la seule manière d'empêcher les hommes d'être absurdes et méchants, c'est de les éclairer; pour rendre le fanatisme exécrable, il ne faut que le peindre. Certainly it was not denied that there had been something of good and beautiful in the past. They must have existed, if they suffered from superstition36 and oppression. On voit dans l'histoire les erreurs et les préjugés se succéder tour à tour, et chasser la vérité et la raison: on voit les habiles et les heureux encha?ner les imbéciles et écraser les infortunés; et encore ces habiles et ces heureux sont eux-mêmes les jouets de la fortune, ainsi quelles esclaves qu'ils gouvernent. And not only had the good existed, though oppressed, but it had also been efficient in a certain measure: au milieu37 de ces saccagements et de ces destructions nous voyons un[Pg 246] amour de l'ordre qui anime en secret le genre38 humain et qui a prévenu sa ruine totale: c'est un des ressorts de la nature, qui reprend toujours sa force.... And then the 'great epochs' must not be forgotten, the 'centuries' in which the arts nourished as the result of the work of wise men and monarchs41, les quatre ages heureux of history. But between this sporadic42 good, weak or acting43 covertly44, or appearing only for a time and then disappearing, and that of the new era, the quantitative45 and energetic difference is such that it is turned into a qualitative46 difference: a moment comes when men learn to think, to rectify47 their ideas, and past history seems like a tempestuous48 sea to one who has landed upon solid earth. Certainly everything is not to be praised in the new times; indeed, there is much to blame: les abus servent de lois dans presque toute la terre; et si les plus sages51 des hommes s'assemblaient pour faire des lois, où est l'état dont la forme subsistat entière? The distance from the ideal of reason was still great and the new century had still to consider itself as a simple step toward complete rationality and felicity. We find the fancy of a social form limit even in Kant, who dragged after him so much old intellectualistic and scholastic52 philosophy. Sometimes indeed its final form was not discovered, and its place was taken by a vertiginous53 succession of more and more radiant social forms. But the series of these radiant forms, the progress toward the final form and the destruction of abuses, really began in the age of enlightenment, after some episodic attempts in that direction during previous ages, for this age alone had entered upon the just, the wide, the sure path, the path illumined with the light of reason. It sometimes even happened in the course of that period that a doctrine54 leading to Rousseau's inverted55 the[Pg 247] usual view and placed reason, not in modern times or in the near or distant future, but in the past, and not in the medieval, Gr?co-Roman, or Oriental past, but in the prehistoric56 past, in the 'state of nature,' from which history represented the deviation57. But this theory, though differing in its mode of expression, was altogether identical in substance with that generally accepted, because a prehistoric 'state of nature' never had any existence in the reality, which is history, but expressed an ideal to be attained58 in a near or distant future, which had first been perceived in modern times and was therefore really capable of moving in that direction, whether in the sense of realization59 or return. The religious character of all this new conception of the world cannot be obscure to anyone, for it repeats the Christian conceptions of God as truth and justice (the lay God), of the earthly paradise, the redemption, the millennium60, and so on, in laical terms, and in like manner with! Christianity sets the whole of previous history in opposition61 to itself, to condemn62 it, while hardly admiring here and there some consoling ray of itself. What does it matter that religion, and especially Christianity, was then the target for fiercest blows and shame and mockery, that all reticence63 was abandoned, and people were no longer satisfied with the discreet64 smile that had once blossomed on the lips of the Italian humanists, but broke out into open and fanatical warfare65? Even lay fanaticism66 is the result of dogmatism. What does it matter that pious67 folk were shocked and saw the ancient Satan in the lay God, as the enlightened discovered the capricious, domineering, cruel tribal68 deity69 in the old God represented by the priest? The possibility of reciprocal accusations70 confirms the dualism, active in the new as in the old conception, and rendering71 it[Pg 248] unsuitable for the understanding of development and of history.
The historiographical aporia of antiquity was also being increased by abstract individualism or the 'pragmatic' conception. So true was this that it was precisely72 at that time that the formula was resumed, and pragmatism, as history of human ideas, sentiments, calculations, and actions, as a narrative73 embellished74 with reflections, was opposed to theological or medieval history and to the old ingenuous chronicles or erudite collections of information and documents. Voltaire, who combats and mocks at belief in divine designs and punishments and in the leadership of a small barbarous population called upon to act as an elect people and to be the axle of universal history (so that he may substitute for it the lay theology which has been described), is the same Voltaire who praises in Guicciardini and in Machiavelli the first appearance of an histoire bien faite. The pragmatic mode of treatment was extended even to the narrative of events relating to religion and the Church and was applied75 by Mosheim and others in Germany. Owing to this penetration76 of rationalism into ecclesiastical historiography and into Protestant philosophy, it afterward77 seemed that the Reformation had caused thought to progress, whereas, as regards this matter, the Reformation simply received humanistic thought in the new form, to which it had previously78 been opposed. If, in other respects, it aided the advance of the historical conception in an original manner, this was brought about, as we shall see, by means of another element seething79 within it, mysticism. But meanwhile not even Catholicism remained immune from the pragmatic, of which we find traces in the Discours of Bossuet, who represents the Augustinian conception, shorn of its[Pg 249] accessories, reduced and modernized80, lacking the irreconcilable81 dualism of the two cities and the Roman Empire as the ultimate and everlasting82 empire, allowing natural causes preordained by God and regulated by the laws to operate side by side with divine intervention83, and conceding a large share to the social and political conditions of the various peoples. We do not speak of the last step taken by the same author in his Histoire des variations des églises, when he conceived the history of the Reformation objectively and in its internal motives84, presenting it as a rebellious85 movement directed against authority. Even his adversary86 Voltaire recognized that Bossuet had not omitted d'autres causes in addition to the divine will favouring the elect people, because he had several times taken count de l'esprit des nations. Such was the strength of l'esprit du siècle. The pragmatic conceptions of that time are still so well known and so near to us, so persistent87 in so many of our narratives88 and historical manuals, that it would be useless to describe them. When we direct our thoughts to the historical works of the eighteenth century, there immediately rises to the memory the general outline of a history in which priests deceive, courtiers intrigue89, wise monarchs conceive and realize good institutions, combated and rendered almost vain through the malignity90 of others and the ignorance of the people, though they remain nevertheless a perpetual object of admiration8 for enlightened spirits. The image of chance or caprice appears with the evocation91 of that image, and mingling92 with the histories of these conflicts makes them yet more complicated, their results yet stranger and more astonishing. And what was the use, that is to say, the end, of historical narrative in the view of those historians? Here also the reading of a few lines of Voltaire affords[Pg 250] the explanation: Cet avantage consiste surtout dans la comparaison qu'un homme d'état, un citoyen, peut faire des lois et des mours étrangères avec celles de son pays: c'est ce qui excite l'émulation des nations modernes dans les arts, dans l''agriculture, dans le commerce. Les grandes fautes passées servent beaucoup à tout49 genre. On ne saurait trop remettre devant les yeux les crimes et les malheurs: on peut, quoi qu'on en dise, prévenir les uns et les autres. This thought is repeated with many verbal variations and is to be found in nearly all the books of historiographie theory of the time, continuing the Italian mode of the Renaissance93 in an easier and more popular style. The words 'philosophy of history,' which had later so much success, at first served to describe the assistance obtainable from history in the shape of advice and useful precepts94, when investigated without prejudice—that is to say, with the one 'assumption' of reason.
The external end assigned to history led to the same results as in antiquity, when history became oratorical95 and even historico-pedagogic romances were composed, and as in the Renaissance, when 'declamatory orations96' were preserved, and history was treated as material more or less well adapted to certain ends, whence arose a certain amount of indifference97 toward its truth, so that Machiavelli, for instance, deduced laws and precepts from the decades of Livy, not only assuming them to be true, but accepting them in those parts which he must have recognized to be demonstrably fabulous98. Orations began to disappear, but their disappearance99 was due to good literary taste rather than to anything else, which recognized how out of harmony were those expedients100 with the new popular, prosaic101, polemical tone that narrative assumed in the eighteenth[Pg 251] century. In exchange they got something worse: lack of esteem103 for history, which was considered to be an inferior reality, unworthy of the philosopher, who seeks for laws, for what is constant, for the uniform, the general, and can find it in himself and in the direct observation of external and internal nature, natural and human, without making that long, useless, and dangerous tour of facts narrated104 in the histories. Descartes, Malebranche, and the long list of their successors do not need especial mention here, for it is well known how mathematics and naturalism dominated and depressed105 history at this period. But was historical truth at least an inferior truth? After fuller reflection, it did not seem possible to grant even this. In history, said Voltaire, the word 'certain,' which is used to designate such knowledge as that "two and two make four," "I think," "I suffer," "I exist," should be used very rarely, and in the sole sense of "very probable." Others held that even this was saying too much, for they altogether denied the truth of history and declared that it was a collection of fables, of inventions and equivocations, or of undemonstrable affirmations. Hence the scepticism or Pyrrhonism of the eighteenth century, which showed itself on several occasions and has left us a series of curious little books as a document of itself. Such is, indeed, the inevitable106 result when historical knowledge is looked upon as a mass of individual testimonies107, dictated108 or altered by the passions, or misunderstood through ignorance, good at the best for supplying edifying109 and terrible examples in confirmation110 of the eternal truths of reason, which, for the rest, shine with their own light.
It would nevertheless be altogether erroneous to found upon the exaggeration to which the theological[Pg 252] and pragmatical views attained in the historiography of the enlightenment, and see in it a decadence111 or regression similar to that of the Renaissance and of other predecessors112. Not only were germs of error evolved at that time, not only did the difficulties that had appeared in the previous period become more acute, but there was also developed, and elevated to a high degree of efficiency, that historiography of spiritual values which Christian historiography had intensified113 and almost created, and which the Renaissance had begun to transfer to the earth. Voltaire as historiographer deserves to be defended (and this has recently been done by several writers, admirably by Fueter), because he has a lively perception of the need of bringing history back from the treatment of the external to that of the internal and strives to satisfy this need. For this reason, books that gave accounts of wars, treaties, ceremonies, and solemnities seemed to him to be nothing but 'archives' or 'historical dictionaries,' useful for consultation114 on certain occasions, but history, true history, he held to be something altogether different. The duty of true history could not be to weight the memory with external or material facts, or as he called them events (événements), but to discover what was the society of men in the past, la société des hommes, comment on vivait dans l'intérieur des familles, quels arts étaient cultivés, and to paint 'manners' (les mours); not to lose itself in the multitude of insignificant115 particulars (petits faits), but to collect only those that were of importance (considérables) and to explain the spirit (l'esprit) that had produced them. Owing to this preference that Voltaire accords to manners over battles we find in him the conception (although it remains116 without adequate treatment[Pg 253] and gets lost in the ardour of polemic102) that it is not for history to trace the portrait of human splendours and miseries117 (les détails de la splendeur et de la misère humaine) but only of manners and of the arts, that is, of the positive work; in his Siècle de Louis XIV he says that he wishes to illustrate118 the government of that monarch40, not in so far as il a fait du bien aux fran?ais, but in so far as il a fait du lien119 aux hommes. What Voltaire undertook, and to no small extent achieved, forms the principal object of all historians' labours at this period. Whoever wishes to do so can see in Fueter's book how the great pictures to be found in Voltaire's Essai sur les mours and Siècle were imitated in the pages both of French writers and in those of other European countries—for instance, in the celebrated120 introduction by Robertson to his history of Charles V. It will also be noticed how the special histories of this or that aspect of culture are multiplied and perfected, as though several of the desiderata mentioned by Bacon in his classification of history had been thus supplied. The history of philosophy abandons more and more the type of collections of anecdotes121 and utterances122 of philosophers, to become the history of systems, from Brucker to Buhle and to Tiedemann. The history of art takes the shape of a special problem in Winckelmann's work and in the works of his successors. In Voltaire's own books and in those of his school it assumes that of literature; in those of Dubos and of Montesquieu that of rights and of institutions; in Germany it leads to the production of a work as original and realistic as the history of Osnabrück by M?ser. In the specialist work of Heeren, the history of industry and commerce separates itself from the historical divisions or digressions of economic treatises123 and takes a form of its own. The history of[Pg 254] social customs investigates (as in Sainte-Palaye's book on Ancienne chevalerie) even the minutest aspects of social and moral life. Had not Voltaire remarked about tournaments that il se fait des révolutions dans les plaisirs comme dans tout le reste? And to limit ourselves to Italy, which at that time was also acting on the initiative, though she soon afterward withdrew and received her impulse from the other countries of Europe, it is well to remember that in the eighteenth century Pietro Giannone, expressing the desires and the attempts at their realization of a multitude of Neapolitan compatriots and contemporaries, traced the civil history of the Kingdom of Naples, giving much space to the relations between Church and State and to the incidents of legislation. Many followed this example in Italy and outside it (among the many were Montesquieu and Gibbon). In Italy, too, Ludovico Antonio Muratori illustrated124 medieval life in his Antiquitates Itali?, and Tiraboschi composed a great history of Italian literature (understood as that of the whole culture of Italy), notable not less for its erudition than for its clearness of design, while other lesser125 writers, like Napoli Signorelli, in his Vicende della cultura delle due Sicilie, particularized in certain regions, sprinkling their history with the philosophy current at the time. The Jesuit Bettinelli, too, imitated the historical books of Voltaire for the history of letters, arts, and customs in Italy, Bonafede the work of Brucker for the history of philosophy, and Lanzi, in a manner far superior to those just mentioned, continued the path followed by Winckelmann in his History of Painting.
Not only did the historiography of the enlightenment render history more 'interior' and develop it in its interiority, but it also broadened it in space and time. Here too Voltaire represents in an eminent126 degree the[Pg 255] needs of his age, with his continual accusations of narrowness and meanness levelled at the traditional image of universal history, as composed of Hebrew or sacred history and Gr?co-Roman or profane127 history, or, as he says, histoires prétendues universelles, fabriquées dans notre Occident128. A beginning was made with the use of the material discovered, transported, and accumulated by explorers and travellers from the Renaissance onward129, of which a considerable part had been contributed by the Jesuits and by missionaries130. India and China attracted attention, both on account of their antiquity and of the high grade of civilization to which they had attained. Translations of religious and literary Oriental texts were soon added to this, and it became possible to discuss that civilization, not merely at second-hand132 and according to the narratives of travellers. This increase of knowledge relating to the East is paralleled by increase of knowledge not only in relation to antiquity (these studies were never dropped, but changed their centre, first from Italy to France and Holland, then to England, and then to Germany), but also in regard to the Middle Ages, in the works of the Benedictines, of Leibnitz, Muratori, and very many others, who here also specialized133 both as regards the objects of their researches and as to the regions or cities in which they conducted them, as for instance De Meo in his Annali critici del Regno di Napoli.
With the increase of erudition, of the variety of documents and information available, went hand in hand a more refined criticism as to the authenticity134 of the one and of the value as evidence of the other. Fueter does well to note the progress in method accomplished135 by the Benedictines and by Leibnitz (who did not surpass those excellent and learned monks in this respect,[Pg 256] although he was a philosopher) up to Muratori, who did not restrict himself to testing the genuineness of tradition, but initiated136 criticism of the tendencies of individual witnesses, of the interests and passions which colour and give their shape to narratives. The en-lightened, with Voltaire at their head, initiated another kind of criticism of a more intrinsic sort, directed to things and to the knowledge of things (to literary, moral, political, and military experience), recognizing the impossibility that things should have happened in the way that they are said to have happened by superficial, credulous, or prejudiced historians, and attempting to reconstruct them in the only way that they could have happened. We shall admire in Voltaire (especially in the Siècle) his lack of confidence in the reports of courtiers and servants, accustomed to forge calumnies137 and to interpret maliciously138 and anecdotically the external actions of sovereigns and statesmen.
This happened because the historiography of the enlightenment, while it preserved and even exaggerated pragmatism, yet on the other hand refined and spiritualized it, as will have been observed in the expressions preferred by Voltaire and even in the theologizing Bossuet: l'esprit des nations, l'esprit du temps. What that esprit was naturally remained vague, because the support of philosophy, in which at that time those newly imported concepts introduced an unexpected element of conflict, was lacking to refer it to the ideal determinations of the spirit in its development and to conceive the various epochs and the various nations as each playing its own part in the spiritual drama. Thus it often happened that esprit was perverted139 into a fixed140 quality, such as race, if it were a question of nations, and into a current or mode,[Pg 257] if periods were spoken of, and was thus naturalized and pragmatized. Trois choses, wrote Voltaire, influent sans cesse sur l'esprit des hommes, le climat, le gouvernement, et la religion: c'est la seule manière d'expliquer l'énigme du monde: where the 'spirit' is lowered to the position of a product of natural, and social circumstances. The suggestive word had, however, been pronounced, and a clear consciousness of the terms themselves of the social, political, and cultural struggle that was being carried on would have little by little emerged. For the time being, climate, government, religion, genius of the peoples, genius of the time, were all more or less happy attempts to go beyond pragmatism and to place causality in a universal order. This effort, and at the same time its limit—that is to say, the falling back into the abstract and pragmatic form of explanation—is also shown in the doctrine of the 'single event,' which was believed to determine at a stroke the new epoch39 of barbarism or of civilization. Thus at this time it was customary to assign enormous importance to the Crusades or to the Turkish occupation of Constantinople, as Fueter records, with special reference to Richardson's history. Another consequence of the same embarrassment141 was the slight degree of fusion142 attained in the various histories of culture, of customs, and of the arts that were composed it this time. The various manifestations143 of life were set down one after the other without any success, or even any attempt at developing them organically.
Doubtless the new and vigorous historiographical tendencies of the enlightenment were then attacking other barriers opposed to them by the already mentioned lay-theological dualism, in addition to those of pragmatism and of naturalism. This lay-theology ended by negating144 the principle of development itself, because[Pg 258] the judgment of the past as consisting of darkness and errors precluded145 any serious conception of religion, poetry, philosophy, or of primitive146 and bygone institutions. What did an institution of the great importance of 'divination147' in primitive civilizations amount to for Voltaire in the formative process of observation and scientific deduction148? The invention du premier149 fripon qui rencontra un imbécile. Or oracles150, also of such importance in the life of antiquity? Des fourberies. To what amounted the theological struggles between Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists in connexion with the Eucharist? To the ridiculous spectacle of the Papists who mangeaient Dieu pour pain, les luthériens du pain et Dieu, les calvinistes mangèrent le pain et ne mangèrent point Dieu. What was the only end that could be attained by the Jansenists? Boredom151: a sequence of tiresome152 querelles théologiques and of petty querelles de plume153, so that nothing remains of the writers of that time who took part in them but geometry, reasoned grammar, logic—that is to say, only what appartient à la raison; the querelles théologiques were une maladie de plus dans l'esprit humain. Nor does the philosophy of earlier times receive better treatment. That of Plato was nothing but une mauvaise métaphysique, a tissue of arguments so bad that it seems impossible they could have been admired and added to by others yet more extravagant154 from century to century, until Locke was reached: Locke, qui seul a développé l'entendement humain dans un livre où il n'y a que des vérités, et, ce qui rend35 l'ouvrage parfait, toutes les vérités sont claires. In poetry, modern work was placed above ancient, the Gerusalemme above the Iliad, the Orlando above the Odyssey155, Dante seems obscure and awkward, Shakespeare a barbarian156 not without talent. Medieval literature[Pg 259] was beneath consideration: On a recueilli quelques malheureuses compositions de ce temps: c'est faire un amas de cailloux tirés dantiques masures quand on est entouré de palais. Frederick of Prussia, who here showed himself a consistent Voltairean, did not receive the new edition of the Nibelungenlied and the other epic157 monuments of Germany graciously. In a word, the whole of the past lost its value, or preserved only the negative value of evil: Que les citoyens d'une ville immense, où les arts, les plaisirs, et la paix régnent aujourd'hui, où la raison même commence à s'introduire, comparent les temps, et qu'ils se plaignent, s'ils osent. C'est une réflexion qu'il faut faire presque à chaque page de cette histoire. The lack of the conception of development rendered sterile158 the very acquisition of knowledge of distant things and people; and although there was in certain respects merit in introducing India and China into universal history, and although the criticism and satire159 of the 'four monarchies160' and of 'sacred' history was to a certain extent justified161, it is well to remember that in the notion mocked at was satisfied the legitimate162 need for understanding history in its relations with Christian and European civilized163 life; and that if it had not been found possible (and it never was at that time) to form a more complete chain, in which were Arabia, India and China, and the American civilizations, and all the other newly discovered things, these additional contributions to knowledge would have remained a mere131 object for curiosity or imagination. India, China, and the East in general were therefore of little more use in the eighteenth century than to manifest an affection for tolerance164, indeed for religious indifferentism. Those distant countries, in which there was no proselytizing165 frenzy166, and which did not send missionaries to weary[Pg 260] Europe—though Europe did not spare them such visitations—were not treated as historical realities, nor did they obtain their place in the reality of spiritual development, but became longed-for ideals, countries of dream. Those who in our day renew praises of Asiatic toleration, contrasting it with European intolerance, and wax tender over such wisdom and meekness167, are not aware that in so doing they are repeating uselessly and inopportunely what Voltaire has already done; and if in this matter he did not aid the better understanding of history, he at any rate fulfilled a practical and moral function which was necessary for the conditions of his own time. The defective168 conception of development, and not accidental circumstances, such as the publicistic, journalistic, and literary tendencies of the original among those historians, is also the profound reason for the failure of contact and of union between the immense mass of erudition accumulated by the sixteenth century philologists169, and the historiography of the enlightenment. How were those documents and collections to be employed in the slow and laborious170 development of the spirit, if, according to the new conception, instead of developing, the spirit was to leap, and had indeed already made a great leap and left the past far behind? It was sufficient to rummage171 from time to time among them and extract some curious detail, which should fit in with the polemic of the moment. C'est un vaste magasin, où vous prendrez ce qui est à votre usage, said Voltaire. Thus the learned and the enlightened, both of them children of their time, remained divided among themselves, the former incapable172 of rising to the level of history owing to their slight vivacity173 of spirit, the latter overrunning it owing to their too great vivacity, and reducing it to a form of journalism174.
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All these limits, just because they are limits, assign its proper sphere to the historiography of the enlightenment, but they must not be taken as meaning that it had not made any progress. That historiography, plunged175 in the work at the moment most urgent, surrounded with the splendour of the truths that it was in the act of revealing around it, failed to see those limits and its own deficiencies, or saw them rarely and with difficulty. It was aware only that it progressed and progressed rapidly, nor was it wrong in this belief. Nor are those critics (among whom is Fueter) wrong who now defend it from the bad reputation that has befallen it and celebrate its many virtues176, which we also have set in a clear light and have added to, and whose connexion and unity177 we have proved. Yet we must not leave that bad reputation unexplained, for it sounds far more serious than the usual depreciation178 by every historical period of the one that has preceded it, with the view of showing its inferiority to the present. Here, on the contrary, we find a particular judgment of depreciation, pronounced even by comparison with the periods that preceded the enlightenment, so that this period, and not, for example, the Renaissance, has especially received the epithet179 of 'anti-historical' ("the anti-historical eighteenth century"). We find the explanation of this when we think of the dissipation then taking place of all symbolical veils, received from venerable antiquity, and of the crude dualism and conflict which were being instigated180 at that time between history and religion. The Renaissance was also itself an affirmation of human reason, but at the moment of its breaking with medieval tradition it was felt to be all the same tied to classical tradition, which gave it an appearance of historical consciousness (an appearance and not the[Pg 262] reality). The philosophers of the Renaissance often invoked181 and placed themselves under the protection of the ancient philosophers, Plato against Aristotle, or the Greek Aristotle against the Aristotle of the commentators182. The lettered men of the period sought to justify183 the new works of art and the new judgments184 upon them by appealing to the precepts of antiquity, although they sophisticated and subtilized what they found there. Philosophers, artists, and critics turned their shoulders upon antiquity only when and where no sort of conciliation185 was possible, and it was only the boldest among them who ventured to do even this. The ancient republics were taken as an example by the politicians, with Livy as their text, as the Bible was by the Christians186. Religion, which was exhausted187 or had been extinguished in the souls of the cultured, was of necessity preserved for the people as an instrument of government, a vulgar form of philosophy: almost all are agreed as to this, from Machiavelli to Bruno. The sage50 legislator or the 'prince' of Machiavelli and the enlightened despot of Voltaire, who were both of them idealizations of the absolute monarchies that had moulded Europe politically to their will, have substantial affinities188; but the sixteenth-century politician, expert in human weaknesses and charged with all the experience of the rich history of Greece and of Rome, studied finesse189 and transactions, where the enlightened man of the eighteenth century, encouraged by the ever renewed victories of the Reason, raised Reason's banner, and for her took his sword from the scabbard, without feeling the smallest necessity for covering his face with a mask. King Numa created a religion in order to deceive the people, and was praised for it by Machiavelli; but Voltaire would have abused him for doing so,[Pg 263] as he abused all inventors of dogmas and promoters of fanaticism. What more is to be said? The rationalism of the Renaissance was especially the work of the Italian genius, so well balanced, so careful to avoid excesses, so accommodating, so artistic190; enlightenment, which was especially the work of the French genius, was radical, consequent, apt to run into extremes, logistical.
When the genius of the two countries and the two epochs is compared, the enlightenment is bound to appear anti-historical with respect to the Renaissance, which, owing to the comparison thus drawn191 and instituted with such an object, becomes endowed with a historical sense and with a sense of development which it did not possess, having also been essentially192 rationalistic and anti-historical, and, in a certain sense, more so than the enlightenment. I say more than the enlightenment, not only because the latter, as I have shown, greatly, increased historical knowledge and ideas, but also precisely because it caused all the contradictions latent in the Renaissance to break out. This was an apparent regression in historical knowledge, but in reality it was an addition to life, and therefore to historical consciousness itself, as we clearly see immediately afterward. The triumph and the catastrophe193 of the enlightenment was the French Revolution; and this was at the same time the triumph and the catastrophe of its historiography.
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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6
humanitarianism
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| n.博爱主义；人道主义；基督凡人论 | |
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7
ingenuous
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| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
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8
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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9
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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13
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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14
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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15
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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16
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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17
insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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18
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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19
investigations
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| （正式的）调查( investigation的名词复数 )； 侦查； 科学研究； 学术研究 | |
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20
persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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21
potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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22
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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23
serenely
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| adv.安详地，宁静地，平静地 | |
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24
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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25
lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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26
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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27
tableau
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| n.画面，活人画（舞台上活人扮的静态画面） | |
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28
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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29
compendium
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| n.简要，概略 | |
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30
slaughters
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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31
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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32
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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33
bout
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| n.侵袭，发作；一次(阵，回)；拳击等比赛 | |
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34
brandishes
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| v.挥舞( brandish的第三人称单数 )；炫耀 | |
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35
rend
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| vt.把…撕开，割裂；把…揪下来，强行夺取 | |
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36
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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37
milieu
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| n.环境；出身背景；(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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38
genre
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| n.(文学、艺术等的)类型，体裁，风格 | |
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39
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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40
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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41
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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42
sporadic
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| adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular；分散的 | |
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43
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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44
covertly
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| adv.偷偷摸摸地 | |
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45
quantitative
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| adj.数量的，定量的 | |
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46
qualitative
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| adj.性质上的，质的，定性的 | |
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47
rectify
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| v.订正，矫正，改正 | |
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48
tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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49
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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50
sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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51
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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52
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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53
vertiginous
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| adj.回旋的；引起头晕的 | |
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54
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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55
inverted
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| adj.反向的，倒转的v.使倒置，使反转( invert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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57
deviation
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| n.背离，偏离；偏差，偏向；离题 | |
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58
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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59
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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60
millennium
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| n.一千年，千禧年；太平盛世 | |
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61
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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62
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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63
reticence
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| n.沉默，含蓄 | |
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64
discreet
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| adj.(言行)谨慎的；慎重的；有判断力的 | |
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65
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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66
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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67
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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68
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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69
deity
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|
| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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70
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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71
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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72
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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73
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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74
embellished
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| v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 )；装饰；修饰；润色 | |
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75
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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76
penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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77
afterward
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|
| adv.后来；以后 | |
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78
previously
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|
| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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79
seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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80
modernized
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| 使现代化，使适应现代需要( modernize的过去式和过去分词 )； 现代化，使用现代方法 | |
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81
irreconcilable
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|
| adj.（指人）难和解的，势不两立的 | |
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82
everlasting
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|
| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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83
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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84
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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85
rebellious
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|
| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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86
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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87
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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88
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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89
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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90
malignity
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| n.极度的恶意，恶毒；（病的）恶性 | |
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91
evocation
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| n. 引起，唤起 n. <古> 召唤，招魂 | |
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92
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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93
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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94
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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95
oratorical
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| adj.演说的，雄辩的 | |
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96
orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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97
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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98
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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99
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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100
expedients
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| n.应急有效的，权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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101
prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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102
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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103
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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104
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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106
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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107
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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108
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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109
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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110
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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111
decadence
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| n.衰落，颓废 | |
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112
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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113
intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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115
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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116
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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117
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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118
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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119
lien
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| n.扣押权，留置权 | |
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120
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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121
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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122
utterances
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| n.发声( utterance的名词复数 )；说话方式；语调；言论 | |
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123
treatises
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| n.专题著作，专题论文，专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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124
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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125
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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126
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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127
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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128
occident
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| n.西方；欧美 | |
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129
onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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130
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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131
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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132
second-hand
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| adj.用过的，旧的，二手的 | |
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133
specialized
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| adj.专门的，专业化的 | |
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134
authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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135
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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136
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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137
calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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138
maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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139
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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140
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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141
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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142
fusion
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| n.溶化；熔解；熔化状态，熔和；熔接 | |
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143
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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144
negating
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| v.取消( negate的现在分词 )；使无效；否定；否认 | |
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145
precluded
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| v.阻止( preclude的过去式和过去分词 )；排除；妨碍；使…行不通 | |
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146
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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147
divination
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| n.占卜，预测 | |
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148
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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149
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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150
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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151
boredom
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| n.厌烦，厌倦，乏味，无聊 | |
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152
tiresome
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| adj.令人疲劳的，令人厌倦的 | |
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153
plume
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| n.羽毛；v.整理羽毛，骚首弄姿，用羽毛装饰 | |
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154
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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155
odyssey
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| n.长途冒险旅行；一连串的冒险 | |
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156
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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157
epic
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| n.史诗，叙事诗；adj.史诗般的，壮丽的 | |
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158
sterile
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| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
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159
satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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160
monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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161
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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162
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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163
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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164
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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165
proselytizing
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| v.（使）改变宗教信仰[政治信仰、意见等]，使变节( proselytize的现在分词 ) | |
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166
frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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167
meekness
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| n.温顺，柔和 | |
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168
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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169
philologists
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| n.语文学( philology的名词复数 ) | |
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170
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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171
rummage
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| v./n.翻寻，仔细检查 | |
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172
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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173
vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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174
journalism
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| n.新闻工作，报业 | |
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175
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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176
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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177
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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178
depreciation
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| n.价值低落，贬值，蔑视，贬低 | |
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179
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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180
instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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182
commentators
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| n.评论员( commentator的名词复数 )；时事评论员；注释者；实况广播员 | |
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183
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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184
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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185
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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186
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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187
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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188
affinities
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| n.密切关系( affinity的名词复数 )；亲近；（生性）喜爱；类同 | |
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189
finesse
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| n.精密技巧，灵巧，手腕 | |
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190
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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191
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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192
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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193
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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