The actual modern motives35, which present themselves as sentiments in nostalgic historiography, acquired a reflex form with the same or other writers, as tendencies to the service of which their narratives37 were bent38. Here, too, it would be superfluous39 to give an account of all the various forms and specifications40 of these tendencies (which Fueter has already done admirably), from the persistent41 Rousseauism of Giovanni Müller to Sismondi, or from the ideal of a free peasantry of Niebuhr, the ultramontane ideal of Leo, the imperialistic-medieval ideal of the already mentioned Giesebrecht and Ficker, the old liberal of Raumer, the neo-liberal of Rotteck and Gervinus, the anglicizing of Guizot and Dahlmann, or the democratic ideal of Michelet, to the neo-Guelfish ideal of Troya and Balbo and Father Tosti, to the Prussian hegemony of Droysen and of Treitschke, and[Pg 267] so on. But all of these, and other historians with a particular bias42, lean, with rare exceptions, on the past, and find the justification43 of their bias in the dialectic of tradition or in tradition itself. Nobody any longer cared to compose by the light of abstract reason alone. The extreme typical instance is afforded by the socialistic school, which took the romantic form in the person of its chief representative, Marx, who endowed it with historiographical and scientific value. His work was in complete opposition44 to the socialistic ideals that had appeared in the eighteenth century, and he therefore boasted that they had passed from the state of being a Utopia to that of a science. His science was nothing less than historical necessity attributed to the new era that he prophesied45, and materialism46 itself no longer wished to be the naturalistic materialism of a d'Holbach or a Helvétius, but presented itself as 'historical materialism.'
If nostalgic historiography is poetry and that with a purpose is practical and political, the historiography, the true historiography, of romanticism is not to be placed in either of the two, in so far as it is considered an epoch47 in the history of thought. Certainly, poetry and practice arose from a thought and led to a thought as its material or problem: the French Revolution was certainly not the cause or the effect of a philosophy, but both the cause and the effect, a philosophy in the act, born from and generating the life that was then developed. But thought in the form of thought, and not in the form of sentimental love of the past or effort to revive a false past, is what determines the scientific character of that historiography, which we desire to set in a clear light. And it reacted in the form of thought against the thought of the enlightenment[Pg 268], so crudely dualistic, by opposing to it the conception of development.
Not indeed that this concept was something entirely48 new, which had then burst forth49 in bud for the first time: no speculative50 conception that is really such can be absent at one time and appear at another. The difference lies in this, that at a given period scientific problems seem to apply to one rather than to another aspect of thought, which is always present in its totality. So that when we say that the conception of development was absent from antiquity51 and from the eighteenth century, we utter a hyperbole. There are good reasons for this hyperbole, but it remains52 a hyperbole and should not be taken literally53 and understood materially. Nor are we to believe that there was no suspicion or anticipation54 of the important scientific conception of development prior to the romantic period. Traces of it may be found in the pantheism of the great philosophers of the Renaissance55, and especially in Bruno, and in mysticism itself, in so far as it included pantheism, and yet more distinctly in the reconstruction56 of the bare bones of the theological conception with the conception of the course of historical events as a gradual education of the human race, in which the successive revelations should be the communication of books of a gradually less and less elementary nature, from the first Hebrew scriptures58 to the Gospels and to the revisions of the Gospels. Lessing offers an example of this. Nor were the theorists of the enlightenment always so terribly dualistic as those that I have mentioned, but here and there one of them, such as Turgot, although he did not altogether abandon the presupposition as to epochs of decadence59, yet recognized the progress of Christianity over antiquity and of modern times[Pg 269] over Christianity, and attempted even to trace the line of development passing through the three ages, the mythological60, the metaphysical, and the scientific. Other thinkers, like Montesquieu, noticed the relativity of institutions to customs and to periods; others, like Rousseau, attached great importance to the strength of sentiment. Enlightenment had also its adversaries61 during its own period, not only as represented by political abstraction and fatuous62 optimism (such as that of Galiani, for instance), but also in more important respects, destined63 later to form the special subject of criticism, such as contempt for tradition, for religion, and for poetry and arid64 naturalism. Hence the smile of Hamann at the blind faith of Voltaire and of Hume in the Newtonian astronomical65 doctrines66 and at their lack of sense for moral doctrines. He held that a revival68 of poetry and a linking of it with history were necessary, and considered history to be (here he was just the opposite of Bodin) not the easiest but the most difficult of all mental labours. But in the Scienza nuova of Vico (1725) was to be found a very rich and organic anticipation of romantic thought (as should now be universally recognized and known). Vico criticized the enlightenment only in its beginnings (when it was still only natural jurisprudence and Cartesianism), yet he nevertheless penetrated more deeply than others who came after him into its hidden motives and measured more accurately69 its logical and practical consequences. Thus he opposed to the superficial contempt for the past in the name of abstract reason the unfolding of the human mind in history, as sense, imagination, and intellect, as the divine or animal age, the heroic age, and the human age. He held further that no human age was in the wrong, for each had its own strength and beauty,[Pg 270] and each was the effect of its predecessor70 and the necessary preparation for the one to follow, aristocracy for democracy, democracy for monarchy71, each one appearing at the right moment, or as the justice of that moment.
The conception of development did not, however, in the romantic period, remain the thought of a solitary72 thinker without an audience, but broadened until it became a general conviction; it did not appear timidly shadowed forth, or contradictorily73 affirmed, but took on body, coherence74, and vigour75, and dominated spirits. It is the formative principle of the idealist philosophy, which culminated76 in the system of Hegel. Few there were who resisted its strength, and these, like Herbart, were still shut up in pre-Kantian dogmatism, or tried to resist it and are more or less tinged77 with it, as is the case with Schopenhauer and yet more with Comte and later with positivistic evolutionism. It gives its intellectual backbone79 to the whole of historiography (with the exception here too of lingerers and reactionaries), and that historiography corrects for it, in greater or less measure, the same one-sided tendencies which came to it from the sentimental and political causes already described, from tenderness for the near past or for "the good old times," and for the Middle Ages. The whole of history is now understood as necessary development, and is therefore implicitly80, and more or less explicitly81, all redeemed82; it is all learned with the feeling that it is sacred, a feeling reserved in the Middle Ages for those parts of it only which represented the opposition of God to the power of the devil. Thus the conception of development was extended to classical antiquity, and then, with the increase of knowledge and of attention, to Oriental[Pg 271] civilizations. Thus the Romans, the Ionians, the Dorians, the Egyptians, and the Indians got back their life and were justified83 and loved in their turn almost as much as the world of chivalry and the Christian world had been loved. But the logical extension of the conception did not find any obstacle among the philosophers and historians, even in the repugnance84 that was felt for the times to which modern times were opposed, such as the eighteenth century. The spectacle was witnessed of the consecration85 of Jacobinism and of the French Revolution in the very books of their adversaries, Hegel, for instance, finding in those events both the triumph and the death, the one not less than the other, the 'triumphant86 death' of the modern abstract subjectivity87, inaugurated by Descartes. Not only did the adversaries, but also the executioners and their victims, make peace, and Socrates, the martyr88 of free thought and the victim of intolerance, such as he was understood to be by the intellectualists of the eighteenth century and those who superstitiously89 repeat them in our own day, was condemned90 to the death that he had well deserved, in the name of History, which does not admit of spiritual revolutions without tragedies. The drafter, too, of the Manifesto91 of the Communists, as he was hastening on the business of putting an end to the burgess class, both with his prayers and with his works, gave vent57 to a warm and grandiose92 eulogium of the work achieved by the burgess class, and in so doing showed himself to be the faithful child of romantic thought; because, for anyone who held to the ideology93 of the eighteenth century, capitalism94 and the burgess class should have appeared to be nothing but distortions due to ignorance, stupidity, and egoism, unworthy of any praise beyond a funeral oration95. The passions of the[Pg 272] greater part of those historians were most inflammable, not less than those of the enlightened, yet satire96, sarcasm97, invective98, at least among the superior intellects, vividly99 encircled the historical understanding of the time, but did not oppress or negate100 it. The general impression experienced from those narratives is that of a serious effort to render justice to all, and we owe it to the discipline thus imparted to the minds and souls of the thinkers and historians of romanticism that it is only the least cultivated or most fanatical among the priests and Catholics in general who continue to curse Voltaire and the eighteenth century as the work of the devil. In the same way, it is only vulgar democrats101 and anti-clericals, akin102 to the former in their anachronism and the rest, who treat the reaction, the restoration, and the Middle Ages with equal grossness. Enlightenment and the Jacobinism connected with it was a religion, as we have shown, and when it died it left behind it survivals or superstitions103.
To conceive history as development is to conceive it as history of ideal values, the only ones that have value, and it was for this reason that in the romantic period there was an ever increasing multiplication104 of those histories which had already increased to so considerable an extent in the preceding period. But their novelty did not consist in their external multiplication, but in their internal maturation, which corrected those previously105 composed, consisting either of learned collections of disconnected items of information, or judgments107 indeed, but judgments based upon an external model, which claimed to be constructed by pure reason and was in reality constructed by arbitrary and capricious abstraction and imagination. And now the history of poetry and of literature is no longer measured according[Pg 273] to the standard of the Roman-humanistic ideal, or according to the classical ideal of the age of Louis XIV, or of the ratiocinative and prosaic108 ideal of the eighteenth century, but discovers by degrees its own measure in itself, and beginning with the first attempts of Herder, of the Schlegels, and then of Villemain, of Sainte-Beuve, and of Gervinus, and for antiquity of Wolf and Müller, finally reaches the high standard represented by the History of Italian Literature of de Sanctis. Suddenly the history of art feels itself embarrassed by the too narrow ideal of Lessing and of Winckelmann, and there is a movement toward colour, toward landscape, toward pre-Hellenic and post-Hellenic art, toward the romantic, the Gothic, the Renaissance, and the baroque, a movement that extends from Meyer and Hirth to Rumohr, Kluger, Schnaase, till it reaches Burckhardt and Ruskin. It also tries here and there to break down the barriers of the schools and to attain109 the really artistic110 personality of the artists. The history of philosophy has its great crisis with Hegel, who leads it from the abstract subjectivism of the followers of Kant to objectivity, and recognizes the only true existence of philosophy to consist of the history of thought, considered in its entirety, without neglecting any one of its forms. Zeller, Fischer, and Erdmann in Germany, Cousin and his school in France, Spaventa in Italy, follow Hegel in such objective research. The like takes place in the history of religion, which tries to adopt intrinsic criteria111 of judgment106, after Spittler and Planck, the last representatives of the rationalistic school, with Marheinecke, Neander, Hase, and finds a peculiarly scientific form with Strauss, Baur, and the Tübingen school; and from Eichhorn to Savigny, Gans, and Lassalle in the history of rights. The conception of the State always yields[Pg 274] the leadership more and more to that of the nation in the history called political, and 'nationality' substitutes the names of 'humanity,' 'liberty,' and 'equality,' and all the other ideas of the preceding age that once were full of radiance, but are now dimmed. This nationalism has wrongly been looked upon as a regression, in respect of that universalism and cosmopolitanism112, because (notwithstanding its well-known sentimental exaggerations) it notably113 assists the concrete conception of the universal living only in its historical creations, such as nations, which are both products and factors of its development. And the value of Europeanism is revived as the result of this acquisition of consciousness of the value of nations. It had been too much trampled114 upon during the period of the enlightenment, owing to the naturalistic spirit which dominated at that time, and to the reaction taking place against the historical schemes of antiquity and Christianity, although it was surely evident that history written by Europeans could not but be 'Europocentric,' and that it is only in relation to the course of Gr?co-Roman civilization, which was Christian and Occidental, that the civilizations developed along other lines become actual and comprehensible to us, provided always that we do not wish to change history into an exhibition of the different types of civilization, with a prize for the best of them The difference is also made clear for the same reason between history and pre-history, between the history of man and the history of nature, which had been illegitimately linked by the materialists and the naturalists115. This is to be found even in the works of Herder, who retains a good many of the elements of the century of his birth mingled116 with those of the new period. But it is above all in romantic historiography that we observe[Pg 275] the search for and very often the happy realization117 of an organic linking together of all particular histories of spiritual values, by relating religious, philosophical118, poetical12, artistic, juridical, and moral facts as a function of a single motive of development. It then becomes a commonplace that a literature cannot be understood without understanding ideas and customs, or politics without philosophy, or (as was realized rather later) rights and customs and ideas without economy. And it is worth while recording119 as we pass by that there is hardly one of these histories of values which has not been previously presented or sketched120 by Vico, together with the indication of their intrinsic unity121. Histories of poetry, histories of myth, of rights, of languages, of constitutions, of explicative or philosophical reason, all are in Vico, although sometimes wrapped up in the historical or sociological epoch with which each one of them was particularly connected. Even modern biography (which illustrates122 what the individual does and suffers in relation to the mission which he fulfils and to the aspect of the Idea which becomes actual in him) has its first or one of its first notable monuments in the autobiography123 of Vico—that is to say, in the history of the works which Providence124 commanded and guided him to accomplish "in diverse ways that seemed to be obstacles, but were opportunities."
This transformation125 of biography does not imply failure to recognize individuality, but is, on the contrary, its elevation126, for it finds its true meaning in its relation with the universal, as the universal its concreteness in the individual. And indeed individualizing power, perception of physiognomies, of states of the soul, of the various forms of the ideas, sense of the differences of times and places, may be said to show themselves[Pg 276] for the first time in romantic historiography. That is to say, they do not show themselves rarely or as by accident, nor any longer in the negative and summary form of opposition between new and old, civil and barbarous, patriotic127 and extraneous128. It does not mean anything that some of those historians lost themselves (though this happened rarely) in an abstract dialectic of ideas, and that others more frequently allowed ideas to be submerged in the external picturesqueness129 of customs and anecdotes130, because we find exaggerations, one-sidedness, lack of balance, at all periods and in all progress of thought. Nor is the accusation131 of great importance that the colouring of times and places preferred by the romantics was false, because the important thing was precisely132 this attempt to colour, whether the result were happy or the reverse (if the latter, the picture had to be coloured again, but always coloured). A further reason for this is that, as has been already admitted, there were fancies and tendencies at work in romanticism beyond true and proper historiography, which bestowed133 upon the times and places illustrated134 that imaginary and exaggerated colouring suggested by the various sentiments and interests. History, which is thought, was sometimes idealized at this period as an imaginary living again in the past, and people asked of history to be carried back into the old castles and market-places of the Middle Ages; for their enjoyment they asked to see the personages of the time in their own proper clothes and as they moved about, to hear them speak the language, with the accent of the time, to be made contemporary with the facts and to acquire them with the ingenuous spirit of a contemporary. But to do this is not only impossible for thought, but also for art, because art too surpasses life, and it would be[Pg 277] something useless, because it is not desired, for what man really desires is to reproduce in imagination and to rethink the past from the present, not to tear himself away from the present and fall back into the dead past. Certainly this last was an illusion, proper to several romantics (who for that matter have their successors in our own day), and in so far as it was an illusion either remained a sterile135 effort or diffused136 itself in a lyrical sigh; but an illusion of that kind was one of many aspects and did not form an essential part of romantic historiography.
We also owe it to romanticism that a relation was established for the first time and a fusion137 effected between the learned and the historians, between those who sought out material and thinkers. This, as we have said, had not happened in the eighteenth century, nor, to tell the truth, before it, in the great epochs of erudition of Italian or Alexandrian humanism, for then antiquaries and politicians each followed their own path, indifferent to one another, and the only political ideal that sometimes gleamed from the bookshelves of the antiquary (as Fueter acutely observes of Flavius Blondus) was that of a government which by ensuring calm should permit the learned to follow their peaceful avocations138! But the watchword of romantic historiography was anticipated in respect to this matter also by Vico, in his formula of the union of philosophy with philology139, and of the reciprocal conversion140 of the true with the certain, of the idea with the fact. This formula proves (we give it passing mention) that the historical saying of Manzoni, to the effect that Vico should be united with Muratori, was not altogether historically exact—that is to say, philosophy with erudition, for Vico had already united these two things, and their[Pg 278] union constitutes the chief value of his work. Nevertheless, notwithstanding its inaccuracy, the saying of Manzoni also proves how romantic historiography had noted141 the intimate connexion that prevails between erudition and thought in history, which is the living and thinking again of the document that has been preserved or restored by erudition, and indeed demands erudition that it may be sought out and prepared. Neither did romanticism limit itself to stating this claim in the abstract, but really created the type of the philologist-thinker (who was sometimes also a poet), from Niebuhr to Mommsen, from Thierry to Fustel de Coulanges, from Troya to Balbo or Tosti. Then for the first time were the great collections and repertories of the erudition of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries valued at their true worth; then were new collections promoted, supplementary142 to or correcting them according to criteria that were ever more rigorous in relation to the subject and to the greater knowledge and means at disposal. Thus arose the work known as the Monumenta Germania historica and the German philological143 school (which was once the last and became the first), the one a model of undertakings144 of this sort, the other of the disciplines relating to them, for the rest of Europe. The philological claim of the new historiography, aided by the sentiment of nationality, also gave life in our Italy to those historical societies, to those collections of chronicles, of laws, of charters, of 'historical archives' or reviews, institutions with which historiographical work is concerned in our day. A notable example of the power to promote the most patient philology inspired with purely historical needs is to be found, among others, in the Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, conceived and carried out by a[Pg 279] historian endowed with the passionate145 energy and the synthetic146 mind of a Mommsen. In the eighteenth century (with one or two very rare and partial exceptions) historians disdained147 parchment and in-folios, or opened them impatiently, bibentes et fugientes but in the nineteenth century no serious spirit dared to affirm any longer that it was possible to compose history without accurate, scrupulous148, meticulous149 study of the documents upon which it is to be founded.
The pragmatic histories of the last centuries, therefore, melted away at the simple touch of these new historiographical convictions, rather than owing to direct and open criticism or polemic150. The word 'pragmatic,' which used to be a title of honour, began to be pronounced with a tinge78 of contempt, to designate an inadequate151 form of historical thought, and the historians of the enlightenment fell into discredit152, not only Voltaire and the French, but the Humes, the Robertsons, and other English historians. They appeared now to be quite without colour, lacking in historical sense, their minds fixed153 only on the political aspect of things, superficial, vainly attempting to explain great events by the intentions of individuals and by means of little things or single details. The theory, too, of history as the orator154 and teacher of virtue29 and prudential maxims155 also disappeared. This theory had enjoyed a long and vigorous life during Gr?co-Roman antiquity and again from the Renaissance onward156 (when I say that all these things disappeared, the exception of the fossils is always to be understood, for these persisted at that time and persist in our own day, with the air of being alive). The attitude of the Christian spirit toward history was resumed. This spirit contemplates157 it as a single process, which does not repeat itself, as[Pg 280] the work of God, which teaches directly by means of His presence, not as matter that exemplifies abstract teaching, extraneous to itself. The word 'pragmatic' was indeed pronounced with a smile from that time onward, as were the formulas of historia magister vit? or that directed ad bene beateque vivendum: let him who will believe these formulas—that is to say, he who echoes traditional thoughts without rethinking them and is satisfied with traditional and vulgar conceptions. What is the use of history? "History itself," was the answer, and truly that is not a little thing.
The new century glorified158 itself with the title of 'the century of history,' owing to its new departures, which were born or converged159 in one. It had deified and at the same time humanized history, as had never been done before, and had made of it a centre of reality and of thought. That title of honour should be confirmed, if not to the whole of the nineteenth century, then to its romantic or idealistic period. But this confirmation160 should not prevent our observing, with equal clearness, the limit of that historicity, without which it would not be possible to understand its later and further advance. History was then at once deified and humanized; but did the divinity and humanity truly flow together in one, or was there not at bottom some separation between the two of them? Was the disagreement between ancient worldly thought and ultramundane Christian thought really healed, or did it not present itself again in a new form, though this form was attenuated161 and more critical intellectually? And which of the two elements prevailed in this disagreement in its abstractness, the human or rather the divine?
These questions suggest the answer, which is further[Pg 281] suggested by a memory familiar to all, namely, that the romantic period was not only the splendid age of the great evolutionary162 histories, but also the fatal age of the philosophies of history, the transcendental histories. And indeed, although the thought of immanence had grown gradually more and more rich and profound during the Renaissance and the enlightenment, and that of transcendency ever more evanescent, the first had not for that reason absorbed the second in itself, but had merely purified and rationalized it, as Hellenic philosophy and Christian theology had tried to do in their own ways in their own times. In the romantic period, purification and rationalization continue, and here was the mistake as well as the merit of romanticism, for it was no longer a question of setting right that ancient opinion, but of radically164 inverting165 and remaking it. The transcendental conception of history was no longer at that time called revelation and apocalypse, but philosophy of history, a title taken from the enlightenment (principally from Voltaire), although it no longer had the meaning formerly166 attributed to it of history examined with an unprejudiced or philosophical spirit adorned167 with moral and political reflections, but the meaning, altogether different, of a philosophical search of the sphere above or below that of history—in fact, of a theological search, which remained theological, however lay or speculative it may have been. And since a search of this sort always leads to a rationalized mythology168, there is no reason why the name of 'mythology' should not be extended to the philosophy of history, or the name of 'philosophy of history,' to mythology, as I have extended it, calling all transcendental conceptions of history 'philosophy of history,' for they all separate the fact and the idea, the[Pg 282] event and its explication, action and end, the world and God. And since the philosophy of history is transcendental in its internal structure, it is not surprising that it showed itself to be such in all the very varied169 forms that it assumed in the romantic period, even among philosophers as avid170 of immanence as Hegel, a great destroyer of Platonism, who yet remained to a considerable extent engaged in it, so tenacious171 is that enemy which every thinker carries in himself and which he should tear from his heart, yet cannot resist.
But without entering into a particular account of the assumptions made by the romantics and idealists in the construction of their 'philosophies of history,' it will be sufficient to observe the consequences, in order to point out the transcendental tendency of their constructions. These were such as to compromise romantic histories in the method and to damage them in the execution, though they were at first so vigorously conceived as a unity of philosophy and philology. One of the consequences was precisely the falling again into contempt of erudition among those very people who adopted and promoted it, and on other occasions a recommendation of it in words and a contempt of it in deeds. This contradictory172 attitude was troubled with an evil conscience, so much so that its recommendations sound but little sincere, the contempt timid, when it shows itself, though it is more often concealed173. Nevertheless one discovers fleeting174 words of revelation among these tortuosities and pretences175, such as that of an a priori history (Fichte, Schelling, Krause, and, to a certain extent at least, Hegel), which should be true history, deduced from the pure concepts, or rendered divine in some vision of the seer of Patmos, a history which should[Pg 283] be more or less different from the confusion of human events and facts, as philosophical history, leaving outside it as refuse a merely narrative36 history, which should serve as raw material or as text for the sermons and precepts176 of the moralists and politicians. And we see rising from the bosom177 of a philosophy, which had tried to make history of itself, by making philosophy also history (proof that the design had not been really translated into act), the distinction between philosophy and history, between the historical and the philosophical way of thinking, and the mutual178 antipathy179 and mutual unfriendliness of the two orders of researchers. The 'professional' historians were obliged to defend themselves against their progenitors180 (the philosophers), and they ended by losing all pity for them, by denying that they were philosophers and treating them as intruders and charlatans181.
Unpleasantness and ill-will were all the more inevitable182 in that the 'philosophers of history'—that is to say, the historians obsessed183 with transcendency—did not always remain content (nor could they do so, speaking strictly) with the distinction between philosophical and narrative history, and, as was natural, attempted to harmonize the two histories, to make the facts harmonize with the schemes which they had imagined or deduced. With this purpose in view, they found themselves led to use violence toward facts, in favour of their system, and this resulted in certain most important parts being cut out, in a Procrustean184 manner, and in others that were accepted being perverted185 to suit a meaning that was not genuine but imposed upon them. Even the chronological186 divisions, which formed a merely practical aid to narratives, were tortured (as was the custom in the Middle Ages) that they might[Pg 284] be elevated to the rank of ideal divisions. And not only was the light of truth extinguished in the pursuit of these caprices, not only were individual sympathies and antipathies187 introduced (take as an instance typical of all of them the idealization of Hellas and of this or that one of the Hellenic races), but there appeared a thing yet more personally offensive to the victims—that is to say, there penetrated into history, under the guise188 of lofty philosophy, the personal loves and hates of the historian, in so far as he was a party man, a churchman, or belonged to this or that people, state, or race. This ended in the invention of Germanism, the crown and perfection of the human race, a Germanism which, claiming to be the purest expression of Arianism, would have restored the idea of the elect people, and have one day undertaken the journey to the East. Thus were in turn celebrated189 semi-absolute monarchy as the absolute form of states, speculative Lutheranism as the absolute form of religion, and other suchlike vainglorious190 vaunts, with which the pride of Germany oppressed the European peoples and indeed the whole world, and thus exacted payment in a certain way for the new philosophy with which Germany had endowed the world. But it must not be imagined that the pride of Germany was not combated with its own arms, for if the English speculated but little and the French were too firm in their belief in the Gesta Dei per Francos (become the gestes of reason and civilization), yet the peoples who found themselves in less happy conditions, and felt more keenly the censure191 of inferiority or of senility thus inflicted192 upon them, reacted: Gioberti wrote a Primato d'Italia, and Ciezkowski a Paternostro, which foretold193 the future primacy of the Slavonic people and more especially of the Poles.
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Yet another consequence of the 'philosophies of history' was the reflourishing of 'universal histories,' in the fallacious signification of complete histories of humanity, indeed of the cosmos194, which the Middle Ages had narrated195 in the chronicles ab origine mundi and de duabus civitatibus and de quattuor imperiis, and the Renaissance and enlightenment had reduced to mere163 vulgar compilations196, finding the centre for its own interest elsewhere. The imagines mundi returned with the philosophies of history, and such they were themselves, transcendental universal histories, with the 'philosophy of nature' belonging to them. The succession of the nations there took the place of the series of empires: to each nation, as formerly to each empire, was assigned a special function, which once fulfilled, it disappeared or fell to pieces, having passed on the lamp of life, which must not pass through the hands of any nation more than once. The German nation was to play there the part of the Roman Empire, which should never die, but exist perpetually, or until the consummation of the ages and the Kingdom of God. To develop the various forms of the philosophy of history would aid in making clear the internal contradictions of the doctrine67 and in ascribing the reasons for the introduction of certain corrections for the purpose of doing away with the contradictions in question, but which in so doing introduced others. And in making an examination of this kind a special place should be reserved for Vico, who offers a 'philosophy of history' of a very complex sort, which on the one side does not negate, but passes by in silence the Christian and medieval conception (as it does not deny St Augustine's conception of the two cities or of the elect and Gentile people, but only seriously examines the[Pg 286] history of the latter), while on the other side it resumes the ancient Oriental motive of the circles (courses and recourses), but understands the course as growth and development, and the recourse as a dialectical return, which on the other hand does not seem to give rise to progress, although it does not seem to exclude it, and also does not exclude the autonomy of the free will or the exception of contingency197. In this conception the Middle Ages and antiquity ferment198, producing romantic and modern thought.[1] But in the romantic period the idea of the circle (which yet contained a great mental claim that demanded satisfaction) gave place to the idea of a linear course, taken from Christianity and from progress to an end, which concludes with a certain state as limit or with entrance into a paradise of indefinite progress, of incessant199 joy without sorrow. In a conception of this kind there is at one time a mixture of theology and of illuminism, as in Herder, at another an attempt at a history according to the ages of life and the forms of the spirit, as with Fichte and his school; then again the idea realizes its logical ideal in time, as in Hegel, or the shadow of a God reappears, as in the deism of Laurent and of several others, or the God is that of the old religion, but modernized200, noble, judicious201, liberal, as in moderate Catholicism and Protestantism. And since the course has necessarily an end in all these schemes, announced and described and therefore already lived and passed by, attempts to prolong, to prorogue202, or to vary that end have not been wanting, such personages as the Abbots Gioacchini arising and calling themselves the 'Slav apocalyptics' or by some other name, and adding[Pg 287] new eras to those described. But this did not change anything in the general conception. And there was no change effected in it by the philosophies of history of the second Schelling, for example, which are usually called irrationalistic, or of the pessimists203, because it is clear that the decadence which they describe is a progress in the opposite sense, a progress in evil and in suffering, having its end in the acme204 of evil and pain, or leading indeed to a redemption and then becoming a progress toward the good. But if the idea of circles, which repeat themselves identically, oppresses historical consciousness, which is the consciousness of perennial205 individuality and diversity, this idea of progress to an end oppresses it in another way, because it declares that all the creations of history are imperfect, save the last, in which history comes to a standstill and which therefore alone has absolute value, and which thus takes away from the value of reality in favour of an abstraction, from existence in favour of the inexistent. And both of these—that is to say, all the philosophies of history, in whatever way determined—lay in ambush206 to overwhelm the conceptions of development and the increase in historiographical value obtained through it by romanticism; and when this injury did not occur (as in several notable historians, who narrated history admirably, although they professed207 to obey the rules of the abstract philosophy of history, which they saluted208 from near or far, but took care not to introduce into their narratives), it was a proof that the contradiction had not been perceived, or at least perceived as we now perceive it, in its profound dissonance. It was a sign that romanticism too had problems upon which it laboured long and probed deeply, and others upon which it did not work at all or only worked a little and kept waiting,[Pg 288] satisfying them more or less. History too, like the individual who works, does 'one thing at a time,' neglecting or allowing to run on with the help of slight provisional improvements the problems to which it cannot for the time being attend, but ready to direct full attention to them when its hands are free.
[1] The exposition and criticism of Vico's thought are copiously209 dealt with in the second volume of my Saggi filosofici i La filosofia di Giambattista Vico (Bari, 1911).
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1
sentimental
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| adj.多愁善感的，感伤的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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obstructions
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| n.障碍物( obstruction的名词复数 )；阻碍物；阻碍；阻挠 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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pathos
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| n.哀婉，悲怆 | |
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belittle
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| v.轻视，小看，贬低 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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poetically
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| adv.有诗意地，用韵文 | |
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poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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18
vicissitude
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| n.变化，变迁，荣枯，盛衰 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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ingenuous
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| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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nostalgia
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| n.怀乡病，留恋过去，怀旧 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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28
extoller
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| n.赞美者，吹捧者 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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puerility
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| n.幼稚，愚蠢；幼稚、愚蠢的行为、想法等 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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38
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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40
specifications
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| n.规格；载明；详述；（产品等的）说明书；说明书( specification的名词复数 )；详细的计划书；载明；详述 | |
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41
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
materialism
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| n.［哲］唯物主义，唯物论；物质至上 | |
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47
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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48
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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50
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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51
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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52
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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53
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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54
anticipation
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| n.预期，预料，期望 | |
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55
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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56
reconstruction
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| n.重建，再现，复原 | |
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57
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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58
scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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59
decadence
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| n.衰落，颓废 | |
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60
mythological
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| adj.神话的 | |
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61
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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62
fatuous
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| adj.愚昧的；昏庸的 | |
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63
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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astronomical
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| adj.天文学的，（数字）极大的 | |
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66
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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67
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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68
revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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69
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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70
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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71
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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72
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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73
contradictorily
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| adv.反驳地，逆，矛盾地 | |
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74
coherence
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| n.紧凑；连贯；一致性 | |
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75
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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76
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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77
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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79
backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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82
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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84
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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85
consecration
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| n.供献，奉献，献祭仪式 | |
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86
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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subjectivity
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| n.主观性（主观主义） | |
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88
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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superstitiously
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| 被邪教所支配 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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grandiose
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| adj.宏伟的，宏大的，堂皇的，铺张的 | |
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ideology
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| n.意识形态，(政治或社会的)思想意识 | |
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capitalism
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| n.资本主义 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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satire
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| n.讽刺，讽刺文学，讽刺作品 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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negate
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| vt.否定，否认；取消，使无效 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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102
akin
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| adj.同族的，类似的 | |
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103
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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104
multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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108
prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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109
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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criteria
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| n.标准 | |
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112
cosmopolitanism
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| n. 世界性,世界主义 | |
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113
notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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114
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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115
naturalists
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| n.博物学家( naturalist的名词复数 )；（文学艺术的）自然主义者 | |
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116
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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117
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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118
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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120
sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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121
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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122
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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123
autobiography
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| n.自传 | |
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124
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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125
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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126
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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127
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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128
extraneous
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| adj.体外的；外来的；外部的 | |
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129
picturesqueness
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130
anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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131
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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132
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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133
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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135
sterile
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| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
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136
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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137
fusion
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| n.溶化；熔解；熔化状态，熔和；熔接 | |
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138
avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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139
philology
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| n.语言学；语文学 | |
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140
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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141
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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142
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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143
philological
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| adj.语言学的，文献学的 | |
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144
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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145
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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146
synthetic
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| adj.合成的，人工的；综合的；n.人工制品 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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meticulous
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| adj.极其仔细的，一丝不苟的 | |
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150
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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151
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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155
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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onward
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| adj.向前的，前进的；adv.向前，前进，在先 | |
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contemplates
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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glorified
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| 美其名的，变荣耀的 | |
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159
converged
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| v.（线条、运动的物体等）会于一点( converge的过去式 )；（趋于）相似或相同；人或车辆汇集；聚集 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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161
attenuated
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| v.（使）变细( attenuate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）变薄；（使）变小；减弱 | |
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evolutionary
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| adj.进化的；演化的，演变的；[生]进化论的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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inverting
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| v.使倒置，使反转( invert的现在分词 ) | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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avid
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| adj.热心的；贪婪的；渴望的；劲头十足的 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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174
fleeting
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| adj.短暂的，飞逝的 | |
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175
pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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178
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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179
antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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180
progenitors
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| n.祖先( progenitor的名词复数 )；先驱；前辈；原本 | |
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181
charlatans
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| n.冒充内行者，骗子( charlatan的名词复数 ) | |
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182
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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183
obsessed
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| adj.心神不宁的,鬼迷心窍的,沉迷的 | |
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184
procrustean
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| adj.强求一致的 | |
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185
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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186
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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187
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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188
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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189
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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190
vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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191
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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192
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194
cosmos
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| n.宇宙；秩序，和谐 | |
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195
narrated
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| v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
compilations
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| n.编辑，编写( compilation的名词复数 )；编辑物 | |
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197
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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198
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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199
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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200
modernized
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| 使现代化，使适应现代需要( modernize的过去式和过去分词 )； 现代化，使用现代方法 | |
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201
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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202
prorogue
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| v.使（会议）休会 | |
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203
pessimists
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| n.悲观主义者( pessimist的名词复数 ) | |
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204
acme
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| n.顶点，极点 | |
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205
perennial
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| adj.终年的；长久的 | |
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206
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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207
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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208
saluted
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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209
copiously
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| adv.丰富地，充裕地 | |
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