After being mustered6 out, the members of the battalion7 at once returned to their various avocations8. I was fully9 occupied with mining and trading operations, and hence gave little heed11 to affairs at the Fresno. Through Captain Boling, however, who was elected Sheriff of the county, and whose business carried him to all parts of the country, I learned of the appointment of Col. Thomas Henly as agent for the tribes of Mariposa county, and as sub-agents M. B. Lewis for the Fresno and Wm. J. Campbell for the King’s River Agencies. I afterwards met Col. Henly and Mr. Lewis in Mariposa, and was much pleased with the Colonel. Both of these gentlemen were kind and genial14; but Mr. Lewis soon tired of his office as unsuited to his taste, and accepted a position in the State Government under Major Roman. His successor, I believe, was Capt. Vincinthalor. Old Ten-ie-ya, and his band, were never recipients15 of friendly favors from Savage, nor was he in very good standing16 with the agent. This was known to the other chiefs, and they 273 frequently taunted17 him with his downfall. The old chief chafed18 under the contemptuous treatment of those who had once feared him and applied19 to the sub-agent or farmer for permission to go back to his mountain home. He claimed that he could not endure the heat at the agency, and said he preferred acorns20 to the rations10 furnished him by the Government.
To rid itself of the consequences engendered22 by these petty squabbles with the old chief, the management at the Fresno consented to a short absence under restrictions23. Ten-ie-ya promised to perform all requirements, and joyfully24 left the hot and dry reservation, and with his family, took the trail to the Yosemite once more. As far as is known, Ten-ie-ya kept faith and disturbed no one. Soon after his departure, however, a few of his old followers25 quietly left the Fresno as was supposed to join him, but as no complaints were made by their chiefs, it was understood that they were glad to be rid of them; therefore no effort was made to bring them back. During the winter of 1851-52 a considerable number of horses were stolen, but as some of them were found in the possession of Mexicans, who were promptly26 executed for the theft, no charge was preferred against the Yosemites.
Early in May, 1852, a small party of miners from Coarse Gold Gulch27, started out on a prospecting28 tour with the intention of making a visit to the Yosemite Valley.
The curiosity of some of these men had been excited by descriptions of it, made by some of the ex-members of the Battalion who had gone to Coarse Gold Gulch, soon after their discharge. This party spent some little time prospecting on their way. Commencing on the south fork of the Merced, they tested the mineral resources of streams tributary29 to it; and then, passing over the divide on the old trail, camped for the purpose of testing the branches leading 274 into the main Merced. While at this camp, they were visited by begging Indians; a frequent occurrence in the mining camps of some localities. The Indians appeared friendly, and gave no indications of hostile intentions. They gave the party to understand, however, that the territory they were then in, belonged to them, although no tribute was demanded. The miners comprehended their intimations, but paid no attention to their claim, being aware that this whole region had been ceded30 to the Government by treaty during the year before.
Having ascertained31 that they were a part of the Yosemite Band, the miners by signs, interrogated32 them as to the direction of the valley, but this they refused to answer or pretended not to understand. The valley however, was known to be near, and no difficulty was anticipated, when the party were ready to visit it, as an outline map, furnished them before starting, had thus far proved reliable. Unsuspicious of danger from an attack, they reached the valley, and while entering it on the old trail, were ambushed33 by the Indians from behind some rocks at or near the foot of the trail, and two of the party were instantly killed. Another was seriously wounded, but finally succeeded in making his escape. The names of the two men killed were Rose and Shurbon; the name of the wounded man was Tudor.
The reports of these murders, alarmed many of the citizens. They were fearful that the Indians would become excited and leave the reservations, in which case, it was thought, a general outbreak would result. The management of the Fresno agency was censured34 for allowing Ten-ie-ya to return to the valley, and for allowing so considerable a number of his followers to again assemble under his leadership. Among the miners, this alarm was soon forgotten, for it was found that instead of leaving the reservations, the Indians 275 camped outside, fled to the agencies for protection, lest they should be picked off in revenge for the murders perpetrated by the Yo-sem-i-tes. The officer in command at Fort Miller35, was notified of these murders, and a detachment of regular soldiers under Lt. Moore, U. S. A., was at once dispatched to capture or punish the red-skins. Beside the detachment of troops, scouts36 and guides, and a few of the friends of the murdered men accompanied the expedition. Among the volunteer scouts, was A. A. Gray, usually called “Gus” Gray. He had been a member of Captain Boling’s company and was with us, when the valley was discovered, as also on our second visit to the valley under Captain Boling. He had been a faithful explorer, and his knowledge of the valley and its vicinity, made his services valuable to Lt. Moore, as special guide and scout37 for that locality. The particulars of this expedition I obtained from Gray. He was afterward12 a Captain under Gen. Walker, of Nicaragua notoriety. Under the guidance of Gray, Lt. Moore entered the valley in the night, and was successful in surprising and capturing a party of five savages38; but an alarm was given, and Ten-ie-ya and his people fled from their huts and escaped. On examination of the prisoners in the morning, it was discovered that each of them had some article of clothing that had belonged to the murdered men. The naked bodies of Rose and Shurbon were found and buried. Their graves were on the edge of the little meadow near the Bridal Vail Fall.
When the captives were accused of the murder of the two white men, they did not deny the charge; but tacitly admitted that they had done it to prevent white men from coming to their valley. They declared that it was their home, and that white men had no right to come there without their consent.
Lieutenant39 Moore told them, through his interpreter, that 276 they had sold their lands to the Government, that it belonged to the white men now; that the Indians had no right there. They had signed a treaty of peace with the whites, and had agreed to live on the reservations provided for them. To this they replied that Ten-ie-ya had never consented to the sale of their valley, and had never received pay for it. The other chiefs, they said, had no right to sell their territory, and no right to laugh at their misfortunes.
Lieutenant Moore became fully satisfied that he had captured the real murderers, and the abstract questions of title and jurisdiction40, were not considered debatable in this case. He promptly pronounced judgment41, and sentenced them to be shot. They were at once placed in line, and by his order, a volley of musketry from the soldiers announced that the spirits of five Indians were liberated to occupy ethereal space.
This may seem summary justice for a single individual, in a republic, to meet out to fellow beings on his own judgment; but a formal judicial42 killing43 of these Indians could not have awarded more summary justice. This prompt disposition44 of the captured murderers, was witnessed by a scout sent out by Ten-ie-ya to watch the movements of Lieutenant Moore and his command, and was immediately reported to the old chief, who with his people at once made a precipitate46 retreat from their hiding places, and crossed the mountains to their allies, the Pai-utes and Monos. Although this was in June, the snow, which was lighter47 than the year before at this time, was easily crossed by the Indians and their families. After a short search, in the vicinity of the valley, Lieutenant Moore struck their trail at Lake Ten-ie-ya, and followed them in close pursuit, with an expressed determination to render as impartial48 justice to the whole band as he had to the five in the valley. It was no disappointment to me to learn from Gray, that 277 when once alarmed, old Ten-ie-ya was too much for Lieutenant Moore, as he had been for Major Savage and Captain Boling. Lieutenant Moore did not overtake the Indians he was pursuing, neither was he able to get any information from the Pai-utes, whom he encountered, while east of the Sierras. Lieutenant Moore crossed the Sierras over the Mono trail that leads by the Soda49 Springs through the Mono Pass. He made some fair discoveries of gold and gold-bearing quartz50, obsidian51 and other minerals, while exploring the region north and south of Bloody52 Ca?on and of Mono Lake. Finding no trace whatever of the cunning chief, he returned to the Soda Springs, and from there took his homeward journey to Fort Miller by way of the old trail that passed to the south of the Yosemite.
Lieutenant Moore did not discover the Soda Springs nor the Mono Lake country, but he brought into prominent notice the existence of the Yosemite, and of minerals in paying quantities upon the Eastern Slope. Mr. Moore made a brief descriptive report of his expedition, that found its way into the newspapers. At least, I was so informed at the time, though unable to procure53 it. I saw, however, some severe criticisms of his display of autocratic power in ordering the five Yosemites shot.
After the establishment of the “Mariposa Chronicle” by W. T. Witachre and A. S. Gould, the first number of which was dated January 20, 1854. Lieutenant Moore, to more fully justify54 himself or gratify public curiosity, published in the “Chronicle” a letter descriptive of the expedition and its results. In this letter he dropped the terminal letter “y” in the name “Yosemity,” as it had been written previously55 by myself and other members of the battalion, and substituted “e,” as before stated. As Lieutenant Moore’s article attracted a great deal of public attention at that time, the name, with its present orthography56, was accepted. 278 A copy of the paper containing Moore’s letter was in my possession for many years, but, finally, to my extreme regret, it was lost or destroyed.
To Lieutenant Moore belongs the credit of being the first to attract the attention of the scientific and literary world, and “The Press” to the wonders of the Yosemite Valley. His position as an officer of the regular army, established a reputation for his article, that could not be expected by other correspondents. I was shown by Gray, who was exhibiting them in Mariposa, some very good specimens57 of gold quartz, that were found on the Moore expedition. Leroy Vining, and a few chosen companions, with one of Moore’s scouts as guide, went over the Sierras to the place where the gold had been found, and established themselves on what has since been known as Vining’s Gulch or Creek58.
On the return of Lieutenant Moore to Fort Miller, the news of his capture of the Indians, and his prompt execution of them as the murderers of Rose and Shurbon, occasioned some alarm among the timid, which was encouraged and kept alive by unprincipled and designing politicians. All kinds of vague rumors59 were put in circulation. Many not in the secret supposed another Indian war would be inaugurated. Political factions60 and “Indian Rings” encouraged a belief in the most improbable rumors, hoping thereby61 to influence Congressional action, or operate upon the War Department to make large estimates for the California Indian Service.
This excitement did not extend beyond the locality of its origin, and the citizens were undisturbed in their industries by these rumors. During all this time no indications of hostilities62 were exhibited by any of the tribes or bands, although the abusive treatment they received at the hands of some, was enough to provoke contention63. They quietly remained on the reservations. As far as I was 279 able to learn at the time, a few persons envied them the possession of their King’s river reservation, and determined64 to “squat” upon it, after they should have been driven off. This “border element” was made use of by an unprincipled schemer by the name of Harvey, whom it was understood was willing to accept office, when a division of Mariposa county should have been made, or when a vacancy65 of any kind should occur. But population was required, and the best lands had been reserved for the savages. A few hangers-on, at the agencies, that had been discharged for want of employment and other reasons, made claims upon the King’s river reservation; the Indians came to warn them off, when they were at once fired upon, and it was reported that several were killed.
These agitations66 and murders were denounced by Major Savage in unsparing terms, and he claimed that Harvey was responsible for them. Although the citizens of Mariposa were at the time unable to learn the details of the affair at King’s river, which was a distant settlement, the great mass of the people were satisfied that wrong had been done to the Indians. There had been a very decided67 opposition68 by the citizens generally to the establishment of two agencies in the county, and the selection of the best agricultural lands for reservations. Mariposa then included nearly the whole San Joaquin valley south of the Tuolumne.
The opponents to the recommendations of the commissioners69 claimed that “The government of the United States has no right to select the territory of a sovereign State to establish reservations for the Indians, nor for any other purpose, without the consent of the State.” The State Legislature of 1851-52, instructed the Senators and Representatives in Congress to use their influence to have the Indians removed beyond the limits of the State. These views had been advocated by many of the citizens of Mariposa county 280 in good faith; but it was observed that those who most actively70 annoyed and persecuted71 those located on King’s river reservation were countenanced72 by those who professed73 to advocate opposite views. These men were often to be seen at the agency, apparently74 the welcome guests of the employes of government.
It soon became quite evident, that an effort was being made to influence public opinion, and create an impression that there was imminent75 danger; in order that the general government would thereby be more readily induced to continue large appropriations76 to keep in subjection the comparatively few savages in the country.
It was a well known fact that these people preferred horse-flesh and their acorn21 jelly to the rations of beef that were supposed to have been issued by the Government. During this time, Major Savage was successfully pursuing his trade with the miners of the Fresno and surrounding territory, and with the Indians at the agency. Frequently those from the King’s River Agency, would come to Savage to trade, thereby exciting the jealous ire of the King’s river traders. Self-interest as well as public good prompted Savage to use every means at his disposal to keep these people quiet, and he denounced Harvey and his associates as entitled to punishment under the laws of the Government. These denunciations, of course, reached Harvey and his friends. Harvey and a sub-agent by the name of Campbell, seemed most aggrieved77 at what Savage had said of the affray, and both appeared to make common cause in denouncing the Major in return. Harvey made accusations78 against the integrity of Savage, and boasted that Savage would not dare visit King’s river while he, Harvey, was there. As soon as this reached the Major’s ears, he mounted his horse and at once started for the King’s River Agency.
Here, as expected, Harvey was found, in good fellowship 281 with Marvin, the quartermaster, and others connected with the agency. Walking up to Harvey, Major Savage demanded of him a retraction79 of his offensive remarks concerning himself. This Harvey refused to do, and said something to the effect that Savage had talked about Harvey. “Yes,” replied Major Savage, “I have said that you are a murderer and a coward.” Harvey retreated a pace or two and muttered that it was a lie. As quick as the word was uttered, Savage knocked Harvey down. Harvey appeared to play ’possum and made no resistance. As Savage stooped over the prostrate80 Harvey, a pistol fell from Savage’s waist, seeing which, Marvin picked it up and held it in his hand as the Major walked off. Harvey rose to his feet at this moment, and seeing Marvin with the pistol in his hand exclaimed, “Judge, you have got my pistol!” Marvin replied, “No! I have not. This belongs to Major Savage.” When, instantly, Harvey commenced firing at Major Savage, who, though mortally wounded by the first shot, and finding his pistol gone, strove hard to once more reach Harvey, whom he had scorned to further punish when prostrate before him.
This was in August, 1852. Harvey was arrested, or gave himself up, and after the farce81 of an examination, was discharged. The justice, before whom Harvey was examined, was a personal friend of the murderer, but had previously fed upon the bounty82 of Savage. Afterwards, he commenced a series of newspaper articles, assailing83 the Indian management of California, and these articles culminated84 in his receiving congenial employment at one of the agencies. Harvey, having killed his man, was now well calculated for a successful California politician of that period, and was triumphantly85 elected to office; but the ghost of Major Savage seemed to have haunted him, for ever after, he was nervous and irritable86, and finally died of paralysis87. The 282 body of Major Savage was afterwards removed to the Fresno, near his old trading post. A monument was there erected88 to his memory by Dr. Leach89, his successor in business.
I was in San Francisco at the time of these troubles at the agencies; but upon my return, obtained the main facts as here stated, from one of the actors in the tragedy.
At about this time, the management of California Indian affairs, became an important stake in the political circles of Mariposa. I took but little interest in the factions that were assaulting each other with charges of corruption90. Notwithstanding my lack of personal interest, I was startled from my indifference91 by the report of the Superintendent dated February, 1853. His sweeping92 denunciations of the people of Mariposa county was a matter of surprise, as I knew it to be unjust. This report was considered in a general mass meeting of the best citizens of the county, and was very properly condemned93 as untrue. Among those who took an active part in this meeting were Sam Bell (once State Comptroller), Judge Bondurant, Senator James Wade94, and other members of the State Legislature, and many influential95 citizens, who generally took but a minor96 interest in political affairs.
The records of the meeting, and the resolutions condemning97 the statements of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, which were unanimously adopted, and were published in the “Mariposa Chronicle” after its establishment, I have preserved as a record of the times. The meeting expressed the general sentiment of the people, but it accomplished98 nothing in opposition to the Superintendent’s policy, for the people soon discovered that the great “Agitator” at these meetings was a would-be rival of the Superintendent. We therefore bowed our heads and thought of the fox in the fable99. I never chanced to meet the gentleman who was at that time Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and know nothing 283 of him personally, but upon reading an official letter of his dated at Los Angeles, August 22nd, 1853, in which he speaks of “The establishment of an entire new system of government, which is to change the character and habits of a hundred thousand persons.” And another letter dated San Francisco, September 30th, 1853, saying that his farm agent, Mr. Edwards, “Had with great tact100 and with the assistance of Mr. Alexander Gody, by traveling from tribe to tribe, and talking constantly with them, succeeded in preventing any outbreak or disturbance101 in the San Joaquin Valley.” I came to the conclusion that the Superintendent of Indian Affairs was under astute management, or that he was one of the shrewdest of the many shrewd operators on the Pacific Coast. The schemes of the Indian Ring were not endorsed102 by Governor Weller, but were practically condemned in a public letter. The charges against the people of Mariposa by the Superintendent of Indian Affairs were absurd and grossly insulting to their intelligence. There had been no assault upon the Indians, except that at King’s river, led by the hangers-on at one of his own agencies. These men continued to be honored guests at the tables of his employes, and one of his most vigorous assailants was given employment that silenced him.
The estimates made by him in his letters and report, were on an assumed probability of a renewal103 of Indian hostilities. It was true, murders were occasionally committed by them, but they were few as compared with those committed by the Mexicans and Americans among themselves. The estimate of a hundred thousand Indians in California, was known by every intelligent man who had given the subject any attention, to be fabulous104. There was probably not a fifth of the number. But that was of no consequence, as the schemes of the “Ring” were successful. Large appropriations were made by Congress in accordance with stipulations 284 of the treaty made between these ignorant tribes, and the Republic of the United States of America. The recommendations were generally carried out in Washington.
The making of a treaty of peace with Indian tribes, may be correctly defined as procuring105 a release of all claims of certain territory occupied by them. Congress may make appropriations to provide for the promises made, but it is a well known fact that these appropriations are largely absorbed by the agents of the government, without the provisions being fulfilled. The defrauded107 victims of the treaty are looked upon as pauper108 wards13 of a generous nationality; and the lavish109 expenditure110 of the Government, is mostly consumed by the harpies who hover111 around these objects of national charity. This farce of making treaties with every little tribe as a distinct nationality, is an absurdity112 which should long ago have been ended. With formal ceremony, a treaty of peace is made with people occupying territory under the jurisdiction of our national organization. A governmental power is recognized in the patriarchal or tribal113 representatives of these predatory bands, and all the forms of a legal and national obligation are entered into, only to be broken and rebroken, at the will of some succeeding administration.
An inherited possessive right of the Indians to certain territory required for their use, is acknowledged, and should be, by the Government, but to recognize this as a tribal or national right, is but to continue and foster their instinctive114 opposition to our Government, by concentrating and inflaming115 their native pride and arrogance116.
The individual, and his responsibilities, become lost in that of his tribe, and until that power is broken, and the individual is made to assume the responsibilities of a man, there will be but little hope of improvement. The individual is now scarcely recognized by the people (except he 285 be representative); he is but an integral number of a tribe. He has a nationality without a country, and feels that his people have no certain home. He knows that he has been pauperized by contact with the whites and the policy pursued by the Government towards him, and he scorns, while he accepts its bounty. These native-born residents of our common country, are not citizens; their inherent rights are not sufficiently117 protected, and, feeling this, they in turn, disregard the law or set it at defiance118. The best part of my life has been spent upon the frontiers of civilization, where ample opportunities have been afforded me to observe our national injustice119 in assuming the guardianship120 and management of the Indian, without fulfilling the treaty stipulations that afford him the necessary protection. The policy of the Government has seemed to be to keep them under restraint as animals, rather than of protective improvement as rational human beings. What matters it, though the National Government, by solemn treaty, pledges its faith to their improvement, if its agents do not fulfill106 its obligations. I am no blind worshipper of the romantic Indian, nor admirer of the real one; but his degraded condition of pauperism122, resulting from the mismanagement of our Indian affairs, has often aroused in me an earnest sympathy for the race. They are not deficient123 in brain-power, and they should rise from degradation124 and want, if properly managed. I am not classed as a radical125 reformer, but I would like to see a radical change in their management.
I would like to see the experiment tried by the Government and its agents of dealing126 justly with them, and strictly127 upon honor. I would like to see those who have the management of Indian affairs selected because of their fitness for their positions, without making political or religious considerations pre-requisite, qualifications. Morality and strict integrity of character, should be indispensable requirements 286 for official positions; but a division of patronage128, or of Indian souls among the various religious sects129 or churches, is contrary to the spirit, if not the letter, of our Federal Constitution, and the strife130 this policy has already engendered among the various sects, is not calculated to impress even the savage with a very high estimate of Christian131 forbearance and virtue132. The cardinal133 principles of Christianity should be taught the children by example, while teaching them the necessity of obeying God’s moral and physical laws. I would like to see the Indian individually held responsible for all his acts, and as soon as may be, all tribal relations and tribal accountability done away with, and ignored by the Government.
The question of a transfer of the Indian Bureau to the War Department, has been for some time agitated134, but it seems to me that some facts bearing on the subject have not been, sufficiently discussed or understood. These are that the various tribes are warlike in their habits and character, and have been engaged in wars of conquest among themselves ever since they first became known to the white settlers of the country. Their immediate45 right to the territory they now occupy is derived135 from the dispossession of some other tribe. They recognize the lex talionis as supreme136, and their obedience137 to law and order among themselves is only in proportion to their respect for the chief, or power that controls them. Hence, for the Sioux and other unsubdued tribes, military control, in my opinion, would be best suited to their war-like natures and roving habits. The objection that their management by the War Department had proved a failure, is not a valid138 one, as when formerly139 the Bureau was under its nominal140 control, all appointments of agents were made from civil life, as political rewards from those in power. The political kites, scenting141 the fat things hidden away in the office of an agent, pounced142 down upon 287 them, exclaiming: “To the victors belong the spoils.” The title of “Major” given the agent was due to courtesy and the legitimate143 pay afforded, being that of a major in the army.
The duties of the office are anything but agreeable to an officer who has been educated for the profession of a soldier. Few are disposed to do the incessant144 drudgery145 required of an effective agent. As a rule, the permanency of office, the education and amour propre of military life, raises the army officer above the temptations of the ordinary politician; therefore, the chances of an honest administration of affairs are very much in favor of the War Department. To make that management more effective, reasonable pay should be given competent men, as the expenses of frontier life are usually considerable. Years are required to comprehend and order, a practical management of people who are, in one sense, but overgrown, vicious children. Such agents should be retained as long as they remain honest and effective, regardless of church or political creeds146.
As the wild tribes recognize no authority but that of the lex-taliones; by this law they should be governed. Any attempt to govern or civilize147 them without the power to compel obedience, will be looked upon by barbarians148 with derision, and all idea of Christianizing adult Indians, while they realize the injustice done them by the whites, will prove impracticable. The children may be brought under some moderate system of compulsory149 education and labor150, but the adults never can be. Moral suasion is not comprehended as a power, for the Indian’s moral qualities seem not to have been unfolded.
The savage is naturally vain, cruel and arrogant151. He boasts of his murders and robberies, and the tortures of his victims very much in the same manner that he recounts his deeds of valor152 in battle, his prowess in killing the grizzly153, 288 and his skill in entrapping154 the beaver155. His treachery, is to him but cunning, his revenge a holy obligation, and his religion but a superstitious156 fear. The Indians that have resorted to labor as a means of future support, should be encouraged and continued under the care of civilians157. Their religious instruction, like that of the whites, may safely be left to their own choice; but for the wild savage a just and humane158 control is necessary for their own well-being159, as well as that of the white people; for even in this nineteenth century, life is sometimes sacrificed under some religious delusion160.
The war between different tribes is a natural result of their efforts to maintain independent sovereignties. The motives161 that influence them are not very unlike those that operate upon the most highly favored Christian nations, except that religion, as a rule, has but little to answer for, as they are mostly of one religious faith. All believe in the influence of and communion with departed spirits. The limited support afforded by the game of a given territory, frequently compels encroachments that result in war. Ambition for fame and leadership prompts young aspirants162 for the honors awarded to successful warriors163, and they bear an initiatory164 torture in order to prove their fortitude165 and bravery, that would almost seem beyond human endurance. After a reputation has been acquired as a successful leader, old feuds166 must be maintained and new wars originated to gratify and employ ambitious followers, or the glory and influence of the successful chieftain will soon depart or be given to some new aspirant for the leadership of the tribe. In their warlike movements, as in all their private affairs, their “medicine men” are important personages. They are supposed to have power to propitiate167 evil spirits or exorcise them. They assume the duties of physicians, orators168 and advisers169 in their councils, and perform the official duties of 289 priests in their religious ceremonies. In my inquiries170 concerning their religious faith, I have sometimes been surprised, as well as amused, at the grotesque171 expressions used in explanations of their crude ideas of theology. With their mythology172 and traditions, would occasionally appear expressions evidently derived from the teachings of Christianity, the origin of which, no doubt, might have been traced to the old Missions. The fugitive173 converts from those Missions being the means of engrafting the Catholic element on to the original belief of the mountain tribes. Their recitations were a peculiar174 mixture, but they vehemently175 claimed them as original, and as revealed to them by the Great Spirit, through his mediums or prophets (their “medicine men”), in visions and trances. These “mediums,” in their character of priests, are held in great veneration176.
They are consulted upon all important occasions, let it be of war, of the chase, plunder177 or of marriage. They provide charms and amulets178 to protect the wearer from the evil influence of adverse179 spirits and the weapons of war, and receive for these mighty180 favors donations corresponding to the support afforded Christian priests and ministers. The sanctification of these relics182 is performed by an elaborate mysterious ceremony, the climax183 of which is performed in secret by the priestly magnate. The older the relic181, the more sacred it becomes as an heirloom.
Marriage among the Indians is regarded from a business standpoint. The preliminaries are usually arranged with the parents, guardians121 and friends, by the patriarch of the family, or the chief of the tribe. When an offer of marriage is made, the priest is consulted, he generally designates the price to be paid for the bride. The squaws of these mountain tribes are not generally voluptuous184 or ardent185, and notwithstanding their low and degraded condition, 290 they were naturally more virtuous186, than has been generally supposed.
Their government being largely patriarchal, the women are subjects of the will of the patriarch in all domestic relations. The result is, that they have become passively submissive creatures of men’s will. Believing this to be the natural sphere of their existence, they hold in contempt one who performs menial labor, which they have been taught belongs to their sex alone.
The habits of these mountain tribes being simple; their animal passions not being stimulated187 by the condiments188 and artificial habits of civilized189 life; they, in their native condition, closely resembled the higher order of animals in pairing for offspring. The spring time is their season of love. When the young clover blooms and the wild anise throws its fragrance190 upon mountain and dell, then, in the seclusion191 of the forest are formed those unions which among the civilized races are sanctioned by the church and by the laws of the country.
LAKE STAR KING.
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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aspirant
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| n.热望者；adj.渴望的 | |
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6
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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recipients
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| adj.接受的；受领的；容纳的；愿意接受的n.收件人；接受者；受领者；接受器 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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18
chafed
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| v.擦热（尤指皮肤）( chafe的过去式 )；擦痛；发怒；惹怒 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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20
acorns
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| n.橡子，栎实( acorn的名词复数 ) | |
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acorn
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| n.橡实，橡子 | |
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22
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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24
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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27
gulch
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| n.深谷，峡谷 | |
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28
prospecting
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| n.探矿 | |
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29
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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30
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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31
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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33
ambushed
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| v.埋伏( ambush的过去式和过去分词 )；埋伏着 | |
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censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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35
miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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36
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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37
scout
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| n.童子军，侦察员；v.侦察，搜索 | |
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38
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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39
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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41
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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42
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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43
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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44
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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45
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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46
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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47
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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48
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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49
soda
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| n.苏打水；汽水 | |
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50
quartz
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| n.石英 | |
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51
obsidian
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| n.黑曜石 | |
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52
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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53
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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54
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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55
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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56
orthography
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| n.拼字法，拼字式 | |
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57
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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58
creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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59
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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60
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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61
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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62
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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63
contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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64
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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65
vacancy
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| n.（旅馆的）空位，空房，（职务的）空缺 | |
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66
agitations
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| （液体等的）摇动( agitation的名词复数 )； 鼓动； 激烈争论； （情绪等的）纷乱 | |
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67
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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68
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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69
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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70
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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71
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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72
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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73
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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74
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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75
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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76
appropriations
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| n.挪用（appropriation的复数形式） | |
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77
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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78
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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79
retraction
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| n.撤消；收回 | |
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80
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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81
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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82
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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83
assailing
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| v.攻击( assail的现在分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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84
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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86
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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87
paralysis
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| n.麻痹(症)；瘫痪(症) | |
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88
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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89
leach
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| v.分离，过滤掉；n.过滤；过滤器 | |
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90
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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91
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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92
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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93
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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94
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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95
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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96
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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97
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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98
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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99
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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100
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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101
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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102
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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103
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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104
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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105
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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106
fulfill
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| vt.履行，实现，完成；满足，使满意 | |
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107
defrauded
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| v.诈取，骗取( defraud的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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108
pauper
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| n.贫民，被救济者，穷人 | |
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109
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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110
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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111
hover
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| vi.翱翔，盘旋；徘徊；彷徨，犹豫 | |
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112
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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113
tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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114
instinctive
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| adj.(出于)本能的；直觉的；(出于)天性的 | |
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115
inflaming
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| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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116
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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117
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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118
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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119
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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120
guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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121
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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122
pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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123
deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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124
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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125
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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126
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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127
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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128
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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129
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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130
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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131
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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132
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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133
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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134
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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135
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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136
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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scenting
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| vt.闻到（scent的现在分词形式） | |
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pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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drudgery
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| n.苦工，重活，单调乏味的工作 | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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civilize
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| vt.使文明，使开化 (=civilise) | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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grizzly
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| adj.略为灰色的，呈灰色的；n.灰色大熊 | |
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entrapping
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| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的现在分词 ) | |
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beaver
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| n.海狸，河狸 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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aspirants
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| n.有志向或渴望获得…的人( aspirant的名词复数 )v.渴望的，有抱负的，追求名誉或地位的( aspirant的第三人称单数 )；有志向或渴望获得…的人 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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initiatory
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| adj.开始的；创始的；入会的；入社的 | |
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fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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grotesque
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| adj.怪诞的，丑陋的；n.怪诞的图案，怪人（物） | |
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mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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amulets
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| n.护身符( amulet的名词复数 ) | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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relic
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| n.神圣的遗物，遗迹，纪念物 | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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voluptuous
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| adj.肉欲的，骄奢淫逸的 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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188
condiments
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| n.调味品 | |
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189
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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190
fragrance
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| n.芬芳，香味，香气 | |
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191
seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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