While Strasburg was enduring the agonies of a siege and bombardment, and the “Army of the Rhine,” already oppressed by “la question des vivres,” was chafing1 in its restricted camps under the cannon2 of Metz; while Paris was quivering with excitement and barely restrained from bursting into open revolt, the victorious3 German host was closing steadily4, yet swiftly, round the distracted and misguided Army of Chalons. It was pressed in so closely on the Belgian frontier that, during the afternoon of the 30th, before De Failly had been driven over the Meuse, Count Bismarck sent a formal communication to the German Minister at Brussels, in which he expressed a hope that, should MacMahon lead his soldiers across the boundary, the Belgian authorities would immediately deprive them of their arms. At night, in his quarters at Buzancy, King William sanctioned a decisive order to his son and the Saxon Prince. The troops were to march at dawn, attack the enemy wherever he could be found on the left and right bank of the Meuse, in order that he might be crushed up as much as possible between the river and the Belgian border. The Saxon Prince was to operate beyond the Meuse, with two Corps5; the Prussian Prince [p 286] on the front and left; movements designed to bar the road to Montmédy, prevent any attempt to recross the river, and, eventually, to interpose the German left wing between the French and Mézières. “Should the adversary6 enter Belgium and not be immediately disarmed7, he is to be followed at once without waiting for fresh orders.” These were not the final instructions which led to the investment of an Army, but they prepared the way towards, and foreshadowed the accomplishment8 of that astonishing result.
Confusion in the French Camp.
Marshal MacMahon, perplexed9, but not dismayed, by the events of the 30th, remained for some time in doubt. “I do not know what I shall do,” said the Marshal early in the evening to Ducrot’s aide-de-camp. “In any case, the Emperor should at once start for Sedan.” At that time the Emperor was in the camp of Ducrot, who, instructed to protect the retreat of the Army either by Douzy or by Carignan, that is, towards Sedan or Montmédy, had divided his Corps between those two places. At a later period, when darkness had set in, MacMahon, seated at a bivouac fire, on the heights above Mouzon, sent for General Lebrun, and directed him to retreat, at once, upon Sedan, not by the highway, which was crowded with fugitives11 and wagons13, but by cross roads leading upon Douzy. “We have had a bad time,” said the Marshal, “but the situation is not hopeless. At the most, the German Army before us cannot exceed in numbers sixty or seventy thousand men. If they attack us, so much the better; we shall be able, doubtless, to fling them into the Meuse.” The Marshal, who never spared himself, and seemed to live without sleep, rode back to Sedan, and Lebrun, stumbling along devious14 tracks, in the darkness, and apparently15 in dubious16 military array, [p 287] fearing all the time that he might be attacked, entered Douzy at eight in the morning, and did not reach Bazeilles, his destination, until ten o’clock.
Meantime Ducrot, embarrassed by the presence of the Emperor, awaited anxiously, at Carignan, the final orders of MacMahon. He respectfully urged His Majesty18 to depart by train for Sedan, but the Emperor refused—“he wished to be with the Corps which covered the retreat.” He was astonished and incredulous when the rout19 before Mouzon was described. “It is impossible,” he repeatedly exclaimed, “our positions were magnificent!” In the night he vanished from Carignan; and it was only some hours after he had gone that Ducrot was informed of his departure by train. The General then, in concert with Margueritte, whose cavalry20 were on the Chiers, resolved to retreat in the morning, without waiting longer for orders, and to move upon Illy, because he assumed that MacMahon would certainly direct the Army on Mézières. He was mistaken. On reaching Villers-Cernay, about four in the afternoon of the 31st, Ducrot learned that he was to retire upon Sedan, and not upon Mézières, “whither I have not any intention of going,” said the Marshal’s despatch21. In fact, the two Divisions of the 1st Corps, left at Douzy on the 30th, had been already ordered to retire on the Givonne. Lebrun, whom we saw follow in their wake, after his painful night march, did not destroy the bridge over the Chiers; so that, when he was passing Francheval, Ducrot actually saw the enemy—they were Saxon horsemen—issuing from the village, and cutting in upon the baggage and transport trains.
On that memorable24 30th, when the Emperor informed the Empress by telegram, from Carignan, that there had been an “engagement of no great importance,” an officer destined25 to be conspicuous26, dropped in upon the Army; it [p 288] was De Wimpffen. He has been defined by General Lebrun, who was with him at St. Cyr, as a man of firm will, and “an unlimited27 confidence in his own capacity.” Indeed, he had come to restore victory. When he passed through Paris, the Comte de Palikao was good enough to tell him—so he writes, although Palikao “thinks” he could not have so expressed himself—that MacMahon chimed in too easily with the suggestions of the Emperor, which was not the fact; that His Majesty was in a false position, and that he caused the greatest embarrassment28. “Send me to the Army,” said De Wimpffen, “I shall impart the needed boldness and decision.” So he was sent to supersede29 De Failly in command of the 5th Corps, carrying in his pocket a letter which authorized30 him to succeed MacMahon in command of the Army, should any accident befall the Marshal. It was this audacious personage who supervened on the 30th, and to his horror, found the Army he might have to guide and govern, falling to pieces under his eyes. He met troops in flight from Mouzon; they were frightened, famished31, and could hardly be persuaded that the “Prussians” were not at their heels. As evidence of the reigning32 disorder33, De Wimpffen says that he collected on the 30th, three regiments34 belonging to the 5th, 7th, and 12th Corps, some squadrons of De Failly’s cavalry, and several hundreds of men belonging to the 1st Corps, who obeyed a non-combatant officer. The General led them during the night to Sedan. A like confusion prevailed on all sides, as the soldiers, hungry and thoroughly36 wearied, fell asleep as they dropped on the ground in their dreary37 bivouacs.
The Emperor entered Sedan about midnight. The Marshal urged him to embark38 afresh in the train, and seek security in Mézières, where General Vinoy was expected, and where he did, indeed, arrive that night with the advance [p 289] guard of one division of the 13th Corps. The Emperor refused to quit Sedan, but the Prince Imperial had been sent away. The movement of Vinoy was delayed several hours, because a train running to Avesnes, and bearing the young Prince, “his baggage, his escort, and his suite,” barred the way to Mézières.
When morning dawned upon the discomfited39 Army, Marshal MacMahon had not ceased to ponder. As he said before the Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry40 in 1872, he had no intention of fighting a battle at Sedan, but he wished to supply the Army afresh with provisions and munitions42; and he spent part of the day in considering what he should do on the morrow, and in watching from the citadel43 the march of his foes44. There were, he believed, a million rations46 in Sedan, but eight hundred thousand of these were stored in wagons at the station, and as shells reached them from beyond the Meuse, the station-master sent away the train to Mézières. With it went a company of engineers, instructed to blow up the bridge at Donchery; but frightened by the shells, the driver halted long enough to drop the engineers, and then hastily fled with the powder and tools. The Marshal did not hear of the mishap47 until ten o’clock at night, and when another company of engineers reached the bridge, they found it in possession of the enemy! Early in the morning, before that event occurred, Captain des Sesmaisons, carrying a message from Vinoy, entered Sedan, after having been fired on by a German battery established near Frenois. He saw the Emperor in the hotel of the Sub-Prefect, delivered his message, and received a despatch from His Majesty directing Vinoy to concentrate his troops in Mézières. Anxious that the Captain should return in safety, the Emperor gave him a horse, and traced on a map the road he should take, observing that the Army would retire by that route the next day; that the road [p 290] would be open and safe, as it was new, had not been marked on the map, and was unknown to the enemy. But we learn from the German Staff history, that this recently opened road, although not laid down on the French, was duly figured in the German map, a contrast between diligence and negligence48 not easily paralleled. The Captain saw MacMahon, who then, nearly midday, seemed resolved to march on Mézières, and believed that he could crush any opposition49.
At this moment General Douay arrived, and gave a new turn to his thoughts. Douay had surveyed the position in front of his camp with an anxious eye, and had noted50 that, unless reinforced, he could not hold the cardinal51 point—the Calvaire d’Illy. He got additional troops in the end. “But,” said the Marshal, who seemed to share Douay’s apprehensions52, “I do not want to shut myself up in lines; I wish to be free to man?uvre.” “M. le Maréchal, to-morrow the enemy will not leave you the time,” was the General’s answer. According to Captain des Sesmaisons, it was Douay’s comments on the position which made the Marshal modify his judgment53, and think of fighting where he stood rather than of retreating on Mézières. The Captain rode back to his General, and carried with him a gloomy account of the condition and outlook of the Army of Chalons. No troops were sent forth54 to watch the Meuse below Sedan and communicate with Vinoy. Later in the day, an old soldier who lived in the neighbourhood, sought out General Douay and told him that the enemy was preparing to pass the Meuse at Donchery—a fact, it might be thought, which could not escape the notice of the watchers in Sedan—and then it was that the General occupied the position between Floing and Illy, and began to throw up intrenchments as cover for men and guns. He had not done so hitherto, because his soldiers, thoroughly exhausted55 [p 291] by incessant56 marches, sleepless57 nights, want of food, and rear-guard combats, needed some rest. Enough has been said to indicate the lamentable58 weakness of mind at head-quarters, and the dire10 confusion prevailing59 throughout the limited area between the Belgian frontier and the Meuse, within which the French soldiers were now potentially inclosed. It is time to show a different example of the practice of war.
The Movements of the Germans.
The decision adopted by the Great Head-quarters at Buzancy were, as usual, anticipated, and the Commander-in-Chief of the Meuse Army, before the formal orders reached him, had directed the Guard and the 12th Corps to cross the river, by the bridge at Pouilly, constructed on the 30th, and a new one made at Létanne soon after daybreak on the 31st. The Saxon cavalry commander, indeed, taking with him a squadron at dawn, rode down the right bank, then shrouded60 in fog, as far as Mouzon, entered the town with four lancers, and crossed the bridge to the faubourg. Thereupon a Prussian battalion61 instantly passed over and took possession of the town. This adventurous63 squadron had actually captured prisoners and many wagons loaded with provisions. When the two divisions of cavalry, preceding the infantry64 advance, rode towards Douzy and Carignan, they struck the tail of Lebrun’s Corps, and fired into the distant columns which Ducrot, on the other side of the Chiers, was leading by the hill roads to Francheval. In fact, by noon the Guard horsemen were masters of Carignan and such provision stores as the French had not time to destroy; and the Saxons, passing through Douzy, had fallen upon a convoy65 on the right bank. The fire of infantry forced them back upon [p 292] the town, but they held that and the unbroken bridge until the advance guard of the 12th came up in the afternoon and established themselves in the place. The Prussian Guard meanwhile, after a long march, had reached, with its leading battalions66, Porru aux Bois and Francheval, the main body halting between Sachy and Missincourt, and the cavalry remaining in the rear. Thus, the Saxon Prince’s Army had secured all the bridges over the Chiers and the important passage at Mouzon, where the 4th Corps stood on both banks of the Meuse. The outposts formed a chain from the right bank of the river in front of Douzy, through Francheval to the Belgian frontier, at that point only nine miles from the Chiers, and sixteen from the Meuse. This narrow belt of territory was thus barred against French enterprise; the road to Montmédy and Metz was definitely closed. The Saxon Prince did not push farther westward67, because he knew that the Great Staff had planned a passage of the Meuse below Sedan for the next day, and, therefore, he did not wish to alarm the French. Enough had been done and his troops needed rest, especially the Guard, the whole of which had marched during the day upwards68 of thirty miles, and the advance guards more. No wonder the French were astounded69 at the “prodigious marches” made by Germans, whom they had considered to be incapable70 of such energy and endurance. Some share of the French disasters must be attributed to that fatal form of error—contempt for the enemy.
Not less success attended the operations of the Prussian Crown Prince, whose business it was to secure possession of the left bank of the Meuse, and, if practicable, bring batteries to bear upon the French troops. We have already described the effect produced by the horse artillery71 batteries established under the protection of the cavalry at Frenois [p 293] upon the railway officials who sent off the provision trains, and upon the drivers who ran away with the powder and tools required to destroy the bridge at Donchery. Behind the cavalry the whole Army was soon in motion. The Würtembergers marched from Verrières to the neighbourhood of Flize, where they became engaged with Vinoy’s outposts, and induced them to burn the bridge over the Meuse. The 11th Corps moved upon Donchery, and, during the afternoon, not only secured the important bridge at that place, but constructed a second. The 5th Corps stood close in rear of the 11th, and the Second Bavarians halted at Raucourt. On the extreme left the 6th Corps, covering the rear, went to Attigny, Semoy, and Amagne; the 5th Division of Cavalry was at Tourteron, and the 6th at Poix, both scouting72 over the railway to Reims, and one breaking the line at Faux.
The 1st Bavarian Corps, which led the infantry advance upon the Meuse, moved early from Raucourt upon Remilly and Aillicourt. They had only started at eight o’clock, yet their guns were in position opposite Bazeilles before the last division of Lebrun’s Corps, marching from Douzy, could gain the village. The guns opened at very long range, and Lebrun, who was on the watch, was so impressed that he ordered the division to turn back and enter the position by Daigny, where there was a bridge over the Givonne. The French drew out their guns, which led Von der Tann to reinforce his own, so that there was soon a powerful line of batteries in action, and some houses in Bazeilles broke out into flames. Then the Bavarian infantry brigades arrived to support the advance guard, and the French threw out infantry to annoy the hostile gunners. Presently a sharp-eyed artilleryman observed that barrels of powder had been brought down to the railway bridge, apparently with intent to blow it up. Thereupon General [p 294] von Stephan directed a J?ger battalion to frustrate73 this design; and just as the French were lowering some barrels under the furthest arch, the J?gers, dashing on to the bridge, fell upon the working party, drove it off, and poured the powder into the Meuse. In this daring fashion was the railway viaduct saved from destruction under the noses of the 12th Corps. Von der Tann, having the fear of Von Moltke before his eyes, desired to save the bridge but not engage beyond the stream. The J?gers, however, who, in the judgment of their comrades, held a post of peril74, were promptly75 supported, and the forward spirit gaining the upper hand, the little troop, driving in the French skirmishers, actually held for some time the fringe of Bazeilles; but not being supported by the General, who refused to disobey orders and bring on a premature76 engagement, the hardy77 adventurers had to retire with loss, to the right bank. Yet they secured the bridge from destruction, and to this day, apparently, General Lebrun cannot understand how it came to pass that MacMahon’s orders were not executed. The French say that the powder was spoilt and that no fresh supply could be got from Sedan; but no effort is made to explain why, when the Bavarians threw a pontoon bridge over the Meuse, just above the railway crossing, Lebrun’s people did nothing to prevent it. The truth is that they could not prevent one bridge from being preserved, and the other from being built.
The gain on the day’s resolute78 operations, therefore, was the acquisition of three permanent bridges over the Meuse, two above and one below Sedan; the seizure79 of all the passages across the Chiers; and the concentration of both Armies upon the right and left banks of the river within striking distance of the French troops packed up in a narrow area about Sedan. The Crown Prince brought his [p 295] head-quarters to Chémery, and the King went through that place on his way to Vendresse. At Chémery, “a brief conference was held between the Generals Von Moltke, Von Podbielski, and Von Blumenthal, relative to the general state of the campaign and the next steps which should be taken.” It was a notable meeting, and few words, indeed, were required to indicate the finishing touches of an enterprise, so unexpectedly imposed on them, and so resolutely80 carried out by these skilful81, far-seeing, and audacious captains. They had come to the conclusion that the French had before them only one of two courses—they must either retreat bodily into Belgium, or sacrifice the greater part of their Army in an endeavour with the remainder to reach Paris by way of Mézières. There was a third—to remain and be caught—but a finis so triumphant82 was not foreseen by the trio of warriors83 who met in the village of Chémery.
PLAN VI: BATTLE of SEDAN, ABOUT 10. A.M.
Weller & Graham Ltd. Lithos.? London, Bell & Sons
The Battlefield of Sedan.
The battlefield of Sedan may be described as the space lying within the angle formed by the Meuse, and its little affluent84, the Givonne, which flows in a southerly direction from the hills near the Belgian frontier. After passing Bazeilles and its bright meadows, the greater river meanders85 towards the north-west, making, a little below Sedan, a deep loop inclosing the narrow peninsula of Iges on three sides, and then running westward by Donchery, Dom le Mesnil and Flize to Mézières. From the northern end of the loop to the Givonne, the ground is a rugged86, undulating upland, attaining87 its maximum of height a little south of the Calvaire d’Illy, at a point where the Bois de la Garenne begins to clothe the steep slopes on the south and east. Lower still is a deep defile88, called the Fond de Givonne, through which, turning the wood, runs the highway [p 296] from Sedan to Bouillon, a town on the Semoy in Belgium. The eastern face of the position, therefore, was the line of the Givonne, a belt of cottages, gardens, factories and villages; the southern and south-western was the fortress89 and the Meuse; the north-western front was on the hills between Floing and Illy, and the lowlands on the loop of the Meuse. The interval90 between Illy and the Givonne was, at first, neglected because the French held that no troops could work through the dense91 forest and broken ground. The issues from this man-trap were the narrow band of territory between the head of the Meuse loop and the wooded Belgian frontier; the high road to Bouillon; the routes eastward92 to Carignan up the Chiers, and the gate of Torcy on the south. They were all difficult, and in the nature of defiles93 which can only be traversed slowly, even in time of peace, by large bodies of men, horses, guns and wagons.
Within this remarkable94 inclosure the French Army sat down on the 31st of August. The 12th and the 1st Corps, Lebrun’s and Ducrot’s, held the line of the Givonne, looking east and south-east, because Lebrun had to guard the Meuse at Bazeilles. The 5th Corps, now under De Wimpffen, was partly in the “old camp,” close under the fortress, and partly behind the 7th, which, as we have said, occupied the rolling heights between Floing and Illy with a strong outpost in St. Menges, at the head of the Meuse loop on the road which led to Mézières through Vrigne aux Bois—the road supposed to be unknown to the Germans, because it was not laid down on the French maps. The cavalry posted in rear of the 7th were the divisions of Margueritte, Bonnemains and Amiel, while Michel was behind Ducrot’s left at the village of Givonne. The sun set, and the night passed, yet Marshal MacMahon expressed no decision. Believing that the enemy’s numerical strength [p 297] had been exaggerated, or that he could break out in any direction when he pleased, or trusting to fortune and the opportunities which might offer during the conflict, perhaps imagining that Von Moltke would grant him another day, the Marshal became the sport of circumstance which had escaped his control. “The truth is,” he said to the Parliamentary Commission, “that I did not reckon on fighting a battle on the ground we occupied. I knew already that we had no provisions, and that the place was barely supplied with munitions, but I did not yet know on which side I ought, on the morrow (the 1st) to effect my retreat.” The unfaltering adversary had no such doubts, and his firm purpose brought on not only the Battle, but the Investment of Sedan. For the information which reached the Great Head-quarters during the evening of the 31st, induced Von Moltke to quicken the operations. He inferred that no attempt would be made by the French to break out by Carignan; that they might try to reach Mézières or pass into Belgium; and as he was eager to frustrate their escape by any route, he instructed the Prussian Crown Prince to set his Corps in motion during the night. The Prince immediately issued the needful orders, and directed Von der Tann to attack with his Bavarians at dawn, without awaiting the arrival of the 12th Corps, so that Lebrun in Bazeilles being held fast, the attention of the French might be attracted towards that side. The Saxon Prince, being duly informed, entered with characteristic spirit and daring into the plan, and not only determined96 to be early on the scene of action with the 12th and the Guard, but to push the latter well forward, so as to anticipate the French should they endeavour to gain the Belgian border. Thus a common motive97 animated98 the German chiefs who, in taking firm steps to gain a decisive result, were so well seconded by their tireless and intrepid99 soldiers.
[p 298]
The Battle of Sedan.
A thick white mist filled the valley of the Meuse on the morning of the 1st of September, 1870, so thick that Von der Tann’s Bavarians, marching towards the railway bridge and the pontoons above it, could not see many steps ahead, as in two columns they moved at four o’clock in careful silence through the dense and clammy atmosphere. At that very time General Lebrun, whose anxieties kept him awake, started up, and rushing forth, made the first bugler100 he encountered sound the call, which roused the wearied troops sleeping on the hills between Bazeilles and Balan. Yet it would seem that, outside the former village, no adequate watch was kept, for when the leading Bavarians emerged from the fog, they gained at once possession of several houses, and even entered the principal street without firing a shot. It was only when the enemy were within the place, that the gallant101 Marine102 Infantry, posted in the houses and behind barricades103, abruptly104 arrested the intruders by opening a smart fire. Then began a sanguinary contest for the possession of Bazeilles, which raged during many hours; a series of street fights in which the inhabitants took an active part; combats ebbing105 and flowing through and round the market-place, the church, the larger mansions106, and the pretty park of Monvillers, washed and beautified by the stream of the Givonne. Without a detailed107 plan, the incidents of this terrible episode in the battle, are unintelligible108. Vassoigne and Martin des Pallières, before the latter was wounded on the 31st, had devised a plan of resistance worthy109 of the gallant division they led, and it may be said that the defence of Bazeilles was the most creditable feat110 of arms performed by the French on that dreadful day. During the earlier hours, indeed, they kept the upper hand, driving the Bavarians [p 299] out of the village on all sides, but being unable to eject them from two stone houses abutting112 on the chief street. The Bavarian batteries beyond the Meuse could not open fire until six o’clock, because the fog had shut out the view, which even then was indistinct. About this time General Lebrun, who was quickly on the scene, had called reinforcements from the 1st and 5th Corps; but then the Saxons had come up opposite La Moncelle, where one battery, firing at long range, astonished Lebrun, who saw that the shells from his own guns fell short, or burst in the air. When the 12th assailed113 La Moncelle fresh Bavarian columns had crossed the Meuse, and the fierce conflict which began in Bazeilles, had extended to the park of Monvillers, where the French fought steadily. After four hours strenuous114 battle, no marked progress had been made in this quarter, where three Bavarian brigades had fallen almost wholly into skirmishing order, scattered115 amidst the houses and lanes of the villages, and some part of the park on the left bank of the Givonne. Von der Tann bringing over another brigade and the reserve artillery from the left bank of the Meuse, called up a division of the 4th Corps which he held back as a reserve. During the course of this stubborn combat, the Saxon Corps had seized La Moncelle, and had brought ten batteries to bear on that village and Daigny, their left flank being prolonged by two Bavarian batteries. The accuracy of their fire still further astonished General Lebrun, who confesses that he had never seen such artillery. He and his staff, six or eight persons, were on an eminence116 above La Moncelle. “The shells,” he writes, “cut off one branch after another, from the tree at the foot of which I stood holding my horse;” and he goes on to say that in quick succession, one officer was killed, two mortally wounded, and two men who bore his fanion were hit. He was as much impressed by the “avalanche [p 300] de fer” as Marshal Canrobert himself. The infantry in Bazeilles resisted superbly, but the French General was none the less amazed by the terrible fire of the German guns. Between eight and nine the wave of battle was flowing up the Givonne, for the Guard were now approaching from Villers-Cernay.
MacMahon’s Wound and its Consequences.
Meanwhile, inside the French lines, the drama had deepened, for the Commander-in-Chief had been wounded. Marshal MacMahon has related how, before daybreak, fearing lest the Germans should have moved troops over the Meuse at Donchery, he had sent two officers to look into matters in that quarter, and was awaiting their return when, about five o’clock, he received a despatch from Lebrun, which made him mount his ready-saddled horse and ride towards Bazeilles. Arrived there he saw that the place was well defended, and went to the left intending to examine the whole line of the Givonne, especially as Margueritte had sent word that German troops were moving towards Francheval. Halting above La Moncelle, not far from Lebrun, the Marshal has stated that while he was gazing intently upon the heights in front of the Bois Chevalier, and could not see anything, he was struck by the fragment of a shell. At first he thought that he was only bruised117, but that being obliged to dismount from his horse, which was also wounded, he fainted for a moment, and then found that his wound was severe. Unable to bear up any longer he gave over the command of the Army to General Ducrot, and was carried to Sedan. That officer did not hear of the event until seven or later; it is impossible to fix precisely118 the moment when the Marshal was hit, nor when Ducrot learned his destiny, the evidence is so contradictory119; but sometime [p 301] between seven and eight Ducrot took the reins120. His first act was to order a retreat on Mézières; Lebrun begged him to reflect and he did, but soon afterwards became positive. “There is not a moment to lose,” he cried; and it was arranged that the retreat should be made in echelons121, beginning from the right of the 12th Corps. Neither General knew the real facts of the situation, nor guessed even how vast were the numbers of the enemy.
The retreat began; it attracted the notice of Napoleon III., who had ridden on to the field above Balan; and it roused De Wimpffen. He carried in his pocket an order from Palikao authorizing122 him to succeed MacMahon, if the Marshal were killed or disabled. He had kept the fact secret; after the Marshal fell he still hesitated to use his letter, but not long. The combat about Bazeilles was well sustained; the cavalry had been out a little way beyond St. Menges and, as usual, after a perfunctory search, had “seen nothing,” the attack on the Givonne even was not fully17 developed. General de Wimpffen, perhaps from mixed motives123, resolved to interfere124 and show his old comrades how a man who really knew war could extricate125 a French Army from perils126 in which it had been placed by weakness and incompetence127. He certainly thought himself a great man, and he roughly stopped the retreat. Ducrot was indignant, but he obeyed. Lebrun was not more favourably128 affected129 by De Wimpffen’s loud voice and overbearing manner. “I will not have a movement upon Mézières,” he exclaimed. “If the Army is to retreat, it shall be on Carignan and not on Mézières.” It should again be observed that the new Commander-in-Chief was quite as ignorant of the facts as his predecessors130, and even when he wrote his book many months afterwards had not learned from sources open to all the world how many men stood at that moment between him and Carignan, nor was he at all acquainted [p 302] with the difficult country through which he would have to move. Ducrot’s plan, which would have placed the Army between the Meuse below Sedan and the forest on the frontier, leaving a clear sweep for the guns of the fortress, was far more sensible than that of his imperious rival. Still, to have a chance of success, it should have been begun early in the morning, when the 5th and 11th German Corps were struggling towards the woods; even then it would have probably failed, but there would have been no capitulation of Sedan. General de Wimpffen, although he did not know it, was actually playing into the hand of Von Moltke, who desired above all things that the French Corps on the Givonne should remain there, because he knew, so great were his means, so firm his resolution, and so admirable as marchers and fighters were his soldiers, that the gain of a few hours would enable him to surround the Army of Chalons.
How far the retreat from the front line was carried, when it was stayed, and in what degree it injured the defence, cannot possibly be gleaned131 from the French narratives133, which are all vague and imperfect in regard to time and place. We know that the Germans did not carry Bazeilles until nearly eleven o’clock, and then only by dint134 of turning movements executed by the Saxons and fresh Bavarian troops from the direction of La Moncelle. General Ducrot, in his account, places his stormy interview with De Wimpffen at a little after nine; and he says that when it ended he spurred in haste towards his divisions—Pellé’s and L’Hériller’s—and made them descend135 a part of the positions which they had climbed a few instants before. Lebrun is equally vague. He says in one place that when De Wimpffen came up his first brigades had “partly” crossed the Fond de Givonne, and in another, that the Marine Infantry had abandoned Bazeilles, which they had [p 303] not done before nine o’clock. General de Wimpffen’s recollections are still more confused and his chronology unintelligible; so that it is impossible to ascertain136 precisely what happened beyond the Givonne after Ducrot ordered and his successor countermanded137 the retreat. If we take the German accounts, and try to measure the influence of the much-debated retreat by the resistance which the assailants encountered, we may doubt whether it had much greater influence on the issue than that which grew out of the impaired138 confidence of the troops in their antagonistic139 and jealous commanders. Nevertheless, it is probable that the swaying to and fro in the French line between Bazeilles and the village of Givonne, after nine o’clock, did, in some degree, favour the assailants, and render the acquisition of Bazeilles as well as the passage of the brook140 less difficult and bloody141. In any case, the intervention142 of De Wimpffen can only be regarded as a misfortune for the gallant French Army, which can hardly find consolation143 in the fact that within four-and-twenty hours he was obliged to sign with his name the capitulation of Sedan.
This needful explanation and comment serves to illustrate144 the disorder, the infirmity of purpose, and the rivalries145 which existed in the French camp; and we may well agree with Marshal MacMahon when he says that the blow which obliged him to relinquish146 the command was a grievous event. Doubtless he would have taken a decided147 course had he not been wounded, and would have marched, if he could, with all his forces, either on Mézières or Carignan; and besides, he says, there was Belgium near at hand. He would not have tried to do all three at once. It is only an Army, well compacted and educated from the bottom to the top which can, without serious detriment148, bear three successive commanders in three hours.
[p 304]
Progress of the Battle on the Givonne.
While the French generals, almost in the presence of the helpless Emperor, were using high words and thwarting149 each other’s plans, the German onset150 had proceeded on all sides with unabated vigour151. But, about nine o’clock, or a little earlier, the French dashed forward so impetuously that the foremost German troops on the Givonne as far as Daigny, had to give ground; and the batteries were so vexed152 by musketry fire that they also fell back on some points. In fact Lebrun’s left and Ducrot’s right came on with great spirit, and shook, but did not arrest long the hostile line. It was not until this period that the French in Daigny pushed a brigade on to the left bank of the Givonne and occupied ground which, by the confession153 of their staff officers, had never been reconnoitred. They brought over a battery, and General Lartigue rode with them. The brunt of the onslaught, falling upon the Saxon infantry immediately in front, these were hard bested; but reinforcements arriving on either hand closed in upon the enemy’s flanks, and, not only was he routed from the field, but, being swiftly pursued, his battery was captured, and the Saxons following the French into Daigny wrested154 from them the village, the bridge, and the opposite bank of the brook. General Lartigue’s horse was killed by a shell, and he narrowly escaped capture, and was then, or shortly afterwards, wounded. His chief of the staff, Colonel d’Andigné, hit twice, dropped in a field of beet-root. Shells from his own side fell near him, and he was grateful to them because they drove away a pig which came and sniffed155 at his wounds. Saxon soldiers gave him wine and lumps of sugar, but one of them stole his watch and cross; in the end he was tenderly carried to an ambulance. Some of the Zouaves engaged in this combat about Daigny, cut off [p 305] from the main body of fugitives, turned northward156, entered the woods, and reached Paris after traversing the Belgian border.
The Germans owed their quick success at Daigny to the fact that Lartigue was not supported, and to the fortunate advent62, at a critical moment, of the leading troops of the Second Saxon Division, the whole of the 12th Corps being now on the ground, engaged or in reserve. It need scarcely be remarked that the batteries, as usual, preceded the bulk of the infantry, for it was the Saxon guns which extorted157 the admiration158 of Lebrun. The attack, which had been made from his side, upon the Saxons and Bavarians about La Moncelle, was equally brilliant at the outset, for, as we have stated, the German batteries were driven back by the close musketry, and the French were advancing impetuously, when a Saxon regiment35 and part of a Bavarian brigade striking into the fight, stopped the French and drove them across the rivulet159. Then the artillery returned; soon there were ninety-six guns in action; and the infantry pressing on, restored the battle. But in Bazeilles itself the Marines had gained ground, and fresh troops had to be poured into the village or upon its outskirts160 to sustain the assailants, who were still held at bay by the stout161 defenders162. Yet the final stroke at the village was delivered shortly after this check. The troops in Monvillers and La Moncelle simultaneously163 swept forward from the orchards164, and osier-beds, and gardens, until they emerged on the heights beyond, and showed a front which threatened the road from Bazeilles to Balan.
The French stronghold in the place was a large villa23 on the north, which had resisted all day; but now the freshly arrived Bavarians penetrated165 into the garden and turned the building on one side; while the Saxons grouped in the park of Monvillers, cutting a path through the hedges [p 306] with their billhooks, appeared on the other. The French then retreated; but the splendid defence of the whole position had inflicted166 a heavy loss on the adversary.
In Bazeilles itself a conflict continued between the armed inhabitants and the Bavarians, and soon after the whole village was in flames. Whether it was set on fire purposely or not is to this day a matter of bitter controversy167; but it stands on record that only thirty-nine lay persons met their deaths, during this long contest, from fire or sword. It was not the interest of the Germans to create a furnace across a line of road; and one effect of the conflagration168 was that the German pioneers, unable to quench169 it, were compelled to open a line of communication with the troops on the fighting line outside the burning village.
The French retired170 and reformed between the Fond de Givonne and Balan, whence their line ran northward, no longer in the valley, but along the uplands to the Calvaire d’Illy; for the Prussian Guard, issuing from Villers-Cernay and Francheval, had thrust the French out of the village of Givonne, and, long before Bazeilles was finally mastered, had established powerful lines of guns which harassed171 the French troops in the Bois de la Garenne. In fact, by nine o’clock, there were six guard batteries in action, and two hours afterwards the number was increased to fourteen. Givonne was seized a little later, and infantry support afforded to the right of the 12th Corps; but Prince Augustus, in conformity172 with his instructions, held the main body of the Guard ready to march towards Fleigneux, effect a junction173 with the Third Army, and bar the road to Bouillon. From an eminence a little east of Givonne and just south of La Viré farm, whereon eighteen guns stood, the Prince, looking westward about nine o’clock, saw the smoke of that combat near St. Menges, which he knew marked the formidable intervention of the 5th and 11th [p 307] Corps, whose operations in the forenoon must now be succinctly174 described.
The March on St. Menges.
It will be remembered that, on receiving a pressing order from Von Moltke, the Prussian Crown Prince directed the two Corps just named and the Würtemberg division to move out in the dark and occupy the Mézières road in order to intercept175 the French should they endeavour to retire upon that town. They promptly obeyed. The Würtembergers crossed the Meuse on a bridge of their own making, at Dom le Mesnil; the 5th and 11th at Donchery by the permanent bridge and two improvised176 passages. The object of the two Corps was to occupy the nearest villages on the Mézières road, Vrigne aux Bois and Vivier au Court, both which were attained177 about half-past seven, when the contest was fierce on the Givonne. Here the generals commanding, Von Kirchbach and Von Gersdorf, received that despatch from the Prussian Crown Prince which directed them to march on St. Menges and Fleigneux, for at head-quarters a strong hope had now arisen that the Army of Chalons could be surrounded. The 11th moved on the right, next the Meuse, the 5th on the left; but the roads were few between the river and the forest—one column lost its way, and both Corps at the head of the Loop had to use the same road. No French scouts178 were out along this important line of communication. Margueritte’s horsemen had patrolled a short distance, about six, but neither saw nor heard of the approaching columns; nor until the German Hussars, leading the erring179 column ascending180 the Meuse from Montimont, had got close to St. Menges, were they discovered by a French patrol sent out at the suggestion of De Wimpffen.
[p 308]
The 11th and 5th Corps engage.
The shots exchanged by the hostile cavaliers aroused the French infantry in St. Menges; but they offered no resistance when the nearest German battalion attacked the village, which was immediately occupied. Two companies, prolonging the movement, effected a lodgment in Floing and could not be expelled; while three batteries, escorted by the Hussars, dashed upon the ridge22 south of St. Menges, partly protected by a copse, and opened fire on the French. It was this initial combat which attracted the notice of Prince Augustus of Würtemberg, who looked with interest, from his hill above the Givonne, upon the white battle smoke which curled up beyond the heights of Illy. Shortly afterwards seven additional batteries issued from the defile and formed in succession on the hill—the same which had filled General Douay with anxiety the day before—and some infantry battalions followed; but the body of the 11th Corps was only just clearing the pass, and the 5th was still behind. In order to protect the batteries, infantry supports were advanced on either flank and in front towards the Illy brook. General Margueritte, on the Calvaire d’Illy had watched this unwelcomed development of artillery. Seeing the infantry spread out below, he thought that his horse might ride them down and then disable the line of batteries, which seemed to be without adequate support. Accordingly, by his order, General de Galliffet led forth three regiments of Chasseurs d’Afrique and two squadrons of Lancers against the intrusive181 foot and audacious gunners. But he never got near the batteries. Swooping182 down the slope upon the infantry below him, his men and horses soon fell fast, and although they swept through the skirmishers, they were crushed by the fire of the supports and the guns on the hill and the [p 309] squads183 of infantry on either side. They endeavoured to ride in upon the flanks, but their bravery was displayed in vain, for nothing could live under the fire which smote184 them, and they rode back, frustrated185, to the shelter of their own lines. The cavalry outburst had been repelled186 by a few companies of foot on an open hill-side. So puissant187 is the breech-loader in the hands of cool infantry soldiers. But the French foot took up the game, and the chassepot, deftly188 plied95, forced the forward German skirmishers to fall back on the villages and hills.
Gradually the two Corps arrived on the scene. Before eleven o’clock the artillery of the 5th, preceding its infantry, went into line on a second ridge to the westward, and soon twenty-four batteries—that is, 144 guns—were pouring an “avalanche de fer” into the French position, and crossing their fire with that of the Guard batteries, which showered their shells into the right rear of Douay’s men from the heights beyond the Givonne. About this time, also, as reinforcements came up to Fleigneux, the companies there moved westward towards Olly; captured, on their way, eight guns, many horses, much munition41, and above a hundred officers and men, who seemed intent on escaping over the frontier, and finally entered Olly, where soon afterwards they were gratified by the arrival of a squadron of Prussian Hussars of the Guard. Thus was the circle completed which placed the two Armies in communication. In front of the right wing the two companies which at the outset obtained a lodgment in Floing, were at length supported and relieved. As the infantry from the wooded region north of the Meuse Loop arrived, they took the place of the battalions near the guns, and these then went forward upon Floing, one after the other, and by degrees got possession of the village. But the French delivered a counterstroke so well pushed that the [p 310] defenders of Floing could not keep them back, and they were only thrust out by the timely intervention of three fresh battalions from St. Menges. The French retired towards the heights of Cazal, and for some time stopped the further advance of their foes.
The battle was now practically won; for the Germans held Balan as well as Bazeilles, supported by one-half the 2nd Bavarian Corps brought up to aid the 1st; one division of the 4th Corps was deep in the fight, and the other in reserve, close at hand; the line of the Givonne, from end to end, was occupied on both banks; the Guard Cavalry, after vainly trying to charge up the Calvaire d’Illy, were behind the 5th Corps; south of the Meuse a Bavarian division faced the fortress; and to the west the Würtembergers interposed between Vinoy’s troops in Mézières and Sedan. Above all, a little after one o’clock, there were no fewer than 426 guns hailing shells upon the unfortunate French, who were almost piled one upon another in an area which did not measure two miles either in depth or breadth. It stands on record that there were in full action twenty-six batteries on the North, twenty-four on the East, ten to the West of La Moncelle, and eleven on the South between Wadelincourt and Villette—an array of force enough to crush out all resistance; but the conflict still continued, for no one had authority sufficient to stop the awful carnage.
The Condition of the French Army.
The main interest of the drama henceforth centres in the despairing efforts of the French to avert189 the catastrophe190 of Sedan. Early in the morning the Emperor Napoleon mounted his horse and rode out with his own staff to witness the battle. On his way towards Bazeilles he met [p 311] and spoke191 to the wounded Marshal, who was being carried to the hospital in Sedan. Then the Emperor rode towards the hills above La Moncelle, and for several hours he lingered on the field, well under fire, for two officers were wounded near him; but he had no influence whatever on the battle. Soon after taking command, De Wimpffen, riding out of the Fond de Givonne, came plump upon Napoleon as he watched the fight near Balan. “All goes well, Sire,” said the General; “we are gaining ground;” and when His Majesty remarked that the left, meaning the front towards St. Menges, was threatened, the General replied, “We shall first pitch the Bavarians into the Meuse, and then, with all our forces, fall upon the new foe45.” They parted, the Emperor returning to Sedan, whence he did not emerge again that day, and the General careering towards the fight. Then followed a sharp dispute between De Wimpffen and Ducrot, in the presence of Lebrun, ending in the order to stop the so-called retreat which had scarcely begun. It is impossible to reconcile the conflicting accounts of these officers; but De Wimpffen’s own words show that, at the time, he did not attach great importance to the attack on Douay, for to that General he wrote, “I believe in a demonstration192 upon your Corps, especially designed to hinder you from sending help to the 1st and 12th Corps,” and he asked him to aid Lebrun. Then he went himself to the position held by Douay, in order to expedite the despatch of reinforcements. “Come and see for yourself,” said Douay, on reaching the heights. “I saw quite a hostile Army extending afar,” writes De Wimpffen, “and a formidable artillery—the big batteries of the 5th and 11th Corps—firing with a precision which, under other circumstances,” he adds, “I should have been the first to admire.” Prince Bibesco says that De Wimpffen promised to send troops from the 1st Corps to occupy the [p 312] Calvaire d’Illy, and then went away. As he was riding back, in that state of emotion which the French describe by the phrase, “le c?ur navré,” he encountered Ducrot. “The events which I predicted,” said the latter, “have happened sooner than I expected. The enemy is attacking the Calvaire d’Illy. Douay is greatly shaken. Moments are precious. Hurry up reinforcements if you would keep that position.” “Well,” retorted De Wimpffen, still believing that he had only Bavarians to deal with, “look after that yourself. Collect what troops you can and hold the ground while I attend to the 12th Corps.” Thereupon Ducrot ordered up guns and infantry; while then, or shortly afterwards, De Wimpffen called for troops from Douay, who, believing the Calvaire was or would be occupied by Ducrot’s people, sent off three brigades, and put his last division in front line. Apparently the cross currents of wandering battalions met in the wood of Garenne; and it is not easy to see how any advantages were obtained by the shifting to and fro which went on. Ducrot was anxious to defend the Illy plateau; De Wimpffen desired to break out towards Carignan. He fondled the idea at one o’clock, when neither object could possibly be attained; but if there had been a chance left, the conflict between the two Generals would have sufficed to destroy it.
That “Army” which De Wimpffen saw from the north-western heights came on in irresistible193 waves. The French infantry could not endure the thick and ceaseless hail of shells from the terrible batteries. The French artillery, brave and devoted194, vainly went into action, for the converging195 fire from the hostile hills blew up the tumbrils, sometimes two at once, killed and wounded the gunners, and swept away the horses. Ducrot’s reinforcements, despite his forward bearing and animated language, melted [p 313] away into the woods, and the last battalions and the last two batteries led up by Douay were speedily forced to retire. The Germans, already in the village of Illy, advanced to the Calvaire, while the troops of the 11th Corps sallied out of Floing, deployed196 on both sides, and soon the interval between the two villages was full of hostile troops. General Ducrot pictures himself, and doubtless truly, as using every effort by word and example to rally and hold fast the foot; but they could not be held; they slipped off and vanished under the trees. At this time the only strong body of French was Liébert’s division above the terraced hill which leads up to Cazal, and the cavalry of Margueritte and Bonnemains lurking197 in the hollows and under the cover of trees. To these men Ducrot appealed, and his appeal was nobly answered.
The French Cavalry Charge.
General Margueritte commanded five regiments of horse, principally Chasseurs d’Afrique. At the request of Ducrot he promptly moved out from cover, and prepared to charge; but wishing to reconnoitre the ground, he rode in advance, and was hit in the head by a bullet which traversed his face. Mortally wounded, he gave the command to De Galliffet, and rode off, supported by two men, and grasping the saddle with both hands, “the star of his arm,” as Colonel Bonie poetically198 calls him. Then De Galliffet performed his task, and rode straight into the intrusive enemy. For half an hour, on the hill sides south of Floing, and even the lowlands bordering the Meuse, the dashing French horsemen dauntlessly struck at their foes. The German infantry scattered in lines of skirmishers, were just attaining the crest199 of the eminence, when the cavalry dashed upon them. They broke through the skirmishers, [p 314] but fell in heaps under the fire of the compact bodies of supports. Failing to crush a front, they essayed the flanks and even the rear, and nothing dismayed, sought again and again to ride over the stubborn adversary, who, relying on his rifle, would not budge200. The more distant infantry and the guns, when occasion served, smote these devoted cavaliers. Sometimes the Germans met them in line, at others they formed groups, or squares as the French call them, and occasionally they fought back to back. One body of horse rode into a battery, and was only repelled by the fire of a company of infantry. Another dashed through a village on the banks of the river, and although they were harried201 by infantry, and turned aside and followed by some Prussian hussars, several rode far down the river, and created some disorder in the German trains. There were many charges, all driven home as far at least as the infantry fire would permit, more than one carrying the furious riders up to the outskirts of Floing. But, in the end, the unequal contests everywhere had the same result—bloody defeat for the horseman, who matched himself, his lance or sword and steed against the breech-loader held by steady hands in front of keen eyes. Yet it is not surprising that these daring charges excited the ungrudging admiration and deep sympathy of friend and foe. They did not arrest the march of the German infantry, or turn the tide of battle, or even infuse new courage into the French soldiers, who were exposed to trials which few, if any, troops could bear. But they showed, plainly enough, that the “furia francese” survived in the cavalry of France, and that, if the mounted men refused or disdained202 to perform more useful work by scouting afar and covering the front of armies, they could still charge with unabated heroism203 on the field of battle. They were dispersed204, and they left behind heaps of dead and dying—one-half their [p 315] strength resting on the scene of their daring. Three Generals, Margueritte, Girard and Tilliard, were killed, and Salignac-Fenelon was wounded. The Germans say that their own losses were small, but that among the J?gers a comparatively large number of men were wounded by the sword. These notable exploits were done about two o’clock or a little later; and, with slight exceptions, they mark the end of desperately205 offensive resistance on the part of the French.
During the next hour the Germans pressed their adversaries206 close up to Sedan. “When the cavalry had been driven back in disorder,” says Ducrot in his sweeping207 style, “the last bodies of infantry which had stood firm broke and fled. Then on the right and left, with loud hurrahs, which mingled208 with the roar of cannon and musketry, the Prussian lines advanced.” The statement is too superlative. The cavalry in squads, wandered, no doubt, from ravine to ravine, seeking an asylum209, or tried to enter the fortress. The remains210 of several brigades were piled up in the wood of Garenne, and exposed to an incessant shell fire. But Liébert’s division stoutly211 defended Cazal, and gave back, foot by foot, until they also were under the ramparts. Towards four o’clock the converging German columns, despite frantic212 onsets213 from bands of French infantry, especially on the Givonne front, had thrust these over the deep hollow way, and the victors were only halted when they came within range of the garrison214 guns.
General de Wimpffen’s Counterstroke.
Throughout the battle General de Wimpffen cherished the idea that it would be feasible to crush “the Bavarians” and retreat on Carignan. At one o’clock he sent [p 316] a despatch to General Douay, telling the General to cover his retreat in that direction. Douay received it an hour afterwards, and he then replied that “with only three brigades, without artillery, and almost without munitions,” the utmost he could do would be to retreat in order from the field. That was near the moment when Liébert began to fall back, fighting stiffly, from Cazal. At a quarter past one De Wimpffen wrote a letter to the Emperor saying that “rather than be made prisoner in Sedan,” he would force the line in his front. “Let your Majesty,” he said, “place himself in the midst of his troops; they will hold themselves bound in honour to fray215 out a passage.” His Majesty took no notice of this appeal, and De Wimpffen waited in vain for a reply; but he spent the time in an endeavour to dash in the barrier in his front, direct an attack on the Givonne, which failed; and to organize an onset on Balan, which partly succeeded. He went into Sedan and brought out troops, and gathered up all he could from the errant fragments of a broken Army. With these he fell fiercely and unexpectedly upon the Bavarians in Balan; refused to suspend the fight when ordered by the Emperor to open negotiations216 with the enemy; and by degrees became master of all the village except one house. But he could not emerge and continue his onslaught, for the hostile artillery began to play on the village; reinforcements were brought up, arrangements were made to frustrate the ulterior aim of the French and recover the lost ground. Against a resolute advance the infantry led by De Wimpffen could not stand, and possession of the village was regained217 just as the white flag went up over the nearest gate of Sedan. Suddenly the firing ceased on both sides. Although respectfully described by the Germans, General de Wimpffen’s last charge is scoffed218 at by Ducrot and Lebrun, whom he had enraged219 by declaring both guilty of disobedience. Lebrun, who was an [p 317] eye-witness as well as a gallant actor in the forlorn hope, says that they had not gone a quarter of a mile before the column broke and took refuge in the nearest houses. Looking back, De Wimpffen is reported by his comrade to have said, “I see we are not followed and that there is nothing more to do. Order the troops to retreat on Sedan.” The battle had, at length, come to an end. The German infantry, both near Cazal and Balan were within a short distance of the fortifications; in the centre they stood south of the Warren Wood; to the eastward long lines of guns crowned the heights on both banks of the Givonne; on the south, the gate of Torcy was beset220, and behind all the foremost lines were ample reserves, horse as well as foot, which had never fired a shot. The number of batteries had increased during the afternoon, for the Würtemberg artillery was called over the Meuse and set in array at the bend of the river above Donchery. Even the high-tempered, if imperious, De Wimpffen was obliged to admit that through this dread111 circle, neither for him nor any other, was there an outlet221. The agony had been prolonged, but enough had been done to satisfy the “honour” of the most obstinate222 and punctilious223 of generals. The wearied, wasted, famished, and unnerved French troops were thankful for the impressive stillness and unwonted rest which came abruptly with the declining sun, even though it set the seal on a horrible disaster.
The Emperor and his Generals.
Had Napoleon III. retained that Imperial authority which he had been supposed to possess, the slaughter225 might have been stayed some hours before. For early in the afternoon he became convinced that the Army could not be extricated226, and that the time had come when it [p 318] would be well to treat. His experiences, as a superfluous227 attendant on the battle-field, were dolorous228. The first object which met his gaze was the wounded Marshal. The depressing incident may have called up visions of Italian triumphs; and, reflecting on the painful contrast, he may have remembered what he said after returning from the sanguinary victory of Solferino—that no more would he willingly lead great Armies to war; for the sight of its horrors had touched the chord of sympathy with human suffering which had always readily vibrated in his heart. During several hours he watched the tempest lower and break in fury; he saw and felt its effects, for two officers were shot at his side; wherever he looked the clouds of encircling battle smoke rose in the clear sunshine; and when he rode back into Sedan the terrible shells were bursting in the ditches, and even on the bridge which he traversed to gain his quarters. As the day wore on his gloomy meditations229 took a more definite shape; he wished to stop the conflict, and he seems to have thought first that an armistice230 might be obtained, and then that the King of Prussia, if personally besought231, would grant the Army easy terms; for the idea of a capitulation had grown up and hardened in his mind.
At his instigation, no officer has come forward to claim the honour, some one hoisted232 a white flag. As soon as he heard of it, General Faure, Marshal MacMahon’s Chief of the Staff, ascended233 the citadel and cut down a signal so irritating to his feelings; but no one told the Emperor that his solitary234, independent, and Imperial action, since he joined the Army of Chalons as a fugitive12, had been thus irreverently contemned235. “Why does this useless struggle still go on?” he said to General Lebrun, who entered his presence some time before three o’clock. “Too much blood has been shed. An hour ago I directed the white flag to [p 319] be hoisted in order to demand an armistice.” The General politely explained that other forms were necessary—the Commander-in-Chief must sign a letter and send a proper officer, a trumpeter, and a man bearing a white flag, to the chief of the enemy. Lebrun drew out such a form, and started forth. Faure, who had just pulled down the white flag, would not look at it; De Wimpffen, seeing Lebrun ride up followed by a horseman who carried a rag on a pole, shouted out, “I will not have a capitulation; drop that flag; I shall go on fighting;” and then ensued their adventures about Balan, which have been described. When Lebrun had gone, Ducrot, and subsequently Douay, visited the Emperor. Ducrot found the interior of the fortress in a state which he qualifies as “indescribable.” “The streets, the squares, the gates were choked up with carts, carriages, guns, the impedimenta and debris236 of a routed Army. Bands of soldiers, without arms or knapsacks, streamed in every moment, and hurried into the houses and churches. At the gates many were trodden to death.” Those who preserved some remains of vigour exhaled237 their wrath238 in curses, and shouted “We have been betrayed, sold by traitors239 and cowards.” The Emperor still wondered why the action went on, and rejected Ducrot’s suggestion of a sortie at night as futile240. He wished to stop the slaughter; but he could not prevail on Ducrot to sign any letter. Douay at first appeared disposed to accept the burden, but De Failly or Lebrun induced him to revoke241 his consent by remarking that it entailed242 the duty of fixing his name to a capitulation. General de Wimpffen sent in his resignation, which, as the Emperor could not induce one of the other generals to take his place, was absolutely refused. The shells were bursting in the garden of the Sub-Prefecture, in the hospitals, the streets, and among the houses, some of which were set on fire. In these dire straits the [p 320] Emperor at length resolved that the white flag should be again unfurled, and should, this time, remain aloft in the sunshine. Meantime, as evident signs indicating a desire to negotiate had appeared at various points, and as the white flag surmounted243 the citadel, the King directed Colonel Bronsart von Schellendorf and Captain von Winterfeld to summon the place to capitulate. When Bronsart intimated to the Commandant of Torcy that he bore a summons to the Commander-in-Chief, he was conducted to the Sub-Prefecture, “where,” says the official narrative132, “he found himself face to face with the Emperor Napoleon, whose presence in Sedan until that moment had been unknown at the German head-quarters.” The arrival of the Prussian officer seems to have occurred just as the Emperor finished writing a letter to the King destined to become famous. But he answered Bronsart’s request that an officer fully empowered to treat should be sent to the German head-quarters, by remarking that General de Wimpffen commanded the Army. Thereupon, Colonel Bronsart departed, bearing a weighty piece of intelligence indeed, but no effective reply; and soon afterwards General Reille, intrusted with the Imperial letter, rode out of the gate of Torcy and ascended the hill whence the King had witnessed the battle.
King William and his Warriors.
An eminence, selected by the Staff because it commanded an extensive view, rises a little south of Frenois—the site has been marked on the map with a small pyramid—and upon this, about seven o’clock, just as the fog was lifting, King William took his stand. When the mists vanished, the sun poured his dazzling splendour over the landscape, and the air was so lucid244 that everything could be seen [p 321] distinctly through a powerful field-glass. “The sun shone out in full power,” says Prince Bibesco. “The sun was exceedingly powerful,” writes Dr. Russell. “The day had become so clear”—he is writing of the same period as the Prince—“that through a good glass the movements of individual men were plainly discernible.” And, a little earlier, he says, “on the hills, through wood and garden,” he was looking towards the Givonne, “and in the valleys, bayonets glistened245, and arms twinkled and flashed like a streamlet in moonlight.” And so it continued to the end. “The hills of the battlefield,” writes Dr. Moritz Busch, “the gorge246 in its midst, the villages, the houses and the towers of the fortress, the suburb of Torcy, the ruined [railway] bridge to the left in the distance, shone bright in the evening glow, and their details became clearer every minute, as if one were looking through stronger and stronger spectacles.” Through such a rich and transparent247 atmosphere the King gazed from his height upon the city wherein Turenne was born, in September, 1611, and on the battle which has made the little town on the Meuse, which Vauban fortified248, still more memorable. A glimpse of the group on the hill is fortunately afforded by Dr. Russell, whose keen eyes on a battlefield seem to overlook nothing. “Of the King, who was dressed in his ordinary uniform, tightly buttoned and strapped,” it is noted that he “spoke but little, pulled his moustache frequently, and addressed a word to Von Moltke, Roon, or Podbielski,” who looked frequently through a large telescope mounted on a tripod. “Moltke,” he goes on, and the touch is characteristic, “when not looking through the glass or at the map, stood in a curious musing249 attitude, with his right hand to the side of his face, the elbow resting on the left hand crossed towards his hip250.” A picture of Von Moltke, which, taken with what another observer calls his “refined and wrinkled [p 322] face,” deserves to live in the memory. Count Bismarck, we are told, “in his white cuirassier flat cap with the yellow band and uniform, stood rather apart, smoking a good deal, and chatting occasionally with a short, thick-set, soldierly-looking man in the undress uniform of a United States’ Lieutenant-General.” It was Sheridan. And near these were many less famous personages, but representative of “all Germany,” as one writer puts it. On another hill a little further west, whither Dr. Russell transferred himself, was a second and notable group, which he sketches251. “The Crown Prince with his arms folded, and his flat cap, uniform frock, and jack252 boots; Blumenthal so spruce and trim; half-a-dozen princes and many aides-de-camp” were all sharply and well-defined on the sky-line. Thus these two groups, “from morn to dewy eve,” looked down, on, and into a scene which nature and man had combined to make at once beautiful and sublime253.
It was towards the King’s hill that General Reille turned when he rode out of the Torcy gate. Walking his horse up the steep, he dismounted, and taking off his cap, presented a letter to his Majesty. King William, breaking the Imperial seal, read these phrases, which, if somewhat dramatic, are striking in their brevity:—[1]
Monsieur mon Frère,
N’ayant pu mourir au milieu254 de mes troupes255, il ne me reste qu’ à remettre mon epée entre les mains de Votre Majesté.
Je suis de Votre Majesté,
le bon Frère,
NAPOLéON.
Sédan, le 1er Septembre, 1870.
[p 323]
Only one half hour earlier had Colonel Bronsart brought the startling information that the Emperor was in Sedan! The King conferred with his son, who had been hastily summoned, and with others of his trusty servants, all deeply moved by complex emotions at the grandeur256 of their victory. What should be done? The Emperor spoke for himself only, and his surrender would not settle the great issue. It was necessary to obtain something definite, and the result of a short conference was that Count Hatzfeldt, instructed by the Chancellor257, retired to draft a reply. “After some minutes he brought it,” writes Dr. Busch, “and the King wrote it out, sitting on one chair, while the seat of a second was held up by Major von Alten, who knelt on one knee and supported the chair on the other.” The King’s letter, brief and business-like, began and ended with the customary royal forms, and ran as follows:
“Regretting the circumstances in which we meet, I accept your Majesty’s sword, and beg that you will be good enough to name an officer furnished with full powers to treat for the capitulation of the Army which has fought so bravely under your orders. On my side I have designated General von Moltke for that purpose.”
General Reille returned to his master, and as he rode down the hill the astounding258 purport259 of his visit flew from lip to lip through the exulting260 Army which now hoped that, after this colossal261 success, the days of ceaseless marching and fighting would soon end. As a contrast to this natural outburst of joy and hope we may note the provident262 Moltke, who was always resolved to “mak siker.” His general order, issued at once, suspending hostilities263 during the night, declared that they would begin again in the morning should the negotiations produce no result. In that case, he said, the signal for battle would be the reopening of fire by the batteries on the heights east of [p 324] Frénois. The return of peace, so fervently264 desired by the Army, was still far off in the distance when the tired victors bivouacked in quiet, and dreamed of home through the short summer night.
[1] “Not having been able to die in the midst of my troops, nothing remains for me but to place my sword in the hands of your Majesty.”
How the Generals Rated each other.
While General Reille, who performed his part with so much modesty265 and dignity, rode back over the Meuse, the Emperor still awaited, in the Sub-Prefecture, the advent of General de Wimpffen, who was fretting266 and fuming267 at the Golden Cross within the walls. According to his own confession he had become convinced that the refusal of his sovereign to head a sally from Balan had delivered over the Army to the mercy of the Germans, and violent despair had taken possession of his soul. For had not the Comte de Palikao sent him to overbear Napoleon III. and the set who surrounded him, and had he not failed to bend the monarch268 to his will? Twice, he repeats, with pride, “I obstinately269 refused to obey” the Emperor’s invitation to treat with the enemy; and because Napoleon III. had authoritatively270 interfered271 with his command he sent in that letter of resignation which the Emperor refused to accept. At first he seemed inclined to resist as well as resent the conduct of his master, who had presumed to consult others and, by hoisting272 the white flag, to take, as the General haughtily273 says, “a decision contrary to my will.” Let the Emperor sign the capitulation. Such were the first thoughts of a man whose temper was imperious, but whose better nature was not insensible to reason. He quelled274 his wrath and threw off his despair, moved, as he says, by the feeling that in defending the interests of the Army he would be rendering275 a last service to his brave companions in arms, and to his country. So he went from [p 325] the Golden Cross to the Sub-Prefecture. Still angry, he loudly asserted as soon as he entered the room that he had been vanquished276 in battle because, addressing the Emperor, “your Generals refused to obey me.” Thereupon Ducrot started up, exclaiming, “Do you mean me? Your orders were only too well obeyed, and your mad presumption277 has brought on this frightful278 disaster.” “If I am incapable,” retorted De Wimpffen, “all the more reason why I should not retain the command.” “You took it this morning,” shouted Ducrot, also a violent man, “when you thought it would bring honour and profit. You cannot lay it down now. You alone must bear (endosser) the shame of the capitulation.” “Le General Ducrot était très exalté,” he says in his narrative, and he calls on his brother officers who were present to testify that he used these brave words, which, in substance, appear in De Wimpffen’s account; but the latter adds that he threw back the accusation279, saying, “I took the command to evade280 a defeat which your movement would have precipitated;” and that he requested General Ducrot to leave the room, as he had not come to confer with him! What the quiet and well-mannered Emperor thought of his two fiery281 and blustering282 Generals is nowhere stated. The calm language in the pamphlet attributed to Napoleon III., which shows, nevertheless, how deeply he was vexed by De Wimpffen’s selfish wish to shirk his responsibilities at such a moment, takes no note of the quarrel, and simply tells us how “the General understood that, having commanded during the battle, his duty obliged him not to desert his post in circumstances so critical.” Thus, when General Reille returned with King William’s letter, he found De Wimpffen in a reasonable frame of mind and ready to perform, with courage and address, the hard task of obtaining the best terms he could for the French Army from the placidly283 stern Von Moltke, [p 326] in whose heart there were no soft places when business had to be done.
The Generals Meet at Donchery.
Late on the evening of September 1st a momentous284 session was held in Donchery, the little town which commands a bridge over the Meuse below Sedan. On one side of a square table covered with red baize sat General von Moltke, having on his right hand the Quartermaster-General von Podbielski, according to one account, and Von Blumenthal according to another, and behind them several officers, while Count von Nostitz stood near the hearth285 to take notes. Opposite to Von Moltke sat De Wimpffen alone; while in rear, “almost in the shade,” were General Faure, Count Castelnau, and other Frenchmen, among whom was a Cuirassier Captain d’Orcet, who had observant eyes and a retentive286 memory. Then there ensued a brief silence, for Von Moltke looked straight before him and said nothing, while De Wimpffen, oppressed by the number present, hesitated to engage in a debate “with the two men admitted to be the most capable of our age, each in his kind.” But he soon plucked up courage, and frankly287 accepted the conditions of the combat. What terms, he asked, would the King of Prussia grant to a valiant288 Army which, could he have had his will, would have continued to fight? “They are very simple,” answered Von Moltke. “The entire Army, with arms and baggage, must surrender as prisoners of war.” “Very hard,” replied the Frenchman. “We merit better treatment. Could you not be satisfied with the fortress and the artillery, and allow the Army to retire with arms, flags and baggage, on condition of serving no more against Germany during the war?” No. “Moltke,” said Bismarck recounting the interview, [p 327] “coldly persisted in his demand,” or as the attentive289 D’Orcet puts it, “Von Moltke was pitiless.” Then De Wimpffen tried to soften290 his grim adversary by painting his own position. He had just come from the depths of the African desert; he had an irreproachable291 military reputation; he had taken command in the midst of a battle, and found himself obliged to set his name to a disastrous292 capitulation. “Can you not,” he said, “sympathize with an officer in such a plight293, and soften, for me, the bitterness of my situation by granting more honourable294 conditions?” He painted in moving terms his own sad case, and described what he might have done; but seeing that his personal pleadings were unheeded, he took a tone of defiance295, less likely to prevail. “If you will not give better terms,” he went on, “I shall appeal to the honour of the Army, and break out, or, at least, defend Sedan.” Then the German General struck in with emphasis, “I regret that I cannot do what you ask,” he said; “but as to making a sortie, that is just as impossible as the defence of Sedan. You have some excellent troops, but the greater part of your infantry is demoralized. To-day, during the battle, we captured more than twenty thousand unwounded prisoners. You have only eighty thousand men left. My troops and guns around the town would smash yours before they could make a movement; and as to defending Sedan, you have not provisions for eight-and-forty hours, nor ammunition296 which would suffice for that period.” Then, says De Wimpffen, he entered into details respecting our situation, which, “unfortunately, were too true,” and he offered to permit an officer to verify his statements, an offer which the Frenchman did not then accept.
Beaten off the military ground, De Wimpffen sought refuge in politics. “It is your interest, from a political standpoint, to grant us honourable conditions,” he said. “France [p 328] is generous and chivalric297, responsive to generosity298, and grateful for consideration. A peace, based on conditions which would flatter the amour-propre of the Army, and diminish the bitterness of defeat, would be durable299; whereas rigorous measures would awaken300 bad passions, and, perhaps, bring on an endless war between France and Prussia.” The new ground broken called up Bismarck, “because the matter seemed to belong to my province,” he observed when telling the story; and he was very outspoken301 as usual. “I said to him that we might build on the gratitude302 of a prince, but certainly not on the gratitude of a people—least of all on the gratitude of the French. That in France neither institutions nor circumstances were enduring; that governments and dynasties were constantly changing, and the one need not carry out what the other had bound itself to do. That if the Emperor had been firm on his throne, his gratitude for our granting good conditions might have been counted upon; but that as things stood it would be folly303 if we did not make full use of our success. That the French were a nation full of envy and jealousy304, that they had been much mortified305 by our success at K?niggratz, and could not forgive it, though it in nowise damaged them. How, then, should any magnanimity on our side move them not to bear us a grudge306 for Sedan.” This Wimpffen would not admit. “France,” he said, “had much changed latterly; it had learned under the Empire to think more of the interests of peace than of the glory of war. France was ready to proclaim the fraternity of nations; and more of the same kind.” Captain d’Orcet reports that, in addition, Bismarck denied that France had changed, and that to curb307 her mania308 for glory, to punish her pride, her aggressive and ambitious character, it was imperative309 that there should be a glacis between France and Germany. “We must have territory, fortresses310 and frontiers which [p 329] will shelter us for ever from an attack on her part.” Further remonstrances311 from De Wimpffen only drew down fresh showers of rough speech very trying to bear, and when Bismarck said “We cannot change our conditions,” De Wimpffen exclaimed, “Very well; it is equally impossible for me to sign such a capitulation, and we shall renew the battle.”
Here Count Castelnau interposed meekly312 to say, on behalf of the Emperor, that he had surrendered, personally, in the hope that his self-sacrifice would induce the King to grant the Army honourable terms. “Is that all?” Bismarck inquired. “Yes,” said the Frenchman. “But what is the sword surrendered,” asked the Chancellor; “is it his own sword, or the sword of France?” “It is only the sword of the Emperor,” was Castelnau’s reply. “Well, there is no use talking about other conditions,” said Von Moltke, sharply, while a look of contentment and gratification passed over his face, according to Bismarck; one “almost joyful,” writes the keen Captain d’Orcet. “After the last words of Von Moltke,” he continues, “De Wimpffen exclaimed, ‘We shall renew the battle.’ ‘The truce313,’ retorted the German General, ‘expires to-morrow morning at four o’clock. At four, precisely, I shall open fire.’ We were all standing314. After Von Moltke’s words no one spoke a syllable315. The silence was icy.” But then Bismarck intervened to sooth excited feelings, and called on his soldier comrade to show, once more, how impossible resistance had become. The group sat down again at the red baize-covered table, and Von Moltke began his demonstration afresh. “Ah,” said De Wimpffen, “your positions are not so strong as you would have us believe them to be.” “You do not know the topography of the country about Sedan,” was Von Moltke’s true and crushing answer. “Here is a bizarre detail which illustrates316 the presumptuous317 and [p 330] inconsequent character of your people,” he went on, now thoroughly aroused. “When the war began you supplied your officers with maps of Germany at a time when they could not study the geography of their own country for want of French maps. I tell you that our positions are not only very strong, they are inexpugnable.” It was then that De Wimpffen, unable to reply, wished to accept the offer made, but not accepted at an earlier period, and to send an officer to verify these assertions. “You will send nobody,” exclaimed the iron General. “It is useless, and you can believe my word. Besides, you have not long to reflect. It is now midnight; the truce ends at four o’clock, and I will grant no delay.” Driven to his last ditch, De Wimpffen pleaded that he must consult his fellow-Generals, and he could not obtain their opinions by four o’clock. Once more the diplomatic peacemaker intervened, and Von Moltke agreed to fix the final limit at nine. “He gave way at last,” says Bismarck, “when I showed him that it could do no harm.” The conference so dramatic broke up, and each one went his way; but, says the German official narrative, “as it was not doubtful that the hostile Army, completely beaten and nearly surrounded, would be obliged to submit to the clauses already indicated, the Great Head-quarter Staff was occupied, that very night, in drawing up the text of the capitulation” a significant and practical comment, showing what stuff there was behind the severe language which, at the midnight meeting, fell from the Chief of that able and sleepless body of chosen men.
Napoleon III. Surrenders.
General de Wimpffen went straight from the military conference to the wearied Emperor who had gone to bed. But he received his visitor, who told him that the proposed [p 331] conditions were hard, and that the sole chance of mitigation lay in the efforts of His Majesty. “General,” said the Emperor, “I shall start at five o’clock for the German head-quarters, and I shall see whether the King will be more favourable318;” for he seems to have become possessed319 of an idea that King William would personally treat with him. The Emperor kept his word. Believing that he would be permitted to return to Sedan, he drove forth without bidding farewell to any of his troops; but, as the drawbridge of Torcy was lowered and he passed over, the Zouaves on duty shouted “Vive l’Empereur!” This cry was “the last adieu which fell on his ears” as we read in the narrative given to the world on his behalf. He drove in a droshki towards Donchery, preceded by General Reille who, before six o’clock, awoke Count Bismarck from his slumbers320, and warned him that the Emperor desired to speak with him. “I went with him directly,” said Bismarck, in a conversation reported by Busch; “and got on my horse, all dusty and dirty as I was, in an old cap and my great waterproof321 boots, to ride to Sedan where I supposed him to be.” But he met him on the high road near Frénois, “sitting in a two-horse carriage.” Beside him was the Prince de la Moskowa, and on horseback Castlenau and Reille. “I gave the military salute,” says Bismarck. “He took his cap off and the officers did the same; whereupon I took off mine, although it was contrary to rule. He said, ‘Couvrez-vous, donc.’ I behaved to him just as if in St. Cloud, and asked his commands.” Naturally, he wanted to see the King, but that could not be allowed. Then Bismarck placed his quarters in Donchery at the Emperor’s disposal, but he, thinking, as we know, that he would return to the Sub-Prefecture, declined the courtesy, and preferred to rest in a house by the wayside. The cottage of a Belgian weaver322 unexpectedly became famous; [p 332] a one-storied house, painted yellow, with white shutters323 and venetian blinds. He and the Chancellor entered the house, and went up to the first floor where there was “a little room with one window. It was the best in the house, but had only one deal table and two rush-bottomed chairs,” In that lowly abode324 they talked together of many things for three-quarters of an hour, among others about the origin of the war which, it seems, neither desired, the Emperor asserting, Bismarck reports that “he had been driven into it by the pressure of public opinion,” a very inadequate325 representation of the curious incidents which preceded the fatal decision. But when the Emperor began to ask for more favourable terms, he was told that, on a military question, Von Moltke alone could speak. On the other hand Bismarck’s request to know who now had authority to make peace was met by a reference to “the Government in Paris;” so that no progress was made. Then “we must stand to our demands with regard to the Army of Sedan,” said Bismarck. General von Moltke was summoned, and “Napoleon III. demanded that nothing should be decided before he had seen the King, for he hoped to obtained from His Majesty some favourable concessions326 for the Army.” The German official narrative of the war states that the Emperor expressed a wish that the Army might be permitted to enter Belgium, but that, of course, the Chief of the Staff could not accept the proposal. General von Moltke forthwith set out for Vendresse where the King was, to report progress. He met His Majesty on the road, and there “the King fully approved the proposed conditions of capitulation, and declared that he would not see the Emperor until the terms prescribed had been accepted;” a decision which gratified the Chancellor as well as the Chief of the Staff. “I did not wish them to come together,” observed the Count, “until we had settled the [p 333] matter of the capitulation;” sparing the feelings of both and leaving the business to the hard military men.
The Emperor lingered about in the garden of the weaver’s cottage; he seems to have desired fresh air after his unpleasant talk with the Chancellor. Dr. Moritz Busch, who had hurried to the spot, has left a characteristic description of the Emperor. He saw there “a little thick-set man,” wearing jauntily327 a red cap with a gold border, a black palet?t lined with red, red trousers, and white kid gloves, “The look in his light grey eyes was somewhat soft and dreamy, like that of people who have lived hard. His whole appearance,” says the irreverent Busch, “was a little unsoldierlike. The man looked too soft, I might say too shabby, for the uniform he wore,” phrases which suggest a lack of sympathy with adversity, and severe physical as well as mental suffering. But imagination can realize a picture of the fallen potentate328, whose dynasty, crashing down, drew so much with it, as he was seen by the cynical329 German, talking to his officers, or to the burly Chancellor, or walking alone up and down a potato field in flower, with his white-gloved hands behind his back, smoking a cigarette; “betrayed by fortune” or fate, as he believed, but pursued, as others might say, by the natural consequences of his marvellous adventures, and of a strange neglect of the one source of strength on which he relied, the Army. He had failed in the business upon the conduct of which he prided himself; he was a bankrupt Emperor.
The French Generals Submit.
While one scene in the stupendous drama was performed at the weaver’s cottage, another was acted or endured in Sedan, where De Wimpffen had summoned the generals to consider the dreadful terms of capitulation. He has given [p 334] his own account of the incident; but the fullest report is supplied by Lebrun. There were present at this council of war more than thirty generals. With tearful eyes and a voice broken by sobs330, the unhappy and most ill-starred De Wimpffen described his interview and conflict with Von Moltke and Bismarck, and its dire result—the Army to surrender as prisoners of war, the officers alone to retain their arms, and by way of mitigating331 the rigour of these conditions, full permission to return home would be given to any officer, provided he would engage in writing and on honour not to serve again during the war. The generals, save one or two, and these finally acquiesced332, felt that the conditions could not be refused; but they were indignant at the clause suggesting that the officers might escape the captivity333 which would befall their soldiers, provided they would engage to become mere334 spectators of the invasion of their country. In the midst of these mournful deliberations Captain von Zingler, a messenger from Von Moltke, entered, and the scene became still more exciting. “I am instructed,” he said, “to remind you how urgent it is that you should come to a decision. At ten o’clock, precisely, if you have not come to a resolution, the German batteries will fire on Sedan. It is now nine, and I shall have barely time to carry your answer to head-quarters.” To this sharp summons De Wimpffen answered that he could not decide until he knew the result of the interview between the Emperor and the King. “That interview,” said the stern Captain, “will not in any way affect the military operations, which can only be determined by the generals who have full power to resume or stop the strife335.” It was, indeed, as Lebrun remarked, useless to argue with a Captain, charged to state a fact; and at the General’s suggestion De Wimpffen agreed to accompany Captain von Zingler to the German head-quarters.
[p 335]
These were, for the occasion, the Chateau336 de Bellevue, where the Emperor himself had been induced to take up his abode, and about eleven o’clock, in a room under the Imperial chamber337, De Wimpffen put his name at the foot of the document drawn338 up, during the night, by the German Staff. Then he sought out the Emperor, and, greatly moved, told him that “all was finished.” His Majesty, he writes, “with tears in his eyes, approached me, pressed my hand, and embraced me;” and “my sad and painful duty having been accomplished339, I remounted my horse and rode back to Sedan, ‘la mort dans l’ame.’”
So soon as the convention was signed, the King arrived, accompanied by the Crown Prince. Three years before, as the Emperor reminds us in the writing attributed to him, the King had been his guest in Paris, where all the sovereigns of Europe had come to behold340 the marvels341 of the famous Exhibition. “Now,” so runs the lamentation342, “betrayed by fortune, Napoleon III. had lost all, and had placed in the hands of his conqueror343 the sole thing left him—his liberty.” And he goes on to say, in general terms, that the King deeply sympathized with his misfortunes, but nevertheless could not grant better conditions to the Army. “He told the Emperor that the castle of Wilhelmsh?he had been selected as his residence; the Crown Prince then entered and cordially shook hands with Napoleon; and at the end of a quarter of an hour the King withdrew. The Emperor was permitted to send a telegram in cipher344 to the Empress, to tell her what had happened, and urge her to negotiate a peace.” Such is the bald record of this impressive event. The telegram, which reached the Empress at four o’clock on the afternoon of the 3rd, was in these words: “The Army is defeated and captive; I myself am a prisoner.”
For one day more the fallen sovereign rested at Bellevue [p 336] to meditate345 on the caprices of fortune or the decrees of fate. But that day, at the head of a splendid company of princes and generals, King William, crossing the bridge of Donchery, rode throughout the whole vast extent of the German lines, to greet his hardy warriors and be greeted by them on the very scene of their victories. And well they deserved regal gratitude, for together with their comrades who surrounded Metz, by dint of long swift marches and steadfast346 valour, they had overcome two great Armies in thirty days.
During the battle of Sedan, the Germans lost in killed and wounded 8,924 officers and men. On the other hand, the French lost 3,000 killed, 14,000 wounded, and 21,000 captured in the battle. The number of prisoners by capitulation was 83,000, while 3,000 were disarmed in Belgium, and a few hundreds, more or less, made their way by devious routes near and over the frontier, to Mézières, Rocroi, and other places in France. In addition, were taken one eagle and two flags, 419 field guns and mitrailleuses, 139 garrison guns, many wagons, muskets347, and horses. On the day after the surrender, the French soldiers, having stacked their arms in Sedan, marched into the peninsula formed by the deep loop of the Meuse—“le Camp de Misère” as they called it—and were sent thence in successive batches348, numbered by thousands, to Germany. Such was the astonishing end of the Army of Chalons, which had been impelled349 to its woful doom350 by the Comte de Palikao and the Paris politicians. Directed by General Vinoy, who was an able soldier, the troops brought to Mézières, escaped by rapid and clever marches from the German cavalry and the 6th Corps, and formed the nucleus351 of the improvised Army which afterwards defended the capital.
[p 337]
The End.
On the 3rd of September the Emperor Napoleon III. departed from Bellevue on his journey to the Castle of Wilhelmsh?he, near Cassel. The morning was wet and gloomy, and a thunderstorm was gathering352 among the hills of the Ardennes. The Imperial baggage-train had been permitted to leave Sedan, and was drawn up on the road ready to start. Columns of prisoners also were moving out of the fortress and marching towards the peninsula formed by the Meuse. It was a lugubrious353 scene, and the superstitious354 might remark that as the sun shone resplendently on the German victory, so his light was obscured when the captive Emperor drove through the muddy streets of Donchery and thence to the northward, wrapped in the sombre mist and thickly falling rain. And as he journeyed, disconsolately355, in the forenoon, upon the road to Bouillon, orders went forth from the German head-quarters, where time was never lost, directing the conquering generals to leave the 11th and one Bavarian Corps on guard over Sedan and the thousands of unhappy prisoners, and resume, with all the rest, that march on the capital of France which had been so abruptly interrupted only eight days before. So the victors and the vanquished went their different ways.
The Emperor travelled without haste, and on the evening of the 4th he slept at Verviers. The next morning he learned, in common with all Europe, indeed all the civilized356 world, that the fires which seethe357 under the bright surface of society in Paris had once more burst through the thin crust of use and wont224, and that the dynasty of the Bonapartes had been utterly358 overthrown359 at a blow to make way for the Republic. Like intelligence reached the King of Prussia, also, at his head-quarters, which, on the 5th, [p 338] were already in Reims. The contrast is painful. The King saw his hopes of an early peace destroyed; but his was a solidly planted throne and he was the leader of irresistible armies. The Emperor knew that his fond dream of founding an Imperial House had been dispelled360 in an hour by a blast of national wrath; and, being a kindly361 man, his agony was the keener because, as he pathetically says, “he was separated from his son, and knew not what fate had befallen the Empress.” Racked by such sad reflections, at the very time when his wife was escaping to England, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte went, by railway, from Verviers to Wilhelmsh?he. There, during a luxurious362 captivity of six months, he had ample leisure to meditate on the causes which led to the catastrophe of Sedan and the surrender of Metz; and to ascertain, if he could, why, after a second trial, ending in the third entry of hostile troops into Paris, the French nation had lost its belief in the saving qualities of a family bearing a name which, if associated with undying “glory,” has also become indissolubly linked with bitter memories of lost provinces and gigantic military disasters.
The End
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1 chafing | |
n.皮肤发炎v.擦热(尤指皮肤)( chafe的现在分词 );擦痛;发怒;惹怒 | |
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n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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3 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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6 adversary | |
adj.敌手,对手 | |
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7 disarmed | |
v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 );使息怒 | |
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8 accomplishment | |
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14 devious | |
adj.不坦率的,狡猾的;迂回的,曲折的 | |
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15 apparently | |
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17 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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18 majesty | |
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19 rout | |
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20 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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29 supersede | |
v.替代;充任 | |
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30 authorized | |
a.委任的,许可的 | |
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31 famished | |
adj.饥饿的 | |
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32 reigning | |
adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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33 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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34 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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35 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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36 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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37 dreary | |
adj.令人沮丧的,沉闷的,单调乏味的 | |
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38 embark | |
vi.乘船,着手,从事,上飞机 | |
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39 discomfited | |
v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词);使狼狈;使挫折;挫败 | |
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40 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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41 munition | |
n.军火;军需品;v.给某部门提供军火 | |
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42 munitions | |
n.军火,弹药;v.供应…军需品 | |
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43 citadel | |
n.城堡;堡垒;避难所 | |
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44 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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45 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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46 rations | |
定量( ration的名词复数 ); 配给量; 正常量; 合理的量 | |
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47 mishap | |
n.不幸的事,不幸;灾祸 | |
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48 negligence | |
n.疏忽,玩忽,粗心大意 | |
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49 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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50 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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51 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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52 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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53 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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54 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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55 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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56 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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57 sleepless | |
adj.不睡眠的,睡不著的,不休息的 | |
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58 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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59 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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60 shrouded | |
v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 );保密 | |
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61 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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62 advent | |
n.(重要事件等的)到来,来临 | |
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63 adventurous | |
adj.爱冒险的;惊心动魄的,惊险的,刺激的 | |
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64 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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65 convoy | |
vt.护送,护卫,护航;n.护送;护送队 | |
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66 battalions | |
n.(陆军的)一营(大约有一千兵士)( battalion的名词复数 );协同作战的部队;军队;(组织在一起工作的)队伍 | |
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67 westward | |
n.西方,西部;adj.西方的,向西的;adv.向西 | |
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68 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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69 astounded | |
v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词);愕然;愕;惊讶 | |
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70 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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71 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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72 scouting | |
守候活动,童子军的活动 | |
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73 frustrate | |
v.使失望;使沮丧;使厌烦 | |
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74 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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75 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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76 premature | |
adj.比预期时间早的;不成熟的,仓促的 | |
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77 hardy | |
adj.勇敢的,果断的,吃苦的;耐寒的 | |
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78 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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79 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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80 resolutely | |
adj.坚决地,果断地 | |
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81 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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82 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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83 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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84 affluent | |
adj.富裕的,富有的,丰富的,富饶的 | |
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85 meanders | |
曲径( meander的名词复数 ); 迂回曲折的旅程 | |
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86 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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87 attaining | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的现在分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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88 defile | |
v.弄污,弄脏;n.(山间)小道 | |
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89 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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90 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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91 dense | |
a.密集的,稠密的,浓密的;密度大的 | |
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92 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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93 defiles | |
v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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94 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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95 plied | |
v.使用(工具)( ply的过去式和过去分词 );经常供应(食物、饮料);固定往来;经营生意 | |
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96 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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97 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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98 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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99 intrepid | |
adj.无畏的,刚毅的 | |
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100 bugler | |
喇叭手; 号兵; 吹鼓手; 司号员 | |
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101 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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102 marine | |
adj.海的;海生的;航海的;海事的;n.水兵 | |
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103 barricades | |
路障,障碍物( barricade的名词复数 ) | |
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104 abruptly | |
adv.突然地,出其不意地 | |
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105 ebbing | |
(指潮水)退( ebb的现在分词 ); 落; 减少; 衰落 | |
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106 mansions | |
n.宅第,公馆,大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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107 detailed | |
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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108 unintelligible | |
adj.无法了解的,难解的,莫明其妙的 | |
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109 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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110 feat | |
n.功绩;武艺,技艺;adj.灵巧的,漂亮的,合适的 | |
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111 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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112 abutting | |
adj.邻接的v.(与…)邻接( abut的现在分词 );(与…)毗连;接触;倚靠 | |
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113 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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114 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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115 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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116 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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117 bruised | |
[医]青肿的,瘀紫的 | |
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118 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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119 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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120 reins | |
感情,激情; 缰( rein的名词复数 ); 控制手段; 掌管; (成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的)保护带 | |
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121 echelons | |
n.(机构中的)等级,阶层( echelon的名词复数 );(军舰、士兵、飞机等的)梯形编队 | |
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122 authorizing | |
授权,批准,委托( authorize的现在分词 ) | |
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123 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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124 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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125 extricate | |
v.拯救,救出;解脱 | |
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126 perils | |
极大危险( peril的名词复数 ); 危险的事(或环境) | |
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127 incompetence | |
n.不胜任,不称职 | |
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128 favourably | |
adv. 善意地,赞成地 =favorably | |
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129 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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130 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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131 gleaned | |
v.一点点地收集(资料、事实)( glean的过去式和过去分词 );(收割后)拾穗 | |
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132 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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133 narratives | |
记叙文( narrative的名词复数 ); 故事; 叙述; 叙述部分 | |
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134 dint | |
n.由于,靠;凹坑 | |
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135 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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136 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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137 countermanded | |
v.取消(命令),撤回( countermand的过去分词 ) | |
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138 impaired | |
adj.受损的;出毛病的;有(身体或智力)缺陷的v.损害,削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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140 brook | |
n.小河,溪;v.忍受,容让 | |
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141 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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142 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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143 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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144 illustrate | |
v.举例说明,阐明;图解,加插图 | |
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145 rivalries | |
n.敌对,竞争,对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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146 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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147 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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148 detriment | |
n.损害;损害物,造成损害的根源 | |
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149 thwarting | |
阻挠( thwart的现在分词 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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150 onset | |
n.进攻,袭击,开始,突然开始 | |
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151 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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152 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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153 confession | |
n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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154 wrested | |
(用力)拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 ); 费力取得; (从…)攫取; ( 从… ) 强行取去… | |
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155 sniffed | |
v.以鼻吸气,嗅,闻( sniff的过去式和过去分词 );抽鼻子(尤指哭泣、患感冒等时出声地用鼻子吸气);抱怨,不以为然地说 | |
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156 northward | |
adv.向北;n.北方的地区 | |
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157 extorted | |
v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 );曲解 | |
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158 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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159 rivulet | |
n.小溪,小河 | |
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160 outskirts | |
n.郊外,郊区 | |
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162 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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163 simultaneously | |
adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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164 orchards | |
(通常指围起来的)果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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165 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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166 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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168 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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169 quench | |
vt.熄灭,扑灭;压制 | |
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170 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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171 harassed | |
adj. 疲倦的,厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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172 conformity | |
n.一致,遵从,顺从 | |
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173 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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174 succinctly | |
adv.简洁地;简洁地,简便地 | |
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175 intercept | |
vt.拦截,截住,截击 | |
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176 improvised | |
a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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177 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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178 scouts | |
侦察员[机,舰]( scout的名词复数 ); 童子军; 搜索; 童子军成员 | |
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179 erring | |
做错事的,错误的 | |
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180 ascending | |
adj.上升的,向上的 | |
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181 intrusive | |
adj.打搅的;侵扰的 | |
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182 swooping | |
俯冲,猛冲( swoop的现在分词 ) | |
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183 squads | |
n.(军队中的)班( squad的名词复数 );(暗杀)小组;体育运动的运动(代表)队;(对付某类犯罪活动的)警察队伍 | |
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184 smote | |
v.猛打,重击,打击( smite的过去式 ) | |
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185 frustrated | |
adj.挫败的,失意的,泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 );挫败;使受挫折;令人沮丧 | |
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186 repelled | |
v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 );使厌恶;排斥;推开 | |
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187 puissant | |
adj.强有力的 | |
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188 deftly | |
adv.灵巧地,熟练地,敏捷地 | |
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189 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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190 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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191 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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192 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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193 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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194 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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195 converging | |
adj.收敛[缩]的,会聚的,趋同的v.(线条、运动的物体等)会于一点( converge的现在分词 );(趋于)相似或相同;人或车辆汇集;聚集 | |
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196 deployed | |
(尤指军事行动)使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 ); 施展; 部署; 有效地利用 | |
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197 lurking | |
潜在 | |
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198 poetically | |
adv.有诗意地,用韵文 | |
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199 crest | |
n.顶点;饰章;羽冠;vt.达到顶点;vi.形成浪尖 | |
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200 budge | |
v.移动一点儿;改变立场 | |
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201 harried | |
v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 );不断烦扰;一再袭击;侵扰 | |
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202 disdained | |
鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 ); 不屑于做,不愿意做 | |
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203 heroism | |
n.大无畏精神,英勇 | |
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204 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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205 desperately | |
adv.极度渴望地,绝望地,孤注一掷地 | |
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206 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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207 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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208 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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209 asylum | |
n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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210 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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211 stoutly | |
adv.牢固地,粗壮的 | |
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212 frantic | |
adj.狂乱的,错乱的,激昂的 | |
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213 onsets | |
攻击,袭击(onset的复数形式) | |
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214 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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215 fray | |
v.争吵;打斗;磨损,磨破;n.吵架;打斗 | |
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216 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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217 regained | |
复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 ); 赢回; 重回; 复至某地 | |
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218 scoffed | |
嘲笑,嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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219 enraged | |
使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 ); 歜; 激愤 | |
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220 beset | |
v.镶嵌;困扰,包围 | |
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221 outlet | |
n.出口/路;销路;批发商店;通风口;发泄 | |
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222 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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223 punctilious | |
adj.谨慎的,谨小慎微的 | |
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224 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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225 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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226 extricated | |
v.使摆脱困难,脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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228 dolorous | |
adj.悲伤的;忧愁的 | |
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229 meditations | |
默想( meditation的名词复数 ); 默念; 沉思; 冥想 | |
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230 armistice | |
n.休战,停战协定 | |
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231 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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232 hoisted | |
把…吊起,升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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233 ascended | |
v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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234 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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235 contemned | |
v.侮辱,蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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236 debris | |
n.瓦砾堆,废墟,碎片 | |
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237 exhaled | |
v.呼出,发散出( exhale的过去式和过去分词 );吐出(肺中的空气、烟等),呼气 | |
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238 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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239 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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240 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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241 revoke | |
v.废除,取消,撤回 | |
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242 entailed | |
使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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243 surmounted | |
战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 ); 克服(困难); 居于…之上; 在…顶上 | |
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244 lucid | |
adj.明白易懂的,清晰的,头脑清楚的 | |
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245 glistened | |
v.湿物闪耀,闪亮( glisten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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246 gorge | |
n.咽喉,胃,暴食,山峡;v.塞饱,狼吞虎咽地吃 | |
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247 transparent | |
adj.明显的,无疑的;透明的 | |
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248 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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249 musing | |
n. 沉思,冥想 adj. 沉思的, 冥想的 动词muse的现在分词形式 | |
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250 hip | |
n.臀部,髋;屋脊 | |
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251 sketches | |
n.草图( sketch的名词复数 );素描;速写;梗概 | |
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252 jack | |
n.插座,千斤顶,男人;v.抬起,提醒,扛举;n.(Jake)杰克 | |
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253 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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254 milieu | |
n.环境;出身背景;(个人所处的)社会环境 | |
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255 troupes | |
n. (演出的)一团, 一班 vi. 巡回演出 | |
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256 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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257 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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258 astounding | |
adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊,使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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259 purport | |
n.意义,要旨,大要;v.意味著,做为...要旨,要领是... | |
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260 exulting | |
vi. 欢欣鼓舞,狂喜 | |
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261 colossal | |
adj.异常的,庞大的 | |
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262 provident | |
adj.为将来做准备的,有先见之明的 | |
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263 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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264 fervently | |
adv.热烈地,热情地,强烈地 | |
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265 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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266 fretting | |
n. 微振磨损 adj. 烦躁的, 焦虑的 | |
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267 fuming | |
愤怒( fume的现在分词 ); 大怒; 发怒; 冒烟 | |
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268 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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269 obstinately | |
ad.固执地,顽固地 | |
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270 authoritatively | |
命令式地,有权威地,可信地 | |
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271 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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272 hoisting | |
起重,提升 | |
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273 haughtily | |
adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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274 quelled | |
v.(用武力)制止,结束,镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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275 rendering | |
n.表现,描写 | |
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276 vanquished | |
v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 );战胜;克服;抑制 | |
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277 presumption | |
n.推测,可能性,冒昧,放肆,[法律]推定 | |
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278 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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279 accusation | |
n.控告,指责,谴责 | |
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280 evade | |
vt.逃避,回避;避开,躲避 | |
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281 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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282 blustering | |
adj.狂风大作的,狂暴的v.外强中干的威吓( bluster的现在分词 );咆哮;(风)呼啸;狂吹 | |
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283 placidly | |
adv.平稳地,平静地 | |
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284 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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285 hearth | |
n.壁炉炉床,壁炉地面 | |
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286 retentive | |
v.保留的,有记忆的;adv.有记性地,记性强地;n.保持力 | |
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287 frankly | |
adv.坦白地,直率地;坦率地说 | |
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288 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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289 attentive | |
adj.注意的,专心的;关心(别人)的,殷勤的 | |
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290 soften | |
v.(使)变柔软;(使)变柔和 | |
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291 irreproachable | |
adj.不可指责的,无过失的 | |
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292 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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293 plight | |
n.困境,境况,誓约,艰难;vt.宣誓,保证,约定 | |
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294 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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295 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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296 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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297 chivalric | |
有武士气概的,有武士风范的 | |
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298 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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299 durable | |
adj.持久的,耐久的 | |
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300 awaken | |
vi.醒,觉醒;vt.唤醒,使觉醒,唤起,激起 | |
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301 outspoken | |
adj.直言无讳的,坦率的,坦白无隐的 | |
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302 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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303 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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304 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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305 mortified | |
v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 );伤害(人的感情);克制;抑制(肉体、情感等) | |
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306 grudge | |
n.不满,怨恨,妒嫉;vt.勉强给,不情愿做 | |
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307 curb | |
n.场外证券市场,场外交易;vt.制止,抑制 | |
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308 mania | |
n.疯狂;躁狂症,狂热,癖好 | |
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309 imperative | |
n.命令,需要;规则;祈使语气;adj.强制的;紧急的 | |
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310 fortresses | |
堡垒,要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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311 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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312 meekly | |
adv.温顺地,逆来顺受地 | |
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313 truce | |
n.休战,(争执,烦恼等的)缓和;v.以停战结束 | |
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314 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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315 syllable | |
n.音节;vt.分音节 | |
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316 illustrates | |
给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 ); 说明; 表明; (用示例、图画等)说明 | |
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317 presumptuous | |
adj.胆大妄为的,放肆的,冒昧的,冒失的 | |
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318 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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319 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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320 slumbers | |
睡眠,安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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321 waterproof | |
n.防水材料;adj.防水的;v.使...能防水 | |
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322 weaver | |
n.织布工;编织者 | |
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323 shutters | |
百叶窗( shutter的名词复数 ); (照相机的)快门 | |
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324 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
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325 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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326 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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327 jauntily | |
adv.心满意足地;洋洋得意地;高兴地;活泼地 | |
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328 potentate | |
n.统治者;君主 | |
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329 cynical | |
adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的,不信世道向善的 | |
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330 sobs | |
啜泣(声),呜咽(声)( sob的名词复数 ) | |
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331 mitigating | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的现在分词 ) | |
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332 acquiesced | |
v.默认,默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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333 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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334 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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335 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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336 chateau | |
n.城堡,别墅 | |
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337 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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338 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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339 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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340 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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341 marvels | |
n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 );令人惊奇的事物(或事例);不平凡的成果;成就v.惊奇,对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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342 lamentation | |
n.悲叹,哀悼 | |
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343 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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344 cipher | |
n.零;无影响力的人;密码 | |
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345 meditate | |
v.想,考虑,(尤指宗教上的)沉思,冥想 | |
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346 steadfast | |
adj.固定的,不变的,不动摇的;忠实的;坚贞不移的 | |
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347 muskets | |
n.火枪,(尤指)滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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348 batches | |
一批( batch的名词复数 ); 一炉; (食物、药物等的)一批生产的量; 成批作业 | |
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349 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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350 doom | |
n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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351 nucleus | |
n.核,核心,原子核 | |
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352 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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353 lugubrious | |
adj.悲哀的,忧郁的 | |
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354 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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355 disconsolately | |
adv.悲伤地,愁闷地;哭丧着脸 | |
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356 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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357 seethe | |
vi.拥挤,云集;发怒,激动,骚动 | |
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358 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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359 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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360 dispelled | |
v.驱散,赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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361 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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362 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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