When he fell ill the nations were at peace. The townspeople of Europe were in a holiday humour, packing their trunks and portmanteaus for 'land travel or sea-faring.' The country people were getting in their harvest or looking forward hopefully to the vintage. Business was prosperous. Credit was good. Money, in banking2 phraseology, was 'cheap.' The horror of the Serajevo assassinations3 had already faded almost into oblivion. At the worst this sensational4 event was only an affair of police. Such real anxiety as existed in the United Kingdom had reference to Ireland.
We can imagine the invalid's first feeble question on public affairs:—'What has happened in Ulster?'—The answer, 'Nothing has happened in Ulster.'—The sigh of relief with which he sinks back on his pillows.
When, however, they proceed to tell him what has happened, elsewhere than in Ulster, during the {14} four weeks while they have been watching by his bedside, will he not fancy that his supposed recovery is only an illusion, and that he is still struggling with the phantoms5 of his delirium6?
For what will they have to report? That the greater part of the world which professes7 Christianity has called out its armies; that more than half Europe has already joined battle; that England, France, Russia, Belgium, Servia, and Montenegro on the one side are ranged against Germany and Austria on the other. Japan, they will tell him, is upon the point of declaring war. The Turk is wondering if, and when, he may venture to come in; while the Italian, the Roumanian, the Bulgar, the Greek, the Dutchman, the Dane, and the Swede are reckoning no less anxiously for how short or long a period it may still be safe for them to stand out. Three millions of men, or thereabouts—a British Army included—are advancing against one another along the mountain barriers of Luxemburg, Lorraine, and Alsace. Another three millions are engaged in similar evolutions among the lakes of East Prussia, along the river-banks of Poland, and under the shadow of the Carpathians. A large part of Belgium is already devastated8, her villages are in ashes or flames, her eastern fortresses9 invested, her capital threatened by the invader10.
Nine-tenths or more of the navies of the world are cleared for action, and are either scouring11 the seas in pursuit, or are withdrawn12 under the shelter of land-batteries watching their opportunity for a stroke. Air-craft circle by day and night over the cities, dropping bombs, with a careless and impartial13 aim, upon buildings both private and public, both sacred and profane14, upon churches, palaces, hospitals, {15} and arsenals15. The North Sea and the Baltic are sown with mines. The trade of the greater part of industrial Europe is at a standstill; the rest is disorganised; while the credit and finances, not merely of Europe, but of every continent, are temporarily in a state either of chaos16 or paralysis17.
A NIGHTMARE
To the bewildered convalescent all this may well have seemed incredible. It is hardly to be wondered at if he concluded that the fumes18 of his fever were not yet dispersed19, and that this frightful20 phantasmagoria had been produced, not by external realities, but by the disorders21 of his own brain.
How long it might have taken to convince him of the truth and substance of these events we may judge from our own recent experience. How long was it after war broke out, before even we, who had watched the trouble brewing22 through all its stages, ceased to be haunted, even in broad daylight, by the feeling that we were asleep, and that the whole thing was a nightmare which must vanish when we awoke? We were faced (so at least it seemed at frequent moments) not by facts, but by a spectre, and one by no means unfamiliar—the spectre of Europe at war, so long dreaded23 by some, so scornfully derided24 by others, so often driven away, of late years so persistently25 reappearing. But this time the thing refused to be driven away. It sat, hunched26 up, with its head resting on its hands, as pitiless and inhuman27 as one of the gargoyles28 on a Gothic cathedral, staring through us, as if we were merely vapour, at something beyond.
So late as Wednesday, July 29—the day on which Austria declared war on Servia—there was {16} probably not one Englishman in a hundred who believed it possible that, within a week, his own country would be at war; still less, that a few days later the British Army would be crossing the Channel to assist France and Belgium in repelling29 a German invasion. To the ordinary man—and not merely to the ordinary man, but equally to the press, and the great majority of politicians—such things were unthinkable until they occurred. Unfortunately, the inability to think a thing is no more a protection against its occurrence than the inability to see a thing gives security to the ostrich30.
The sequence of events which led up to the final disaster is of great importance, although very far from being in itself a full explanation of the causes.
On June 28, 1914, the heir to the throne of Austria-Hungary, together with his consort31, was murdered by a young Bosnian at Serajevo, not far distant from the southern frontier. The Imperial authorities instituted a secret enquiry into the circumstances of the plot, as a result of which they professed32 to have discovered that it had been hatched at Belgrade, that Government officials were implicated33 in it, and that so far from being reprobated, it was approved by Servian public opinion.[1]
On Thursday, July 23—a month after the tragedy—Austria suddenly delivered an ultimatum34 to Servia, and demanded an acceptance of its terms within forty-eight hours. The demands put forward were {17} harsh, humiliating, and unconscionable. They were such as could not have been accepted, as they stood, by any nation which desired to preserve a shred35 of its independence. They had been framed with the deliberate intention, either of provoking a refusal which might afford a pretext36 for war, or of procuring37 an acceptance which would at once reduce the Servian Kingdom to the position of a vassal38. Even in Berlin it was admitted[2] that this ultimatum asked more than it was reasonable to expect Servia to yield. But none the less, there can be but little doubt that the German ambassador at Vienna saw and approved the document before it was despatched, and it seems more than likely that he had a hand in drafting it. It also rests on good authority that the German Kaiser was informed beforehand of the contents, and that he did not demur39 to its presentation.[3]
THE SERVIAN REPLY
On the evening of Saturday, July 25, the Servian Government, as required, handed in its answer. The purport40 of this, when it became known to the world, excited surprise by the humility41 of its tone and the substance of its submission42. Almost everything that {18} Austria had demanded was agreed to. What remained outstanding was clearly not worth quarrelling about, unless a quarrel were the object of the ultimatum. The refusal, such as it was, did not close the door, but, on the contrary, contained an offer to submit the subjects of difference to the Hague Convention.[4]
The document was a lengthy43 one. The Austrian minister at Belgrade nevertheless found time to read it through, to weigh it carefully, to find it wanting, to ask for his passports, and to catch his train, all within a period not exceeding three-quarters of an hour from the time at which it was put into his hands.[5]
When these occurrences became known, the English Foreign Minister immediately made proposals for a conference between representatives of Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain, with the object of discovering some means of peaceful settlement.[6] France and Italy promptly44 accepted his invitation.[7] Germany, while professing45 to desire mediation46, did not accept it.[8] Consequently Sir Edward Grey's effort failed; and before he was able to renew it in any more acceptable form, Austria, acting47 with a promptitude almost unique in her annals, declared war upon Servia, and hostilities48 began.
It is unnecessary to enter here into an examination of the feverish49 and fruitless attempts to preserve peace, which were made in various quarters during the next four and twenty hours. They present a {19} most pathetic appearance, like the efforts of a crew, sitting with oars50 unshipped, arguing, exhorting51, and imploring52, while their boat drifts on to the smooth lip of the cataract53.
MOBILIZATION
Russia ordered the mobilisation of her Southern armies, alleging54 that she could not stand by while a Slav nation was being crushed out of existence, despite the fact that it had made an abject55 submission for an unproved offence.[9]
Subsequently, on Friday, July 31, Russia—having, as she considered, reasons for believing that Germany was secretly mobilising her whole forces—proceeded to do likewise.[10]
Germany simultaneously56 declared 'a state of war' within her own territories, and a veil instantly fell upon all her internal proceedings57. She demanded that Russia should cease her mobilisation, and as no answer which satisfied her was forthcoming, but only an interchange of telegrams between the two sovereigns—disingenuous on the one side and not unreasonably58 suspicious on the other—Germany declared war on Russia on Saturday, August 1.
On Saturday and Sunday, war on a grand scale being by this time certain, the chief interest centred in questions of neutrality. Germany enquired59 of France whether she would undertake to stand aside—knowing full well beforehand that the terms of the Dual60 Alliance compelled the Republic to lend assistance if Russia were attacked by more than one power. {20} Sir Edward Grey enquired of France and Germany if they would undertake to respect the integrity of Belgium. France replied in the affirmative. Germany declined to commit herself, and this was rightly construed61 as a refusal.[11]
While this matter was still the subject of diplomatic discussion the German Army advanced into the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg, and was correctly reported as having entered Belgian territory near Liège and French territory near Cirey.
On the evening of Sunday, August 2, the German Government presented an ultimatum to Belgium[12] demanding free passage for its troops, thereby62 putting its intentions beyond all doubt.
On the same day Italy issued a declaration of neutrality, making it clear that, although a member of the Triple Alliance, she did not consider herself bound to support her allies in a war of aggression63.[13]
Meanwhile Germany had been making enquiries as to the attitude of England, and, startled to discover that this country might not be willing tamely to submit to the violation64 of Belgium and invasion of France, proceeded to state, under cross-examination, the price she was prepared to pay, or at any rate to promise, for the sake of securing British neutrality.[14]
ENGLAND DECLARES WAR
On Tuesday, August 4, the British Ambassador at Berlin presented an ultimatum which demanded an assurance, before midnight, that the integrity of Belgium would not be violated. The answer was given informally at a much earlier hour by the {21} bombardment of Liège; and shortly before midnight England declared war on Germany.[15]
Two days later Austria declared herself to be at war with Russia, and within a week from that date Great Britain and France issued a similar declaration against Austria.
[1] There is perhaps as much reason, certainly no more, for believing that an official clique65 at Belgrade plotted the Serajevo murders, as that an official clique at Vienna connived66 at them, by deliberately67 withdrawing police protection from the unfortunate and unpopular Archduke on the occasion of his visit to a notorious hotbed of sedition68.
[2] Herr von Jagow "also admitted that the Servian Government could not swallow certain of the Austro-Hungarian demands.... He repeated very earnestly that, though he had been accused of knowing all the contents of that note, he had in fact no such knowledge."—Sir H. Rumbold at Berlin to Sir Edward Grey (White Paper, No. 18).
[3] "Although I am unable to verify it, I have private information that the German Ambassador (i.e. at Vienna) knew the text of the Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was despatched and telegraphed it to the German Emperor. I know from the German Ambassador himself that he endorses69 every line of it."—British Ambassador at Vienna to Sir Edward Grey (White Paper, No. 95). (Cf. also White Book, Nos. 95 and 141; French Yellow Book, No. 87; Russian Orange Book, No. 41.)
"The German Ambassador (i.e. in London) read me a telegram from the German Foreign Office saying that his Government had not known beforehand, and had no more than other Powers to do with the stiff terms of the Austrian note to Servia."—Sir Edward Grey to the British Ambassador in Berlin (White Paper, No. 25). (Cf. also French Yellow Book, Nos. 17, 30, 36, 41, 57, and 94.)
[4] Last paragraph of Reply of Servian Government to Austro-Hungarian note.
[5] White Paper, Nos. 20 and 23.
[6] White Paper, No. 36.
[7] White Paper, Nos. 35, 42, and 52.
[8] White Paper, Nos. 43 and 71. Cf. also German White Book, Nos. 12 and 15.
[9] White Paper, No. 113; Russian Orange Book, No. 77; French Yellow Book, No. 95.
[10] These suspicions were well founded. German mobilisation began at least two days earlier (White Paper, No. 113; French Yellow Book, Nos. 60, 88, 89, and 106).
[11] White Paper, Nos. 114, 122, 123, and 125.
[12] Belgian Grey Book, No. 20; French Yellow Book, No. 141.
[13] White Paper, No. 152; French Yellow Book, No. 124.
[14] White Paper, Nos. 85 and 123.
[15] "I found the Chancellor70 very agitated71. His Excellency at once began a harangue72 which lasted for about twenty minutes. He said that the step taken by His Majesty's Government was terrible to a degree: just for a word—'neutrality,' a word which in war time had so often been disregarded—just for a scrap73 of paper Great Britain was going to make war on a kindred nation, who desired nothing better than to be friends with her."—British Ambassador at Berlin to Sir Edward Grey (White Paper, No. 160).
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1
convalescence
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| n.病后康复期 | |
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2
banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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assassinations
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| n.暗杀( assassination的名词复数 ) | |
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4
sensational
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| adj.使人感动的，非常好的，轰动的，耸人听闻的 | |
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phantoms
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| n.鬼怪，幽灵( phantom的名词复数 ) | |
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delirium
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| n. 神智昏迷,说胡话;极度兴奋 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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8
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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11
scouring
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| 擦[洗]净，冲刷，洗涤 | |
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12
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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15
arsenals
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| n.兵工厂，军火库( arsenal的名词复数 )；任何事物的集成 | |
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16
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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18
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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22
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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23
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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hunched
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| （常指因寒冷、生病或愁苦）耸肩弓身的，伏首前倾的 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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gargoyles
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| n.怪兽状滴水嘴( gargoyle的名词复数 ) | |
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repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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ostrich
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| n.鸵鸟 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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shred
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| v.撕成碎片，变成碎片；n.碎布条，细片，些少 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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demur
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| v．表示异议，反对 | |
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purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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41
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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42
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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43
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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46
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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49
feverish
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| adj.发烧的，狂热的，兴奋的 | |
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50
oars
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| n.桨，橹( oar的名词复数 )；划手v.划（行）( oar的第三人称单数 ) | |
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51
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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52
imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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53
cataract
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| n.大瀑布，奔流，洪水，白内障 | |
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54
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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55
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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56
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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57
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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58
unreasonably
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| adv. 不合理地 | |
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59
enquired
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| 打听( enquire的过去式和过去分词 )； 询问； 问问题； 查问 | |
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60
dual
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| adj.双的；二重的，二元的 | |
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61
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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62
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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63
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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64
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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clique
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| n.朋党派系，小集团 | |
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66
connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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67
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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68
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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69
endorses
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| v.赞同( endorse的第三人称单数 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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70
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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71
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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72
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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