During the winter of 1852-3, Jesse Starkey and Mr. Johnson, comrades of the Mariposa battalion3 and expert hunters, were engaged in supplying miners along the Mariposa Creek4 with venison and bear meat. They were encamped on the head waters of the Chow-chilla and fearing no danger, slept soundly in their encampment. They had met Indians from time to time, who seemed friendly enough, and even the few escaped Yosemites who recognized Starkey, showed no sign of dislike; and hence no proper precautions were taken against their treachery.
A few days only had passed in the occupation of hunting, when a night attack was made upon the hunters. Starkey was instantly killed, but Johnson, though wounded, escaped to Mariposa on one of their mules5.
James M. Roan, Deputy Sheriff under Captain Boling, took direction of the wounded man, and with a posse of but 15 miners, went out to the Chow-chilla, where they found the naked and mutilated remains6 of poor Starkey, which they buried uncoffined at the camp.
After that sad duty was accomplished7, the little party of brave men pursued the trail of the savages8 into the Snowy Mountains, where they were overtaken and given merited chastisement9. Three Indians fell dead at the first fire, while others were wounded and died afterwards. 291
No united effort was made to repel10 the whites, and panic-stricken, the renegade robbers fled into their hidden recesses11. Cossom, an Indian implicated12, confessed, long afterwards, that their loss in the attack was at least a dozen killed and wounded, and that the robber murderers of Starkey were renegade Yosemite and other Indians who had refused to live at the reservation. It was several months after Mr. Roan’s encounter with those Indians before I learned the full particulars, and when any of the remnants of the band of Yosemites appealed to me for aid, I still gave them relief.
DURING the summer of 1853, Mr. E. G. Barton and myself were engaged in trading and mining on the Merced. We had established a station on the north side of the river, several miles above the mouth of the North Fork. We here had the patronage13 of the miners on the river and its branches above, as well as in our own vicinity, and from the North Fork. From some of the miners who visited our store from the vicinity of the South Fork, I learned that a short time before, a small party of the Yosemities had come to their diggings and asked for food and protection from their enemies, who, they said, had killed their chief and most of their people, and were pursuing themselves. The affrighted and wounded wretches14 reported to them that they had been attacked while in their houses by a large party of Monos from the other side of the mountains, and that all of their band had been killed except those who had asked protection.
The miners had allowed the Indians to camp near by, but refused to give them any but a temporary supply of food.
Knowing that I was familiar with the Valley, and acquainted with the band, they asked my advice as to what they ought to do with their neighbors. 292
Feeling some sympathy for the people who had made their homes in the Yosemite, and thinking that I might aid and induce them to work as miners, I sent them word to come down to our store, as there were plenty of fish and acorns15 near by. A few came, when I told them that if in future they were good Indians, the whites would protect them from their enemies, and buy their gold. They expressed a willingness to work for food and clothing if they could find gold.
I furnished them some tools to prospect17, and they came back sanguine18 of success. A Tu-ol-um-ne Indian named “Joe,” and two or three families of Yosemities came down and camped on Bull Creek and commenced to gather acorns, while “Joe” as head miner, worked with the others in the gulches19 and on the North Fork. This experiment of working and reforming robbers soon proved a failure, for upon the death of one of them who had been injured, they could not be induced to remain or work any longer, and “Joe,” and his new followers21 stampeded for the Hetch-Hetchy Valley.
From these Indians, and subsequently from others, I learned the following statements relative to the death of Old Ten-ie-ya. After the murder of the French miners from Coarse Gold Gulch20, and his escape from Lieut. Moore, Ten-ie-ya, with the larger part of his band, fled to the east side of the Sierras. He and his people were kindly22 received by the Monos and secreted23 until Moore left that locality and returned to Fort Miller24.
Ten-ie-ya was recognized, by the Mono tribe, as one of their number, as he was born and lived among them until his ambition made him a leader and founder25 of the Pai-Ute colony in Ah-wah-ne. His history and warlike exploits formed a part of the traditionary lore26 of the Monos. They were proud of his successes and boasted of his descent from 293 their tribe, although Ten-ie-ya himself claimed that his father was the chief of an independent people, whose ancestors were of a different race. Ten-ie-ya had, by his cunning and sagacity in managing the deserters from other tribes, who had sought his protection, maintained a reputation as a chief whose leadership was never disputed by his followers, and who was the envy of the leaders of other tribes. After his subjugation27 by the whites, he was deserted28 by his followers, and his supremacy29 was no longer acknowledged by the neighboring tribes, who had feared rather than respected him or the people of his band. Ten-ie-ya and his refugee band were so hospitably30 received and entertained by the Monos that they seemed in no hurry to return to their valley.
According to custom with these mountaineers, a portion of territory was given to them for their occupancy by consent of the tribe; for individual right to territory is not claimed, nor would it be tolerated. Ten-ie-ya staid with the Monos until late in the summer or early autumn of 1853, when he and his people suddenly left the locality that had been assigned to them, and returned to their haunts in the Yosemite valley, with the intention of remaining there unless again driven out by the whites. Permanent wigwams were constructed by the squaws, near the head of the valley, among the rocks, not readily discernable to visitors. Not long after Ten-ie-ya had re-established himself in his old home, a party of his young men left on a secret foraging31 expedition for the camp of the Monos, which was then established at or near Mono Lake. According to the statement made to me, there had just been a successful raid and capture of horses by the Monos and Pai-Utes from some of the Southern California ranchos, and Ten-ie-ya’s men concluded, rather than risk a raid on the white men, to steal from the Mono’s, trusting to their cunning to escape detection. 294
Ten-ie-ya’s party succeeded in recapturing a few of the stolen horses, and after a circuitous32 and baffling route through the pass at the head of the San Joaquin, finally reached the valley with their spoils.
After a few days’ delay, and thinking themselves secure, they killed one or more of the horses, and were in the enjoyment33 of a grand feast in honor of their return, when the Mono’s pounced34 down upon them. Their gluttony seemed to have rendered them oblivious35 of all danger to themselves, and of the ingratitude36 by which the feast had been supplied. Like sloths37, they appear to have been asleep after having surfeited38 their appetites. They were surprised in their wig-wams by the wronged and vengeful Monos and before they could rally for the fight, the treacherous39 old chief was struck down by the hand of a powerful young Mono chief. Ten-ie-ya had been the principal object of attack at the commencement of the assault, but he had held the others at bay until discovered by the young chief, who having exhausted40 his supply of arrows, seized a fragment of rock and hurled41 it with such force as to crush the skull42 of “the old grizzly43.” As Ten-ie-ya fell, other stones were cast upon him by the attacking party, after the Pai-ute custom, until he was literally44 stoned to death. All but eight of Ten-ie-ya’s young braves were killed; these escaped down the valley, and through the ca?on below.
The old men and women, who survived the first assault, were permitted to escape from the valley. The young women and children were made captives and taken across the mountains to be held as slaves or drudges45 to their captors. I frequently entertained the visitors at our store on the Merced with descriptions of the valley. The curiosity of some of the miners was excited, and they proposed to make a visit as soon as it could be made with safety. I expressed the opinion that there would be but little danger 295 from Indians, as the Mono’s and Pai-utes only came for acorns, and that the Yo-sem-i-ties were so nearly destroyed, that at least, while they were mourning the loss of their chief, and their people, no fear need be entertained of them.
Three of these miners, from the North Fork of the Merced, visited the valley soon after this interview. These men were from Michigan. Their glowing descriptions on their return, induced five others from the North Fork to visit it also. On their return trip they missed the trail that would have taken them over the ridge46 to their own camp and kept on down to the path which led to our establishment. While partaking of our hospitalities, they discussed the incidents of their excursion, and I was soon convinced that they had been to the Yosemite. They spoke47 of the lower and the high fall rather disparagingly48, and expressed disappointment, when told of the existence of cascades49 and cataracts50, that they had not known of or seen. I questioned them as to Indians, and learned that they had not seen any on the trip, but had seen deserted huts below the ca?on.
I learned soon after, from some miners from the mouth of the “South Fork,” that all of the Yosemites who had camped on the flats below the ca?on, had left suddenly for the Tuolumne. These two parties were the first white men that visited the Yosemite Valley after the visit of Lieut. Moore, the year before (1852). The names of these miners have now passed from my memory, but I afterwards met one of these gentlemen at Mr. George W. Coulter’s Hotel, in Coultersville, and another at Big Oak Flat, and both seemed well known to Lovely Rogers and other old residents. I was shown, by the first party, some good specimens51 of gold quartz52 that had been found on the north side of the Merced below the ca?on. Late in the fall of this year (1853), three of the remnant of Ten-ie-ya’s band came to our store. They did not offer to trade, and when questioned, told me that they 296 had been camping on the Tuolumne, and had come down to the Merced to get some fish. I gave them some provisions, and they left, apparently53 satisfied if not thankful. A few nights afterwards, one of our best mules disappeared. This mule was a favorite mountain animal, sure footed and easy gaited under the saddle. In following up its tracks, I discovered that it had been stolen by Indians, and my suspicions were that my Yosemite friends were the culprits. I made every effort to recover the animal, but without success.
After the close of the mining season in the fall of 1853, we left our trading establishment and mining works in charge of two men in our employ, Robt. D. Sevil, of Smyrna, Delaware, and Robt. Smith, a Dane. The establishment was visited from time to time, by either Barton or myself during the winter of 1853-54, when upon one occasional visit, it was found by Mr. Barton to have been plundered54. With Nat. Harbert, a brave Texan, I at once started for the establishment, only to find it a scene of desolation. I was informed by some miners who had been out prospecting55, that the body of Smith had been found on a slaty56 point in the river below, but that nothing could be discovered of Sevil, or the murderers. We found the tracks of Indians and traced them to the mountains, but failed to find their hiding places. We lost their trail over the bare, slaty ground above the river. The tracks had indicated to us that Indians were the murderers, before we had learned from the miners the circumstances connected with the finding of Smith’s body. It had been pierced by nine arrows, five of which were still found quivering in his flesh. Upon the discovery of the body by the miners, a burial party was led by Doctor Porter, from the North Fork, to the scene of the murders; and with the assistance of his associates, Mr. Long, and others, it was given proper burial. The body of 297 Sevil was not found until long afterwards. When discovered, it was undistinguishable, but from the location in the river, we had no doubt of its identity. I reported the murders and robbery to the authorities of Mariposa county. Captain Boling was sheriff; but having business that required his urgent attention, deputized me to act for him in the matter. He expressed a decided57 belief that the murders had been committed by the Yosemities. He recommended me to take a strong posse with me, and to be cautious and guarded against treachery; saying: “You know as well as I do, that all of the Yosemities are murderers and thieves.” In reply, I informed him of the killing58 of Ten-ie-ya and nearly all of his band by the Monos; and told him that I had ridden alone through the country wherever business called me, and that whenever I had met any of the old band they seemed quite friendly. The Captain said he would not visit the valley without sufficient force to protect himself. Upon telling him of the encampment on the Tuolumne, Captain Boling said that was beyond his jurisdiction59.
Mr. Harbert and myself concluded to make a thorough exploration for the murderers, and with this object in view, rode to Marble Springs, and commenced our search along the Tuolumne divide, hoping to find some place where the tracks would be found once more concentrated. After a tiresome60 search, without success or encouragement, we went down to the camp of the miners, on the North Fork, to consult with them. We found old acquaintances among these gentlemen, and Dr. Porter and Mr. Long were especially hospitable61. It was the opinion of these intelligent gentlemen, that the murderers had gone to the Upper Tuolumne river and were banded with the renegades of the Tuolumne tribe that had once been under Ten-ie-ya. They expressed the belief that not less than twenty men should 298 undertake an expedition against them. As the principal articles stolen from our store were clothing and blankets, it was supposed the murderers would probably be found near some of the acorn16 caches in the mountain ca?ons.
Feeling it would be useless to attempt anything further without an authorized62 expedition, we left the North Fork and our hospitable friends, and at once returned to Mariposa, where I reported to Sheriff Boling and Judge Bondurant the result of our trip. These officials decided that the territory which it would be necessary to explore, was not within their jurisdiction. That they had no authority to declare war against the Tuolumne Indians, but said that they would report the circumstances of the murders and robberies to the military authorities, to the Governor, and to the officials of Tuolumne county. Here the matter rested, and nothing more was ever done by public authority. I was afterwards advised to put in a claim on the two hundred and fifty thousand dollars voted by Congress for the Indians of California; but after some consideration of this advice, my conclusion was that the original claimants to this money would scarcely be willing to make any division of their legitimate63 spoils.
Although no action had been taken by the authorities, the murders of Sevil and Smith soon became generally known, and the inhabitants of Mariposa became alarmed from the rumors64 in circulation, of another general outbreak. I visited the Fresno Agency and found that the Indians there had heard of the raid on our establishment, and, on interrogating65 them, they expressed the opinion that the Yosemites were the ones who had murdered the men. Their theory of the attack was, that they had first killed the men for the sake of the clothing on their persons, and afterwards had robbed the store of the clothing and blankets, because they were cold in their mountain retreat, and yet 299 dared not live among other people. Some of these, at the Fresno, said that if the whites would fit out an expedition, they would go and help kill the murderers; “for,” said they, “those are bad Indians. They dare not visit the reservation, for we know that they would steal from us and the white people, and then we would all be made to suffer from their misconduct. We are now afraid to leave the reservation to hunt, lest we be mistaken and killed for what they have done.”
I was convinced by my visit to the agency, that there was no grounds for fear of another outbreak among the Indians. I traveled about as I had usually done before. I was cautious in out-of-the-way places, but I cannot say that I hesitated at any time to prospect. When I heard people express an opinion that it would be dangerous to enter the Yosemite Valley without a strong escort, I refrained from expressing my convictions. I felt unwilling66 to publicly oppose the opinions of some of my late comrades, more especially after my recent experience with the Yosemites. During the summer of 1854 no visits were made to the valley, as far as I know, and if there had been, I was so situated67 as likely to have been acquainted with the fact. Many of my old companions in the battalion, never shared my admiration68 for the Yosemite. Their descriptions were so common-place as to lead the people of the village of Mariposa to suppose that, as a curiosity, the scenery would scarcely repay the risk and labor69 of a visit. The murders of Smith and Sevil deterred70 some who had designed to visit the valley that season. The nervous ones were still further alarmed by a general stampede of the miners on the South Fork of the Merced, which occurred in the summer of that year (1854). This was caused by a visit to their neighborhood of some Pai-Utes and Monos, from the east side of the Sierras, who came to examine the prospects71 for the acorn-harvest, 300 and probably take back with them some they had cached.
This visit of strange Indians to some of the miners’ camps, was not at first understood and a wild alarm was raised without a comprehension of the facts of the case. Captain Boling, as sheriff, summoned to his aid a number of the old members of his company. I was one of the number. We made a night ride to the place of alarm, and on arriving, found that we had been sold. We felt chagrined72, although it was gratifying to learn that alarm had been made without a cause. An old ’49er, that we found, apologized for the verdants. He said: “Probably, as long as men continue about as they now are, we must expect to find fools in all communities; but, if a premium73 for d—— fools should be offered by any responsible party, you will see a bigger stampede from these diggings than these Indians have made.” The whiskey was ordered for the old stager, and the apology considered as acceptable. We returned to Mariposa wiser, if not better men.
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1
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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creek
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| n.小溪，小河，小湾 | |
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mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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acorns
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| n.橡子，栎实( acorn的名词复数 ) | |
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acorn
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| n.橡实，橡子 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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gulches
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| n.峡谷( gulch的名词复数 ) | |
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gulch
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| n.深谷，峡谷 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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miller
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| n.磨坊主 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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lore
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| n.传说；学问，经验，知识 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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pounced
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| v.突然袭击( pounce的过去式和过去分词 )；猛扑；一眼看出；抓住机会（进行抨击） | |
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oblivious
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| adj.易忘的，遗忘的，忘却的，健忘的 | |
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ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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sloths
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| 懒散( sloth的名词复数 )； 懒惰； 树獭； （经济）停滞。 | |
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surfeited
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| v.吃得过多( surfeit的过去式和过去分词 )；由于过量而厌腻 | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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grizzly
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| adj.略为灰色的，呈灰色的；n.灰色大熊 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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drudges
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| n.做苦工的人，劳碌的人( drudge的名词复数 ) | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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disparagingly
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| adv.以贬抑的口吻，以轻视的态度 | |
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49
cascades
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| 倾泻( cascade的名词复数 )； 小瀑布（尤指一连串瀑布中的一支）； 瀑布状物； 倾泻（或涌出）的东西 | |
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50
cataracts
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| n.大瀑布( cataract的名词复数 )；白内障 | |
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specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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quartz
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| n.石英 | |
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53
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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54
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prospecting
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| n.探矿 | |
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slaty
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| 石板一样的，石板色的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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tiresome
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| adj.令人疲劳的，令人厌倦的 | |
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61
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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65
interrogating
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| n.询问技术v.询问( interrogate的现在分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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66
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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67
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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68
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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69
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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72
chagrined
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| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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premium
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| n.加付款；赠品；adj.高级的；售价高的 | |
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