Guzman de Silva arrived in London in June 1564. He was amiable22 and courtly, flattered the Queen to the top of her bent23, and was soon a prime favourite. At his first interview at Richmond she showed off her Latin and Italian, coyly led the talk to her personal appearance, blushingly hinted at love and marriage in general, Cecil being all the while close to her side.[197] As soon as the compliments and embraces were ended and Guzman was alone, a great friend of Dudley’s sought him out with a message from the favourite, informing him “of the great enmity that exists between Cecil and Lord Robert, even before this book about the succession was published; but now very much more, as he believes Cecil to be the author of the book; and the Queen is extremely angry about it, although she signifies that there are so[153] many accomplices24 in the offence that they must overlook it, and has begun to slacken in the matter.[198] The person has asked me with great secrecy25 to take an opportunity of speaking to the Queen (or to make such an opportunity), to urge her without fail to adopt strong measures in this business; because if Cecil were out of the way, the affairs of your Majesty26 would be more favourably27 dealt with, and religious questions as well; for this Cecil and his friends are those who persecute28 the Catholics and dislike your Majesty, whereas the other man (i.e. Dudley) is looked upon as faithful, and the rest of the Catholics so consider him, and have adopted him as their weapon. If the Queen would consent to disgrace Cecil, it would be a great good to them, and this man tried to persuade me to make use of Robert.”[199] Guzman was cautious, for he knew what had happened to his predecessor29; but this will show that Dudley was determined30 to stick at nothing to destroy, if possible, the man who, almost alone, was the obstacle to his ambition. He was liberal in his professions and promises to the Spaniard, whom he urged to ask for audience as much as possible through him, instead of through Cecil. His friends assured Guzman that he still expected to marry the[154] Queen, and had an understanding with the Pope; that the Catholic religion would be restored in England if the marriage were brought about, and much more to the same effect.[200]
The reason for this new move on the part of Dudley is not very far to seek. The defection of Condé and the collapse31 of the Protestants in France had been seized upon by Cardinal32 Lorraine and the dominant33 Catholics to force Catharine de Medici into a renewal34 of the negotiations36 for a league with Philip to extirpate37 Protestantism. Already the meeting had been arranged between Catharine and her daughter, the Queen of Spain, at Bayonne, which was to cement the close alliance. Catholicism was everywhere in the ascendant, and the clouds appeared to be gathering38 over England; for there was no combination so threatening for her as this. Hitherto Cecil had always counted upon the jealousy39 between France and Spain to prevent the domination of England by either power; but with the French Protestants prostrate40 and a close union between a Guisan France and Catholic Spain, all safeguards would disappear, and Mary Stuart would be able to count upon the support of the whole Catholic world, in which case the position of Elizabeth and the Anglican Church was, indeed, a critical one.
As we have seen, Dudley cared nothing for all this, even if he was able to appreciate its gravity. If he could only force or cajole the Queen to marry him, the religion of England might be anything his supporters chose. He knew well that Cecil, with his broad and moderate views,[155] would try to conjure41 away the danger and disarm42 Catholic Spain, whilst safeguarding religion, by again bringing forward the Archduke with some sort of compact founded on the Lutheran compromise in Germany. But Spain and the Catholics, though they might have accepted such a solution, were not enthusiastic about it; and Dudley, by going the whole length and promising43 Spain everything, thought to outbid Cecil and spoil the Archduke’s chance, whilst diverting Spanish support from Mary Stuart to himself.
In the autumn of 1563 the Duke of Wurtemburg, at the prompting of the English agent, had approached the Emperor to propose a renewal of the Archduke’s negotiation35. Ferdinand was cool: nominally44 the first monarch45 in Christendom, and a son of the proud House of Austria, he did not relish46 being taken up and dropped again as often as suited English politics, and he demanded all sorts of assurances before he would act. The Duke of Wurtemburg secretly sent an agent to see Cecil early in 1564 without the Emperor’s knowledge, and satisfied himself that Elizabeth was neither a Calvinist nor a Zwinglian, and would accept the confession47 of Augsburg. This was satisfactory; but before anything more could be done, Ferdinand died (July 1564). When he conveyed the news to Cecil, Mundt, the English agent, proposed that he should be allowed to reopen the question of marriage with the new Emperor Maximilian, through the Duke of Wurtemburg. “He” (Mundt) “knows,” he says, “that the Queen is so modest and virtuous48 that she will not do anything that shall seem like seeking a husband. But as the matter is most vital to the whole Christian49 world, he thinks that Cecil should not be restrained by any narrow and untimely modesty50; for he, holding the administration of the kingdom, ought to strive to preserve the tranquillity51 thereof by insuring a perpetual succession.”
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Cecil and Mundt understood each other thoroughly52; but the Secretary’s answer was intended for the eyes of others, and was cautious. “With regard to her Majesty’s inclinations53 on the subject of her marriage, he can with certainty say nothing; than that he perceives that she would rather marry a foreign than a native prince, and that the more distinguished54 the suitor is by birth, power, and personal attractions, the better hope he will have of success. Moreover, he cannot deny that the nobleman who, with them, excites considerable expectation, to wit Lord Robert, is worthy55 to become the husband of the Queen. The fact of his being her Majesty’s subject, however, will prove a serious objection to him in her estimation. Nevertheless, his virtues57 and his excellent and heroic gifts of mind and body have so endeared him to the Queen, that she could not regard her own brother with greater affection. From which they who do not know the Queen intimately, conjecture58 that he will be her future husband. He, however, sees and understands that she merely takes delight in his virtues and rare qualities, and that nothing is more discussed in their conversation than that which is most consistent with virtue56, and furthest removed from all unworthy sentiments.” It is not surprising that Cecil has endorsed59 the draft of this letter, “written to Mr. Mundt by the Queen’s command.”
Mundt worked hard, but there were many obstacles in the way. Wurtemburg was in no hurry. The mourning for the late Emperor, and the plague which raged in Germany, delayed matters for months. Once in the interval61 Cecil wrote to ask Mundt whether it was true that the Archduke’s neck was awry62. Mundt could not deny the impeachment63, but softened65 it like a courtier. “Alexander the Great had his neck bent towards the left side; would that our man may be his imitator in magnanimity[157] and bravery. His body is elegant and middle size, more well grown and robust66 than the Spanish Prince.”[201]
In the autumn Elizabeth sent an envoy7 to condole67 with the new Emperor on the death of his father, and simultaneously68 lost no opportunity of drawing closer to Spain. She coquetted with Guzman, ostentatiously in the face of the French Ambassador. She spoke69 sentimentally70 of old times, when her brother-in-law Philip was in England. She was curious to know whether Don Carlos was grown, and manly71; and then apparently72 to force the Ambassador’s hand, she sighed that every one disdained73 her, and that she heard Don Carlos was to marry the Queen of Scots. Guzman earnestly said that the Prince had been ill, and that such a thing was quite out of the question; which was perfectly74 true. The Queen’s real object then came out. “Why,” she said, “the gossips in London were saying that the Ambassador had been sent by the King of Spain to offer his son Don Carlos to me!” All this rather undignified courting of Spain succeeded very soon in arousing the jealousy of France, as it was intended to do.
De Foix, the French Ambassador, had kept Catharine de Medici well informed of affairs in England. Catharine was already getting alarmed at being bound hand and foot to the Guises75, the Catholics, and Philip. The plan of marrying Mary Stuart to Don Carlos, or his cousin, the Archduke, and the rallying of Leicester to Spain and the Catholics, threatened to dwarf76 the influence of France, and make Spain irresistible77. So the Queen-mother began to hint to Sir Thomas Smith, the Ambassador, that a marriage would be desirable between her son Charles IX., aged60 fifteen, and Queen Elizabeth, aged thirty-one. Some such suggestion had been made by Condé to Smith during the negotiations which preceded[158] the evacuation of Havre, but it had not been regarded seriously. It was probably no more serious now, but it was the trump78 card of both Queens, and it served its purpose.
In the meanwhile the plot of Leicester and the Catholics against Cecil went on. The English Catholics came to Guzman, and represented to him that it would be better not to come to any arrangement with the Government about the commercial question, in order that public discontent in England might ripen79 and an overturn of the present regime be made the easier. But the Flemings were suffering even more than the English from the interruption of trade, and Guzman had strict orders to obtain a settlement of the dispute. So he told the Catholics that the Queen had been obliged to hold her hand, and refrain from punishing Cecil and Bacon, until she had come to an understanding with Philip, and with the English Catholics, through him. She would cling to Cecil and his gang, said Guzman, so long as she thought she had anything to fear from Spain. “All people think that the only remedy for the religious trouble is to get these people turned out of power, as they are the mainstay of the heretics, Lord Robert having the Catholics all on his side.”[202] Dudley was flattered and encouraged with messages and promises from Philip, and laboured incessantly80 to get rid of Cecil, even for a short time.
In order, apparently, to forward Dudley’s chances of success as a suitor for the hand of Mary Stuart, for which at this time Elizabeth pretended to be anxious, she created him Earl of Leicester and Baron81 Denbeigh, on Michaelmas day 1564. De Foix, the French Ambassador, intimated two days previously82 his intention of being present at the splendid festivities which accompanied the ceremony. This was a good opportunity for Cecil to arouse suspicion of the new Earl, and distrust of[159] the French. On the 28th September, accordingly, the Secretary called upon Guzman, and telling him that the French Ambassador would be present at the feast, hinted that Dudley was very friendly with the French; to which the Spaniard replied, that he had always understood that such was the case, and that Dudley’s father was known to be much attached to them. Then “Cecil told me that the Queen had commanded him to visit the Emperor with Throgmorton, and although he had done all in his power to excuse himself from the journey, he had not succeeded. I understand that the artfulness of his rivals has procured84 this commission for him, in order, in the meantime, to put some one else in his place, which certainly would be a good thing. His wife has petitioned the Queen to let her husband stay at home, as he is weak and delicate. They tell me that this has made the business doubtful, and I do not know for certain what will be done; nor indeed is anything sure here from one hour to another, except the hatching of falsehoods, which always goes on.” Needless to say, Cecil had his way and did not go.
Before many days had passed Leicester sent to Guzman disclaiming85 any particular friendship with the French, “and said, after his own Queen, there was no prince in the world whom he was so greatly obliged to serve as your Majesty, whose servant he had been, and to whom he owed his life and all he had.” De Foix, he said, had only been present at his feast, because he brought him the Order of St. Michael from the King of France, which he (Leicester) did not wish to accept. Guzman was rather tart86 about the business, and reminded Leicester’s friend (Spinola) that on the same day that the Queen had invited him (Guzman) to supper, De Foix had dined with her; and when Spinola hinted that Philip might send Leicester the Golden Fleece,[160] Guzman was quite scandalised at the idea of conferring the order on any one not a “publicly professed87 Catholic.” Altogether it is clear that the Queen’s and Cecil’s clever management was already setting the French and Spanish by the ears; and when they could do that and make them rivals for England’s favour, she was safe.
The next day Guzman was entertained at dinner by Leicester, the Earl of Warwick, Cecil, and others being present; and the Secretary in the course of conversation assured the Spaniard that he was taking vigorous measures to suppress the depredations88 on shipping89, and to restore as much as possible of the merchandise stolen. Already, indeed, Cecil’s diplomacy90 was righting matters. An active correspondence was going on about the Archduke’s match; the Queen assured Guzman that she had to conceal91 her real feelings about religion, but that God knew her heart; and even Cecil tried to soften64 the asperity92 of the Catholics towards him. “Cecil,” writes Guzman to his King, “tells these heretical bishops93 to look after their clergy94, as the Queen is determined to reform them in their customs, and even in their dress, as the diversity that exists in everything cannot be tolerated.[203] He directs that they should be[161] careful how they treat those of the old faith: to avoid calumniating95 them or persecuting96 or harrying97 them.” The result of this action was that in October 1564, Guzman could write: “I have advised previously that Cecil’s favour had been wavering, but he knows how to please, and avoids saying things the Queen does not wish to hear; and, above all, as I am told, can flatter her, so he has kept his place, and things are now in the same condition as formerly98. Robert makes the best of it. The outward demonstrations99 are fair, but the inner feelings the same as before. I do not know how long they will last. They dissemble; but Cecil has more wit than all of them. Their envy of him is very great.”[204]
Sir James Melvil, a Scotsman brought up in France, was directed to go to London in the autumn of 1564, to watch his mistress’s interests. To him Elizabeth again suggested a marriage between Dudley and “her good sister”; and in reply to his remark that Mary thought that a conference between English and Scottish statesmen should discuss the question first, at which conference the Earl of Bedford and Lord Robert could represent England, Elizabeth told Melvil that he seemed to make a small account of Lord Robert. He should, she said, see him made a far greater Earl than Bedford before he left court. When Dudley was on his knees, shortly afterwards, receiving the investiture of his Earldom, the Queen tickled100 his neck, and asked Melvil what he thought of him. Melvil gave a courtly answer, whereupon the Queen retorted that he liked that “long lad” (Darnley) better. Melvil scoffed101 at such an idea, but his main object in coming to England was to intrigue102 for the “long lad’s” permission to go to Scotland. A few days after this, Leicester took[162] Melvil in his barge103 from Hampton Court to London, and on the way asked him what Mary thought of the marriage with him, which Randolph had proposed to her. Melvil answered coldly, as his mistress had instructed him to do. “Then he began to purge104 himself of so proud a pretence105 as to marry so great a Queen, declaring he did not esteem106 himself worthy to wipe her shoes; declaring that the invention of that proposition of marriage proceeded from Mr. Cecil, his secret enemy. For if I, says he, should have appeared desirous of that marriage, I should have offended both the Queens and lost their favour.”[205]
Melvil went back to Scotland with all manner of kind messages for his mistress; and Cecil especially was gracious to him, placing a fine gold chain around his neck as he bade him farewell. But when Mary asked her envoy if he thought Elizabeth “meant truly towards her inwardly in her heart, as she appeared to do outwardly in her speech,” he replied that in his judgment107 “there was neither plain dealing108 nor upright meaning; but great dissimulation109, emulation110, envy, and fear lest her princely qualities should chase her from the kingdom, as having already hindered her marriage with the Archduke. It appeared likewise to me, by her offering unto her, with great apparent earnestness, my Lord of Leicester.” Melvil says that Leicester’s humble and artful letters to Mary, and the consequent kindness of the latter, aroused Elizabeth’s fear that after all Mary might marry her favourite, and caused her to consent to Darnley’s visit to Scotland.[206] “Which licence,” he says, “was procured[163] by means of Secretary Cecil, not that he was minded that any of the marriages should take effect, but with such shifts to hold the Queen (Mary) unmarried as long as he could, persuading himself that Lord Darnley durst not proceed in the marriage without consent of the Queen of England first obtained.”[207] Cecil’s task was again an extremely difficult one. He had to keep up an appearance of leaning to the Catholics and the House of Austria, and encourage the idea of Elizabeth’s marriage with the Archduke, in order to prevent the alliance of Mary Stuart with so powerful an interest; he was obliged to keep his own restive111 Protestant friends in hand; to counteract112 at every step the intrigues113 of Leicester against him, and to be ready at any moment to cause a diversion if Leicester’s suit to the Queen looked too serious to be safe.
The replies and recommendations of the bishops to the Council’s circular, referred to in a previous note (page 160), had caused much apprehension amongst Catholics; and the Queen herself, as well as Cecil, assured Guzman that the bishops should do the Catholics no harm; whilst, on the other hand, Cecil’s Protestant friends were urging him to adopt strong measures to prevent the growth of the “Papists.” Cecil’s reply to one such recommendation shows that he was just as ready to wound Leicester underhand as Leicester was him. “He replied that he was doing what he could, but he did not know who was at the Queen’s ear to soften her so, and render her less zealous114 in this than she ought to be.”[208]
Cecil’s greatest difficulty, indeed, at this time, was from[164] Leicester, who had now quite enlisted115 Sir Nicholas Throgmorton against his former friend. In order to enable Leicester with some decency116 to accept the Order of St. Michael, Throgmorton suggested that the Queen might ask for another Cross of the Order to be given to the Duke of Norfolk. When Cecil learned this, he was obliged to remonstrate117 with the Queen, and point out how undesirable118 it was in the present state of affairs to place two of her most powerful nobles under an obligation to France. At a time when Cecil was straining every nerve to keep on good terms with the House of Austria, and conciliating the Catholics, in order to checkmate Mary Stuart, Leicester had agents running backwards and forwards to France, in the hope of bringing forward in an official form the farcical offer of Charles IX.’s hand for the Queen, which offer he knew would come to nothing, whilst rendering119 abortive120 the Archduke’s suit, upon which Cecil depended to so great an extent.
The dexterity121 and cleverness of Cecil under these circumstances is shown very markedly in the manner in which he changed in a very few months the opinion of the Spanish Ambassador about him, as soon as his policy rendered it necessary to gain his good opinion. “When I first arrived here,” writes Guzman, January 2, 1565, “I imagined Secretary Cecil … to be very different from what I have found him in your Majesty’s affairs. He is well disposed towards them, truthful122, lucid123, modest, and just; and although he is zealous in serving his Queen, which is one of his best traits, yet he is amenable124 to reason. He knows the French, and, like an Englishman, is their enemy. He assured me on his oath … that the French have always made great efforts to attract to their country the Flanders trade (i.e. with England). With regard to his religion I say nothing, except that I wish he were a Catholic … but he is straightforward,[165] and shows himself well affected125 towards your Majesty … for he alone it is who makes or mars business here.”[209]
Having thus gained the good-will of the Spaniard, Cecil was soon able to persuade him that the Queen would never really marry Leicester, and the relations between the latter and the Spaniards became cooler. The Queen herself could not do enough to show her kindness to Guzman, and at joust126, tournament, and ball, chatted with him in preference to the French Ambassador. By January 1565, Leicester, seeing that Cecil’s diplomacy had gained the good-will of Spain, and that the Catholics were turning to the side of the Archduke, unblushingly veered127 round to the French interest.
Guzman was obliged then to write that he was not at all satisfied with him. He wished, he said, to please everybody; but was getting very friendly with the French, who were making much of him. But there was more even than this. The Queen and Cecil were trying their best to please the Catholics. The Queen openly and rudely rebuked128 Dean Nowell at his sermon on Ash Wednesday for attacking Catholic practices; whilst Cecil was pushing the Vestments Order to the very verge129 of safety. Some of the bishops invited him to a conference, and remonstrated130 with him on the severity of the new regulations, which they openly stigmatised as papistical. He told them sternly that the Queen’s order must be obeyed, or worse would befall them. The churchmen of the Geneva school railed and resisted, as far as they might,[210] what[166] they called the Secretary’s backsliding; whilst Leicester, ever willing to change sides, if he could only checkmate Cecil, vigorously took the part of the Puritans, and did his best to hamper131 the execution of the Vestments Order, and to prevent the use of the cross on the altars.[211]
In February 1565, De Foix, the French Ambassador, shot the bolt that had long been forging. He saw Elizabeth in her presence-chamber, and, after much exaggerated compliment, read a letter of Catharine de Medici, saying she would be the happiest of mothers if her dearly beloved sister Queen Elizabeth would marry her son, and become a daughter to her. “She would find in the young King,” she said, “both bodily and mentally, that which would please her.” This was very sweet incense132 to Elizabeth, and she sentimentally deplored133 that she was not ten years younger. De Foix flattered her, and tranquillised her fears that she would be neglected or abandoned, and the Queen agreed with him to keep the matter secret for the present, and promised him a speedy reply.[212] As usual, Cecil drew up for the Queen’s guidance a judicial134 examination of the advantages and disadvantages which might be expected from the marriage. He is careful in this lucid document not to commit himself to an individual opinion,[213] but the formidable list of objections far outweigh135 the advantages; and when the Queen the next day repeated Cecil’s arguments as her own, De Foix lost patience, hinted that his mistress had been deceived, and would withdraw the offer.[214] Elizabeth petted the ruffled136 diplomatist into a good humour again, and said she would send Cecil to talk the matter over with him.
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Leicester had been bribed137 heavily by the French, and pretended to be strongly in favour of the match, which he knew would never take place, but might choke off the Archduke. But with Cecil it was very different. He had no objection to the French suit being talked about: that might make Spain and the Austrians more tractable138; but if it was allowed to go too far, the Emperor would take umbrage139, and the Spaniards would balance matters by marrying Mary Stuart to some nominee140 of their own. When, consequently, Cecil saw De Foix, he was cool and argumentative, talked much of the difficulties of the match; and on De Foix suggesting that such a union with France would preserve England from danger, he replied that England could defend herself, and had nothing to fear. By these tactics he avoided a direct negative, delayed and procrastinated141, whilst his agents were busy in Germany smoothing the way for the Archduke. The French matter was a strict secret, but the Queen could not avoid giving some very broad hints about it to her friend Guzman. When he objected that the young King would be a very little husband for her, she angled dexterously142 but ineffectually to extort143 an offer of marriage from Don Carlos. Catharine de Medici was just as eager as Elizabeth[215] that the negotiations for[168] the marriage with Charles IX. should not be dropped, for she was getting seriously afraid now of the Catholic combination into which she had been drawn144, and industriously145 plied83 Smith with arguments in favour of the match. But Smith knew as well as Cecil himself that the whole matter was a feint, and dexterously avoided giving a favourable146 opinion. The Huguenots, however, were in deadly earnest about it, and Elizabeth and Catharine contrived147 to carry on the farce148 intermittently149 until eventually Charles IX. was betrothed150 to a daughter of the Emperor.
Elizabeth was barely off with the old love than Adam Swetkowitz, Baron Mitterburg, came on behalf of the new. Ostensibly his mission was to return the late Emperor’s insignia of the Garter, but really every step to be taken by him had been previously agreed upon through Throgmorton, Roger Le Strange, Baron Preyner, Mundt, and the Duke of Wurtemburg. The Spanish Ambassador, however, had been studiously kept in the dark until shortly before Swetkowitz’s arrival, and was not in a hurry to pledge his master in the Archduke’s favour, until he learned what arrangements had been made about religion. On the contrary, he first approached Leicester, who was ill in consequence of an accident, and secretly urged him to press his suit before the Emperor’s envoy appeared. Leicester was doubtful, but still not quite without hope. When Swetkowitz actually arrived, Leicester understood that the current was too powerful for him to oppose at first, and he became strongly and ostentatiously in favour of the Austrian match. Swetkowitz first saw the Queen at the beginning of June. Her people, she said, were urging her to marry, and she was anxious to hear whether the King of Spain would favour the Archduke’s suit for her hand. This Swetkowitz[169] could not tell her; and he was referred to Cecil for further discussion of details.
The conditions as laid down by Cecil[216] were prudent151 and moderate, but certainly not likely to commend themselves to the King of Spain, or even to the Emperor; for no power was to be given to the Consort152, and the question of religion was jealously safeguarded. It is evident that the German thought that Leicester might be made instrumental in modifying these conditions. He writes to the Emperor, “Since the principal promoter of this transaction will be the illustrious Earl of Leicester, who is most devoted153 to the Archduke, and is loved by the Queen with a sincere and most chaste154 and honest love, I think your Majesty and the Archduke would aid the business by addressing fraternal letters to the Earl.”[217] But Leicester’s momentary155 adhesion to the policy of Cecil, Sussex, and Norfolk, was only for the purpose of deceiving the Secretary, and putting him off his guard. Whilst Cecil was proceeding156 in good faith with Swetkowitz, and the latter, a Lutheran, was just as earnest in his efforts to bring about the marriage, both the Queen and Leicester were playing a double game. Probably Elizabeth’s marriage with her favourite was never nearer than at this juncture157, when she was carrying on a serious negotiation with the Austrian, and was still making an appearance of dallying158 with De Foix. The circumstances, indeed, were for the moment all in favour of Leicester. Guzman was very cool about the Archduke[170] and the Lutheran envoy. The Queen was for ever trying to ascertain159 Philip’s feeling about the Archduke, and at the same time dragging Leicester’s name into her complicated conversational160 puzzles with the Spaniard. The latter on one occasion, disbelieving her sincerity161 about the Archduke, urged her to marry his friend Leicester, if she married a subject; and only a day or two afterwards De Foix, who had by this time lost all hope of success for Charles IX., and wished to checkmate the Austrian, also went and pleaded Leicester’s suit. The Earl, thus having the good word both of the Spanish and French Ambassadors, could afford to grow cool on the Austrian match.[218] Cecil, and Sussex particularly, were scandalised and apprehensive162 at this new instance of Leicester’s falseness, and laboured desperately163 to bring the Archduke to England to force the Queen’s hand. But the Emperor was slow and doubtful about the religious conditions, and would not risk a loss of dignity.
Matters thus dragged on month after month, whilst Leicester’s chances looked brighter and brighter. Among the principal reasons for the rising hopes of Leicester were the events which had happened in Scotland during the previous few months. After much apparent hesitation164, Elizabeth had in February granted to Darnley[171] permission to join his father in Scotland for three months. A few weeks later a messenger came from Mary Stuart to the Spanish Ambassador in London, asking him whether he had any reply to send to her. Guzman was cautious, for he did not quite know the meaning of this; but said he would speak to Maitland of Lethington, who was then on the way to London from the Border. Simultaneously with this, Lady Margaret Lennox also approached Guzman. “She told me the kind treatment her son had received at the hands of the Queen of Scots, and that the French Ambassador had sent to her secretly offering all his support for the marriage of her son. But she knows the French way of dealing … and repeats that she and her children have no other refuge but your Majesty (Philip), and begs me to address your Majesty in their favour, in case the Queen of Scotland should choose to negotiate about her son, Darnley, or in the event of the death of this Queen, that they may look to your Majesty.” When Maitland arrived in London in April, he saw Guzman in secret, and after some fencing and feigned165 ignorance, offered his mistress’s adhesion and submission166 to Spain. His mistress, he said, had waited for Philip’s answer about Don Carlos for two years, but had now listened to some proposals for a marriage with Darnley, as neither Elizabeth nor her own subjects wished her to marry a foreigner. But before concluding the affair she wished to know if there was still any hope of her obtaining Don Carlos, in which case she still preferred that alliance. Guzman replied that, as Cardinal Lorraine had gone so far in his negotiations for the marriage with the Archduke Charles, Philip had abandoned all idea of opposing him by bringing forward his own son Carlos. Maitland assured him that the negotiations of Cardinal Lorraine were carried on against Mary’s wish, and in[172] the interests of France; but Guzman knew now that the match with Don Carlos was hopeless, and said so. Maitland then spoke of the Darnley marriage, which, however, he feared would be very dangerous if Elizabeth took it badly. All would be well, he said, if the King of Spain would take Mary and Darnley under his protection; but beyond bland167 banalities he could get nothing from Guzman.[219]
Darnley’s demeanour in Scotland, and Mary’s behaviour towards him, together with the rising hopes of the Catholics there, had alarmed Murray and his friends; and Elizabeth and her Council were now also alive to their danger. Cecil drew up one of his pro10 and contra reports with regard to the influence that such a marriage would have on England,[220] which was submitted to the Council, and a unanimous condemnation168 of the match was adopted, and Throgmorton was sent in May post-haste to Scotland to dissuade169 Mary from taking a step so threatening to Elizabeth. Randolph’s letters to Cecil at the time showed that the danger was a real one. Darnley, he says, is a furious fool, and Mary was infatuated with him. To the Pope, to Philip, to Cardinal de Granvelle, and to Guzman, Mary made no secret that her object was to unite the Catholics and claim the crown of England; and Lady Margaret had from the first admitted that this was her aim in promoting the marriage of her son. When Elizabeth’s eyes were opened to the imminence170 of the peril171, she did what she could to stay the match. She, De Foix, and Throgmorton again pressed Leicester’s marriage with Mary, Murray and his Protestant friends were encouraged to resist, Lady Margaret was placed under arrest in the Tower, Darnley was ordered to return to England, and[173] the Queen promised Maitland that if his mistress would marry to her liking172 she would acknowledge her right of succession to the English crown. Meanwhile rumours173 came thickly from Scotland that Mary was already married, Philip promised all his support to Mary and Darnley if they would be his faithful servants, Murray and Lethington were thrust into the background, Rizzio was ever at Mary’s side, and her foolish young English lover, hated and contemned174 for his arrogance175, urged his infatuated bride to the religious intolerance that led to her ruin.[221]
The remonstrances176 of Throgmorton and Randolph, and the letters of the Queen and Cecil, were as powerless to move Mary now as was the threatening attitude of her nobles and people, for she had decided177 to depend entirely178 upon Philip, and to defy the Queen of England. In July, a few days before her marriage, she sent a special messenger to Guzman with letters for Philip, “begging for help and favour against the Queen of England, who has raised her subjects against her, to force her to forsake179 the Catholic religion.”[222] Murray, Argyll, and the Hamiltons, she says, are in revolt, and if aid do not come from Spain she will be lost.
When Mary’s marriage was known for certain in London, the Archduke’s suit was being laboriously180 discussed; but almost immediately afterwards, the renewed hopes of Leicester already referred to were noticed. It was felt that, now that Mary’s marriage to a subject had taken place, one of Elizabeth’s principal reasons for contracting an alliance with a son of the House of Austria disappeared, and a precedent181 had been set for her marriage with a man not belonging to a sovereign house.
Swetkowitz therefore found that he had to encounter[174] all manner of new conditions and demands from the Queen, which drove him to despair, and Guzman looked upon the Austrian’s chance as a very poor one indeed. The Earl of Sussex and Cecil did their best to keep the matter afoot, whilst Leicester and Throgmorton openly proclaimed the hollowness of the whole negotiation. The old Earl of Arundel asked Guzman to dinner at Nonsuch early in August, apparently for the purpose of dissociating the English Catholics from the intrigues of both parties. He assured the Spaniard “that the men who surrounded the Queen did not wish her to marry. I said it was quite possible that some of them who thought they might get the prize for themselves might wish to hinder it; but as for Secretary Cecil, I thought that his disagreement with Robert (Leicester) might well lead him to support the Archduke, if it were not for the question of religion. He (Arundel) told me not to believe that Cecil wanted the Queen to marry. He was ambitious and fond of ruling, and liked everything to pass through his hands, and if the Queen had a husband he would have to obey him.” This view of the matter is not improbable; but it is certain that Cecil, in any case, would resist to the last the marriage of the Queen with Leicester, under the patronage182 of either France or Spain. Such a marriage would have imperilled the results of his strenuous183 labour, and would have thrown England back into the slough184 from which the Queen and he had rescued it.
When Leicester’s star was seen to be in the ascendant, and the Archduke’s chance waned185, Cecil and his friends once more revived the suit of the King of Sweden. Splendid presents of sables186 and valuable plate came to the Queen and her court; and Eric’s romantic sister Cecilia, Margravine of Baden, again made ready for her much-desired visit to England,[175] where she arrived early in September. At the water-gate of Durham House, where she lodged187 as the Queen’s guest, Leicester’s opponents were assembled in force to bid her welcome. The Countess of Sussex, Lady Bacon, Lady Cecil, and Cecil himself, all did honour to the Swedish King’s sister, and Elizabeth was overwhelming in her cordiality for the first royal visitor she had entertained since her accession; but the Princess wore out her welcome, and nothing came of her visit, though it served its purpose of again spoiling the appearance of Leicester’s chances for a time.
In the meanwhile, English money and men were supporting Murray and the Protestant Lords against Mary and Darnley, who were sending emissaries to the Pope, to Cardinal Lorraine, to Flanders, and to Philip, begging for help for the faith. When Elizabeth was remonstrated with by Guzman, De Foix, and Mauvissière, for helping188 rebels against their Queen, and for her harsh treatment of Lady Margaret, she replied that she had been shamefully189 deceived, but what she was doing was to endeavour to rescue Mary from the hands of her enemies, into which she had fallen, and she blamed Darnley and his Catholic friends more than Mary. The same excuse, said Guzman, which she used when she helped the French rebel Huguenots. At the end of September a special meeting of the full Council was held, at which Cecil set forth190 the position with regard to Scotland, and the policy it was proposed to adopt. He pointed191 out the many reasons that existed for distrusting the French, who were very busy in Scottish affairs since Mary’s marriage;[223] and he told the Council that Mary had sent[176] Darnley’s secretary, Yaxley,[224] to beg aid of Philip, in addition to the letters sent through Guzman, and to the Pope. The interference of the Catholic powers in Scotland, he said, was a menace to England; and it was decided that all preparations should be made for war upon the Border, as a measure of precaution, whilst an embassy was sent from England to endeavour to effect a reconciliation192 between Mary and the Protestant Lords.
Before any decided steps could be taken, however, Murray retired193 into England, and arrived in London on the 22nd October. The Queen affected anger, and received him sternly in the presence of her Council and of the French Ambassador. Murray was dressed in deep mourning, and entered humbly194. Kneeling, he addressed the Queen in Scots. She told him to speak in French, which he said he understood but imperfectly. Notwithstanding this, she addressed to him a long harangue195 in French, for the edification of De Foix and Mauvissière. “God preserve her,” she said, “from helping rebels, especially against one whom she had regarded as a sister.” She understood that their rising was in consequence of the Queen’s marriage without the consent of Parliament, and of fear that their religious liberty would be infringed196. But if she thought he, Murray, had planned anything against his sovereign, she would at once arrest and punish him. Murray justified197 himself, and threw himself upon her generosity198, and Elizabeth replied that she would refer the whole matter to her Council. All this scene was[177] for the purpose of putting herself right with France and Spain, and had been arranged on the previous night, when Murray was closeted with the Queen and Cecil. Cecil’s own minute of the interview agrees closely with that of Guzman, just quoted. “Her Majesty asked him (Murray), in the presence of several persons, if he had ever undertaken anything against the person of his Queen. He denied it firmly and solemnly, saying, if it might be proved that he was either consenting or privy199 to any such intent, he besought200 her Majesty to cause his head to be struck off and sent to Scotland … he testified before God that in all his counsels he had no other meaning but principally the honour of Almighty201 God, by conserving202 the state of His religion in Scotland.… And, to conclude, her Majesty spoke very roundly to him … that she would by her actions let it appear that she would not for the price of a world maintain any subject in disobedience against his prince.”[225]
Cecil’s characteristic policy is plainly seen in the Queen’s treatment of Murray. He invariably endeavoured to keep Elizabeth legally in the right, and usually with success. But still Murray and the Scottish Protestants were now his main instruments for preventing the danger approaching England over the Scottish Border. The old national lines of division had grown fainter with the international league of Catholics facing a league of Protestants. Mary Stuart had definitely thrown in her lot with the former, in the hope of satisfying her ambition;[226] and the Scottish spectre was perhaps more[178] threatening to England at this moment than ever it had been before. The obvious course was that which Cecil followed—namely, to avoid an excuse for a national war or for foreign interference, and to encourage the Scottish Protestants to stand for the liberties they had won; whilst assuming as indisputable that they were not in arms against their sovereign, but against their enemies and hers, who had interposed between the Queen and her loving subjects.
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1
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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enactments
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| n.演出( enactment的名词复数 )；展现；规定；通过 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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relaxations
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| n.消遣( relaxation的名词复数 )；松懈；松弛；放松 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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persecute
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| vt.迫害，虐待；纠缠，骚扰 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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34
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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conjure
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| v.恳求，祈求；变魔术，变戏法 | |
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42
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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43
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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46
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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47
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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48
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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49
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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50
modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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51
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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52
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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53
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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54
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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57
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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58
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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59
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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awry
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| adj.扭曲的，错的 | |
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impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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condole
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| v.同情；慰问 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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69
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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sentimentally
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| adv.富情感地 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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76
dwarf
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| n.矮子，侏儒，矮小的动植物；vt.使…矮小 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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trump
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| n.王牌，法宝；v.打出王牌，吹喇叭 | |
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79
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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80
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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81
baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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82
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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disclaiming
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| v.否认( disclaim的现在分词 ) | |
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86
tart
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| adj.酸的；尖酸的，刻薄的；n.果馅饼；淫妇 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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asperity
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| n.粗鲁，艰苦 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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calumniating
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的现在分词 ) | |
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persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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harrying
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| v.使苦恼( harry的现在分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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100
tickled
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| （使）发痒( tickle的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）愉快，逗乐 | |
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101
scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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103
barge
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| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
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104
purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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105
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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106
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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107
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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108
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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109
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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110
emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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111
restive
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| adj.不安宁的，不安静的 | |
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112
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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113
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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114
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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115
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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116
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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117
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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118
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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119
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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120
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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121
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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122
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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123
lucid
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| adj.明白易懂的，清晰的，头脑清楚的 | |
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124
amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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125
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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126
joust
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| v.马上长枪比武，竞争 | |
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127
veered
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| v.（尤指交通工具）改变方向或路线( veer的过去式和过去分词 )；（指谈话内容、人的行为或观点）突然改变；（指风） （在北半球按顺时针方向、在南半球按逆时针方向）逐渐转向；风向顺时针转 | |
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128
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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130
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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131
hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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132
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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133
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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135
outweigh
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| vt.比...更重，...更重要 | |
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136
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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137
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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138
tractable
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| adj.易驾驭的；温顺的 | |
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139
umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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140
nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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141
procrastinated
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| 拖延，耽搁( procrastinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
dexterously
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| adv.巧妙地，敏捷地 | |
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143
extort
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| v.勒索，敲诈，强要 | |
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144
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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145
industriously
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146
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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147
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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148
farce
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| n.闹剧，笑剧，滑稽戏；胡闹 | |
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149
intermittently
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| adv.间歇地；断断续续 | |
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150
betrothed
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| n. 已订婚者 动词betroth的过去式和过去分词 | |
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151
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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152
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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153
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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154
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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155
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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156
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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157
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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158
dallying
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的现在分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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159
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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160
conversational
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| adj.对话的，会话的 | |
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161
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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162
apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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163
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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164
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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165
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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166
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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167
bland
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| adj.淡而无味的，温和的，无刺激性的 | |
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168
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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169
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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170
imminence
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| n.急迫，危急 | |
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171
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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172
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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173
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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174
contemned
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| v.侮辱，蔑视( contemn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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175
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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176
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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177
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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178
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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179
forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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180
laboriously
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| adv.艰苦地；费力地；辛勤地；（文体等）佶屈聱牙地 | |
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181
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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182
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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183
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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184
slough
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| v.蜕皮，脱落，抛弃 | |
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185
waned
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| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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186
sables
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| n.紫貂( sable的名词复数 )；紫貂皮；阴暗的；暗夜 | |
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187
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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188
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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189
shamefully
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| 可耻地； 丢脸地； 不体面地； 羞耻地 | |
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190
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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191
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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192
reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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193
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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194
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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195
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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196
infringed
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| v.违反（规章等）( infringe的过去式和过去分词 )；侵犯（某人的权利）；侵害（某人的自由、权益等） | |
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197
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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198
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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199
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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200
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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201
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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202
conserving
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| v.保护，保藏，保存( conserve的现在分词 ) | |
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