The book was trying to get out of my head, no matter what, and I missedso much sleep and so many meals that friends started to ask if I wasunwell.
When my dad was a young university student in the 1960s, he was oneof the few "counterculture" people who thought computers were a goodthing. For most young people, computers represented the de-humaniza-tion of society. University students were reduced to numbers on apunchcard, each bearing the legend "DO NOT BEND, SPINDLE, FOLDOR MUTILATE," prompting some of the students to wear pins that said,"I AM A STUDENT: DO NOT BEND, SPINDLE, FOLD OR MUTILATEME." Computers were seen as a means to increase the ability of the au-thorities to regiment4 people and bend them to their will.
When I was a 17, the world seemed like it was just going to get morefree. The Berlin Wall was about to come down. Computers — which hadbeen geeky and weird5 a few years before — were everywhere, and themodem I'd used to connect to local bulletin board systems was now con-necting me to the entire world through the Internet and commercial on-line services like GEnie6. My lifelong fascination7 with activist8 causes wentinto overdrive as I saw how the main difficulty in activism — organizing— was getting easier by leaps and bounds (I still remember the first timeI switched from mailing out a newsletter with hand-written addresses tousing a database with mail-merge). In the Soviet9 union, communicationstools were being used to bring information — and revolution — to thefarthest-flung corners of the largest authoritarian10 state the Earth had everseen.
But 17 years later, things are very different. The computers I love arebeing co-opted, used to spy on us, control us, snitch on us. The NationalSecurity Agency has illegally wiretapped the entire USA and gottenaway with it. Car rental11 companies and mass transit12 and traffic4authorities are watching where we go, sending us automated13 tickets,finking us out to busybodies, cops and bad guys who gain illicit14 access totheir databases. The Transport Security Administration maintains a "no-fly" list of people who'd never been convicted of any crime, but who arenevertheless considered too dangerous to fly. The list's contents aresecret. The rule that makes it enforceable is secret. The criteria15 for beingadded to the list are secret. It has four-year-olds on it. And US senators.
And decorated veterans — actual war heroes.
The 17 year olds I know understand to a nicety just how dangerous acomputer can be. The authoritarian nightmare of the 1960s has comehome for them. The seductive little boxes on their desks and in theirpockets watch their every move, corral them in, systematically16 deprivingthem of those new freedoms I had enjoyed and made such good use of inmy young adulthood17.
What's more, kids were clearly being used as guinea-pigs for a newkind of technological18 state that all of us were on our way to, a worldwhere taking a picture was either piracy19 (in a movie theater or museumor even a Starbucks), or terrorism (in a public place), but where we couldbe photographed, tracked and logged hundreds of times a day by everytin-pot dictator, cop, bureaucrat20 and shop-keeper. A world where anymeasure, including torture, could be justified21 just by waving your handsand shouting "Terrorism! 9/11! Terrorism!" until all dissent22 fell silent.
We don't have to go down that road.
If you love freedom, if you think the human condition is dignified23 byprivacy, by the right to be left alone, by the right to explore your weirdideas provided you don't hurt others, then you have common cause withthe kids whose web-browsers and cell phones are being used to lockthem up and follow them around.
If you believe that the answer to bad speech is more speech — not cen-sorship — then you have a dog in the fight.
If you believe in a society of laws, a land where our rulers have to tellus the rules, and have to follow them too, then you're part of the samestruggle that kids fight when they argue for the right to live under thesame Bill of Rights that adults have.
This book is meant to be part of the conversation about what an in-formation society means: does it mean total control, or unheard-ofliberty? It's not just a noun, it's a verb, it's something you do.
点击收听单词发音
1 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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2 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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3 hunching | |
隆起(hunch的现在分词形式) | |
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4 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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5 weird | |
adj.古怪的,离奇的;怪诞的,神秘而可怕的 | |
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6 genie | |
n.妖怪,神怪 | |
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7 fascination | |
n.令人着迷的事物,魅力,迷恋 | |
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8 activist | |
n.活动分子,积极分子 | |
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9 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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10 authoritarian | |
n./adj.专制(的),专制主义者,独裁主义者 | |
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11 rental | |
n.租赁,出租,出租业 | |
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12 transit | |
n.经过,运输;vt.穿越,旋转;vi.越过 | |
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13 automated | |
a.自动化的 | |
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14 illicit | |
adj.非法的,禁止的,不正当的 | |
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15 criteria | |
n.标准 | |
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16 systematically | |
adv.有系统地 | |
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17 adulthood | |
n.成年,成人期 | |
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18 technological | |
adj.技术的;工艺的 | |
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19 piracy | |
n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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20 bureaucrat | |
n. 官僚作风的人,官僚,官僚政治论者 | |
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21 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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22 dissent | |
n./v.不同意,持异议 | |
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23 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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