What Cecil was personally doing during the first three months of 1566 was to strengthen the Protestant party in Scotland by money and promises of support,[229] whilst dividing the Catholic sovereigns upon whom Mary Stuart depended, by working desperately10 to bring the Archduke’s match to a successful issue. With him now, in addition to the Earl of Sussex, were the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Arundel, and many others who usually leant[181] to the Catholic side; for Leicester was openly under French influence, always suspicious in the eyes of old-fashioned Englishmen, and now more than ever distrusted, for Cardinal11 Lorraine’s agents were around Mary, and the Guisan Rambouillet was carrying the Order of St. Michael to Darnley, with loving messages to the Queen of Scots.
On the last day of January 1566, Cecil and other Councillors went to Guzman’s house to discuss the eternal question of the trade regulations and the suppression of piracy12. When their conference was finished, Cecil took the Ambassador aside and urgently besought13 him to use his great influence with the Queen in favour of the Archduke’s suit. The next day the request was pressed even more warmly by Sussex, who told Guzman that the majority of the Council had decided14 to address a joint15 note on the subject to the Queen. The Spaniard was not enthusiastic, for he did not wish to break entirely16 with Leicester in view of possibilities; but on the 2nd February he broached17 the subject to the Queen and discussed it at length. She was, as usual, diplomatic and shifty; but whenever she was uncomfortably pressed, began to talk of her marriage with Leicester as a possibility; and two days afterwards Guzman saw her walking in the gallery at Whitehall with Leicester, who, she said, was just persuading her to marry him, “as she would do if he were a king’s son.” People thought, she continued, that it was Leicester’s fault she was unmarried, and it had made him so unpopular that he would have to leave court.
Almost daily Cecil or Sussex urged the Ambassador to favour the Archduke with the Queen, and were untiring in their attempts to induce the Archduke himself to come to England, in the hope of forcing the Queen’s hand. As a means to the same end they continued to[182] sow jealousy18 between the Catholic sovereigns. “Cecil tells me,” writes Guzman (2nd March), “that so great and constant are the attempts of the French to hinder this marriage, and to perturb19 the peace and friendship between your Majesty20 and this country, that they leave no stone unturned with that object. They are gaining over Lord Robert with gifts and favours, and are even doing the same with Throgmorton. It is true that Cecil is not friendly with them, but I think he tells me the truth with regard to it.”[230] Again, when Sir Robert Melvil, who had come from Mary to pray Elizabeth to release Lady Margaret, was leaving London on his return, Cecil begged him to see Guzman before his departure, “as no person had done so much as he had to bring about concord21 between the two Queens, and he (Cecil) thought that if the differences could be referred to him (Guzman) for arbitration22, they might easily be settled.” Guzman thought so too, and wrote by Melvil to Mary to that effect, advising her to abandon arrogant23 pretensions24, and accept such honourable25 terms as should satisfy Elizabeth;[231] and, as a preliminary, he exhorted26 her to live on good terms with her husband. Before Melvil left Cecil, the latter told him that they had news of Rizzio’s murder (this was written on the 18th March), and at the same time there came a messenger from Murray, saying that he had returned into Scotland (from Newcastle) on a letter of assurance from Darnley. The Earl of Murray had entered Edinburgh in triumph the day after the murder, and the Queen and Darnley had together started for Dunbar.
Another opportunity for Cecil to breed dissensions between Spain and France came when the news arrived[183] of Pero Melendez’s massacre27 of the French settlement in Florida, on the ground that the territory belonged to the King of Spain. The Queen professed28 herself to Guzman delighted at such good news; but was surprised that Florida was claimed by Spain, as she always thought that the Frenchman Ribault had discovered it; indeed she had seriously thought of conquering it herself. Guzman saw Cecil when he left the Queen (30th March), and the Secretary had nothing but reprobation29 for Coligny, who had sent out the French Florida expedition. “He said your Majesty should proclaim your rights with regard to Florida, that they might be known everywhere.” Cecil, shortly before this, whilst discussing the question of Hawkins’ voyages to Guinea and South America, said that he himself had been offered a share in the enterprise, but that he did not care to have anything to do with such adventures. By all this it will be seen that Cecil’s strenuous31 efforts to combat the Catholic league, which might lend to Mary Stuart a united support against England, took the traditional form of drawing the House of Austria to the side of England, and causing jealousy between France and Spain. He knew that in the long-run national antipathies32 were stronger than religious affinities33, and that the Catholic league, which had been ineffectual after the peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559), could with time and industry be broken again.[232]
[184]
But while Cecil approached Spain in order to divide her from France, he never forgot that Philip was the champion of the Catholics throughout the world, and kept his eyes on every movement which might forebode ill to England. His spies in Flanders were daily sending reports of the rumours35 there of King Philip’s attitude towards the resistance of the Flemish nobles to the Inquisition; indeed, as Guzman writes to his master (29th April): “These people have intelligence from everywhere, and are watching religious affairs closely; but it is difficult to understand what they are about, and with whom they correspond, as Cecil does it all himself, and does not trust even his own secretary.”[233]
Cecil might well be vigilant36, for Mary Stuart’s plots went on unceasingly.[234] Sir Robert Melvil arrived in[185] London in May, again to discuss the question of the succession, and to ask Elizabeth to stand sponsor for Mary’s expected child; but, greatly to Elizabeth’s indignation, he brought amiable37 letters from the Scottish Queen to the Earl of Northumberland and other English Catholic nobles; and whilst he was in London, an emissary from Mary Stuart to the Pope passed through on his return to Scotland with 20,000 crowns from the Pontiff, and a promise of 4000 crowns a month to pay a thousand soldiers for her (Mary’s) defence. An envoy38, too, of the rebel Shan O’Neil was at the same time lurking39 in Edinburgh, conferring with the Queen.
All this was known to Cecil and Elizabeth, and drove them ever nearer to Spain and to the Archduke’s match, Leicester himself, probably out of jealousy of Ormonde, who was vigorously flirting40 with the Queen, now openly siding with the Austrian. Even Throgmorton was reconciled with Cecil by the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester, who promised the Secretary that Throgmorton should no longer thwart41 his policy.
On the 23rd June, Sir James Melvil arrived with breakneck speed in London from Edinburgh, with news of the birth of Mary Stuart’s heir.[235] It was late, but Sir Robert Melvil, the Ambassador, lost no time in conveying the tidings to Cecil, whose own entry of the event in the Perpetual Calendar at Hatfield runs thus: “1566, 19 June, was borne James at Edinburgh inter5 hor? 10 et 11 matutino.” Cecil promised to keep the news secret from the court until Mary’s own messenger could convey it officially to the Queen. Elizabeth was at Greenwich at the time, and when Cecil arrived she was “in great mirth dancing after supper.” Cecil approached the Queen and whispered in her ear, and in a moment the[186] secret was out and all joy vanished. With a burst of envy, Elizabeth, almost in tears, told her ladies that the Queen of Scots was mother of a fair boy, whilst she, Elizabeth, was but a “barren stock.”[236] When the Melvils saw her the next day she had recovered her composure, and promised to send Cecil to Scotland to be present at the christening, which embassy the Secretary with some difficulty evaded42, “as there were so many suspicions on both sides.”[237]
The Queen had suffered a serious illness early in the summer, which, with the anxiety of her position, had reduced her to a very low condition. It was decided that a progress should be undertaken for her health, in which the University of Oxford43 could be visited, and Cecil be specially44 honoured by a stay of the Queen at his house of Burghley. She left London in July, and underwent an ordeal45 at Oxford similar to that which she had experienced two years before at Cambridge. The vestments controversy46 was raging with great bitterness, clergymen were deprived and punished for contumacy, pulpit and press were silenced, and the Protestants resentful. Cecil was firm, but diplomatic, and the Queen indignant that her laws should be called into question. Under the circumstances it required great tact47 on both sides to avoid any untoward48 event during the Queen’s visit to Oxford, where the Puritan party was very strong. Leicester and Cecil were both with the Queen, the former strongly favouring the Puritans, the latter taking his stand on the Queen’s order for the discipline of the Church. On the Queen’s reception, the Vice-Chancellor49, Dr. Humphreys, one of the leaders of the anti-vestment party, approached to kiss the Queen’s[187] hand. “Mr. Doctor,” said the Queen, smiling, “that loose gown becomes you mighty50 well; I wonder your notions should be so narrow.” Once, during the speech of the public orator51, tender ground was touched, but the visit passed over without further embittering52 an already bitter controversy, and Leicester and Cecil, Puritan Knollys, Catholic Howard of Effingham, and many others received the honorary degree of Master of Arts.[238]
Cecil’s own entries in his journal of the period are meagre enough:—
“1566. June. Fulsharst, a foole, was suborned to speak slanderously53 of me at Greenwich to the Queen’s Majesty; for which he was committed to Bridewell.
“June 16. A discord54 inter Com. Sussex et Leicester at Greenwych, ther appeased55 by Her Majesty.
“August 3. The Queen’s Majesty was at Colly Weston, in Northamptonshire.
“August 5. The Queen’s Majesty at my house in Stamford.
“August 31. The Queen in progress went from Woodstock to Oxford.”
During the progress a disagreement between Cecil and Leicester took place, as well as that mentioned between the latter and Sussex. The communications between the Earl and the French were constant, and had caused much heart-burning. The existence of a strong and active party in the English court ostentatiously leaning to the French side, at a time when Cecil’s whole policy depended upon keeping the good-will of Spain, hampered57 him at every turn, and he wrote a letter to Sir Thomas Hoby, privately58 instructing him to give out in France that Leicester’s influence over the Queen had decreased, and that the French need not[188] court him so much as they did. When the letter arrived, Hoby, the Ambassador, was dead, and it fell into other hands. Leicester heard of it, and taxed Cecil, who retorted angrily.
Even in Cecil’s own house the intrigues60 against his policy continued. He had sent Danett to the Emperor with the draft clauses of the proposed marriage treaty with the Archduke, and the news from Vienna seemed to confirm the best hopes of those who favoured the Austrian match. This, of course, did not suit Leicester. Vulcob, the nephew of the new French Ambassador, B?chetel de la Forest, went to Stamford to carry his uncle’s excuses for not coming earlier to see the Queen. As he was entering the presence-chamber61 at Burghley, Leicester stopped him, and began talking about the marriage. He hardly knew what to think, he said, but he was sure that if the Queen ever did marry, she would choose no one but himself for a husband. The Frenchman, no doubt, understood him. The Archduke’s match was getting too promising62, and must be checked by the usual French move. So Vulcob took care when he saw the Queen to dwell mainly upon the attractive physical qualities of the young King Charles IX. Elizabeth was never tired of such a subject, and very soon the French Ambassador was warmly intriguing63 to bring forward his master’s suit again, as a counterpoise to the Austrian hopes, but really in Leicester’s interests, whilst presents and loving messages came thick and fast from France to Leicester and Throgmorton. The Emperor’s reply by Danett was, after all, not so encouraging as Cecil and Sussex had been led to expect, and Leicester’s hopes rose higher than ever. During the Queen’s progress he arranged with his friends a scheme which seemed as if it would stop the Archduke’s chances for ever. Parliament was to meet in October, and the plan was to influence both Houses to[189] press the Queen on the questions of the succession and her marriage, “so that by this means the Archduke’s business may be upset … and then he (Leicester) may treat of his own affair at his leisure.” It was clear that any attempt on the part of the Puritans and Leicester to force the Queen’s hands with regard to the marriage whilst the delicate religious question was under discussion with the Emperor, would put an end to the negotiations64, and Cecil and his friends strove their utmost to avoid such a result. They urged Guzman again to persuade the Queen to the match; the Duke of Norfolk came purposely to court with the same object, and for once Cecil himself was willing, in appearance, to place the religious question in the background. “Cecil,” writes Guzman, “desires this business so greatly, that he does not speak about the religious point; but this may be deceit, as his wife is of a contrary opinion, and thinks that great trouble may be caused to the peace of the country through it. She has great influence with her husband, and no doubt discusses the matter with him; but she appears a much more furious heretic than he is.” Well might the Queen and Cecil be apparently65 more anxious to sink religious differences than Lady Cecil, for they probably knew how imminent66 the danger was better than she.
The Protestants in Flanders and Holland were in open revolt; and slow Philip was collecting in Spain and Italy an overwhelming force by land and sea, with which he himself was to come as the avenger68 of his injured kingship, and crush the rising spirit of religious reform. If such an army as his swept over and desolated69 his Netherlands, whither next might it turn? For six years Elizabeth had kept Spain from harming her, out of jealousy of France; but France was now more than half Guisan, and in favour of Mary Stuart, and the Huguenots themselves had deserted70 England when she[190] was fighting their battle at Havre. No help, then, could be expected from France if Spain attacked Elizabeth for her “heresy71”; and the Queen and her wise minister were fain to conciliate a foe72 they were not powerful enough to face in the open. Elizabeth went beyond the Spaniard himself in her violent denunciation of the insurgents73 in the Netherlands. Their only aim, she said, was liberty against God and princes. They had neither reason, virtue74, nor religion. She excused herself for having helped the French Huguenots, which she only did, she said, to recover Calais. If the Netherlands rebels came to her for help, she would show them how dearly she held the interests of her good brother King Philip; “and she cursed subjects who did not recognise the mercy that God had shown them in sending them a prince so clement75 and humane76 as your Majesty.”[239] Cecil was not quite so extravagant77 as this, but he missed no opportunity at so critical a juncture78 of drawing nearer to Spain, and was even more compliant79 than ever before on the vexed80 subject of the English right to trade in the Spanish Indies. “Cecil is well disposed in this matter,” writes Guzman, “and I am not surprised that the others are not, as they are interested. Cecil assures me that he has always stood aloof81 from similar enterprises.”
In the meanwhile Leicester’s persistent82 efforts to hamper56 Cecil’s policy were bearing fruit. With great difficulty Cecil persuaded the House of Commons to vote the supplies before the question of the succession was dealt with, but a free fight on the floor of the House preceded the vote. The Queen was irritated beyond measure at the inopportune activity of the extreme party about the succession. Sussex, the Spanish Ambassador, and others of Catholic leanings, pointed83 out to her that if she married the Archduke there would be an end of[191] the trouble, and she need not then think of any successor other than her own children. At length a joint meeting of the two Houses adopted an address to the Queen, urging her to appoint a successor if she did not intend to marry. When the address was presented, her rage passed all decency84.[240] The Duke of Norfolk, her own kinsman85, and the first subject of the realm, was insulted with vulgar abuse, which well-nigh reduced him to tears. Leicester, Pembroke, Northampton, and Howard were railed at and scolded in turn; only once did she soften86 somewhat towards Leicester. She had thought, she said, that if all the world had abandoned her, he would never do so. What do the devils want? she asked Guzman. Oh! your Majesty, replied the Ambassador, what they want is liberty, and if monarchs87 do not combine against it, it is easy to see how it will all end. She would send the ungrateful fellow Leicester away, she said, and the Archduke might now be without suspicion. Gradually, as she calmed, her diplomacy88 asserted itself, and cleverly, by alternations of threats and cajolery, she reduced Parliament to the required condition of invertebrate89 dependence90 upon her will.[241]
[192]
All this, we may be sure, did not decrease the ill-feeling in the court, which for the next six months became a hotbed of intrigue59. On the one side were Norfolk, Sussex, the Conservatives, and the Catholics, aided by Guzman, and cautiously supported by Cecil and Bacon; whilst on the other, Leicester, Throgmorton, Pembroke, Knollys, and the Puritans, backed by the French Ambassador, ceaselessly endeavoured to check the Austrian-Spanish friendship, and if possible, above all, to ruin Sussex and prevent his embassy to the Emperor. That Leicester would stick at no inconsistency is seen by the curious fact that, whilst he was nominally91 heading the Puritan party, he, according to Melvil, was strenuously92 favouring the claims of the Queen of Scots to the succession. He assured Elizabeth that this would be her best safeguard, or “Cecil would undo93 all,” the reason for this being that Cecil was known to be in favour of Catharine Grey.
On the 14th February 1567, Cecil sent word to his friend Guzman that he had just received secret advice of the murder of Darnley, of which he gave some hasty particulars. The intelligence could hardly have come as a surprise to the Spaniard, for a month previously94 he had informed Philip that some such act was contemplated95. Within a few hours of the reception of the news in London, Leicester sent his brother, the Earl of Warwick, to Catharine Grey’s husband, to offer him his services in the matter of the succession. Five days afterwards Sir James Melvil came with full particulars of the foul96 deed at Kirk o’ Field, and at once rumour34 was busy with the name of Mary Stuart as an accomplice97 in her husband’s death. Elizabeth expressed sorrow and compassion98 on the day she heard the news, but rather doubtfully told Guzman “that she could not believe that the Queen of Scots could be to blame for[193] so dreadful a thing, notwithstanding the murmurs100 of the people.” When Guzman, however, pointed out to her how dangerous it would be for the opposite party (Catharine Grey’s friends) to make capital out of the accusation101, the Queen agreed that it would be wise to discountenance it, and to keep friendly with Mary Stuart, in order to prevent her from falling under French influence again.
In a letter from Cecil to Norris (20th February) he says: “The Queen sent yesterday my Lady Howard and my wife to Lady Lennox, in the Tower, to open this matter to her, who could not by any means be kept from such passions of mind as the horribleness of the fact did require.… I hope her Majesty will show some favourable102 compassion of the said lady, whom any humane nature must needs pity.… The most suspicion that I can hear is of Earl Bothwell, yet I would not be thought the author of any such report.”[242] Lady Margaret, in her agony of grief, made no scruple103 at first in accusing her daughter-in-law of complicity in the murder; but the bereaved104 mother left the Tower on the following day, doubtless warned of the unwisdom of saying what she thought. At least, when she saw Sir James Melvil she told him, “She did not believe that Mary had been a party to the death of her son, but she could not help complaining of her bad treatment of him.” But whatever she might say, the spirits of the Catholic party in England sank to zero at the black cloud which hovered105 over their candidate. “Every day it becomes clearer that the Queen of Scotland must take some step to prove that she had no hand in the death of her husband if she is to prosper106 in her claims to the succession here,”[243] wrote Guzman. Fortunately this book[194] is not the place in which to discuss the vexed question of Mary’s complicity in Darnley’s death, but her contemporaries both in England and Scotland, as well as abroad, certainly thought her guilty. Cecil, writing to Sir Henry Norris in March, mentions the suspicions against Bothwell, Balfour, &c., and says, “There are words added, which I am loth to report, that touch the Queen of Scots, which I hold best to be suppressed. Further, such persons anointed are not to be thought ill of without manifest proof.”[244] And again, a few days afterwards, he says, “The Queen of Scots is not well spoken of.” The entry of the event in Cecil’s journal makes no mention of Mary. It runs thus: “Feb. 9. The L. Darnley, K. of Scots, was killed and murdered near Edenburgh;” and on the following day the news is amplified108 thus: “Feb. 10. Hora secunda post mediam noctem Hen. Rex Scoti? interfectus fuit, per Jac Co. Bothwell, Jac Ormeston de Ormeston, Hob Ormeston patrem dicti Jac Ormeston, Tho Hepbourn.”
Morette, the Duke of Savoy’s special envoy to Scotland, had left Edinburgh the day after the murder, and on his way through London saw Guzman. The Queen of Scots had assured Morette that she would avenge67 her husband’s death, and punish the murderers, but he made no secret of his belief that she had prior knowledge of the plan. Whilst Morette was dining with Guzman and the French Ambassador, a French messenger named Clerivault arrived at the house, bringing a letter from Mary to the Queen of England, claiming her pity, and similar letters for Catharine de Medici, the Archbishop of Glasgow, and others,[245] denouncing the crime.[246] Mary,[195] indeed, lost no time in endeavouring to put herself right before the world. She offered rewards for the discovery of the murderers; but when all fingers are pointed at Bothwell and his creatures, when public placards were posted in the capital accusing them and hinting at the Queen’s complicity, Mary still kept the principals at her side, and made no move against their subaltern instruments. In vain, for a time, the bereaved father Lennox demanded vengeance110; in vain Elizabeth, by Killigrew, sent indignant letters to Mary; in vain the Catholic Archbishop of Glasgow exhorted her to prove her own innocence111 by pursuing the offenders112 without mercy. Bothwell stood ever by her side, and his clansmen cowed the murmuring citizens who looked with aversion now upon their beautiful young Queen. At length, goaded113 to take some action by the danger of losing the Catholic support, upon which alone she had depended, she held the sham114 trial in the Edinburgh Tolbooth two months after the crime. Lennox refused to attend the travesty115 of justice, and Bothwell was unanimously acquitted116. Murray had left the court before the murder, and fled to France when the result of the trial was known. Bothwell, loaded with favours, insolent117 with success, seemed to hold Scotland and the Queen in the hollow of his hand. The nobles were mostly bought or threatened into shameful118 compliance119, and only the “preachers” and the townsfolk kept alive the growing horror of the Queen. No longer, even, did the humble120 peasant women hesitate, before Mary’s face, to make their loyal blessing121 conditional122 upon her innocence.[247][196] What was horrified123 doubt before became indignant reprobation when, only three months after Darnley’s death, Mary married the hastily divorced Bothwell. Then came the hurried flight in disguise towards Dunbar, the gathering124 of the nobles, the flight of Bothwell at Carbery Hill, and the conveyance125 of the disgraced Queen to Edinburgh. When nothing but vows126 of defiance127 and vengeance against Bothwell’s enemies could be obtained from her, and it was clear that the unfortunate woman was deaf to reason and decency, came the crowning degradation128 of Lochleven, and Mary Stuart’s sun set to rise no more.
To a short life of turbulent pleasure succeeded twenty years of plotting against the peace and independence of England and the cause of religious liberty. During that twenty years Cecil and his mistress were pitted against one of the cleverest women in Europe, supported by all that was discontented in England and Scotland, and all that was distinctively129 Catholic abroad. In the critical position caused by the rising of the Protestant Lords against Bothwell and the Queen, Cecil’s view diverged130 somewhat from that of Elizabeth. The latter was naturally first concerned at the want of respect shown on all sides to an anointed sovereign, which subject was always a tender one with her; whereas the Secretary was still anxious, before all else, to exclude French influence from Scotland. Writing to Norris in France (26th June), he conveys the news of Mary’s restraint, and at the same time encloses letters from Scotland recalling Murray (then at Lyons), “the sending of which letters requireth great haste, whereof you must not make the Scottish Ambassador privy131.[248]… The best part of the (Scots) nobility hath confederated themselves to follow, by way of justice, the condemnation132 of Bothwell and his complices[197] in the murder of the King. Bothwell defends himself by the Queen’s maintenance and the Hamiltons, so he hath some party, though it be not great. The 15th of this month he brought the Queen into the field with her power, which was so small, as he escaped himself without fighting and left the Queen in the field; and she yielded herself to the Lords, flatly denying to grant justice against Bothwell, so as they have restrained her in Lochleven until they come unto the end of their pursuit against Bothwell.… Murray’s return into Scotland is much desired by them, and for the weal both of England and Scotland I wish he were here. For his manner of returning and safety, I pray require Mr. Stewart to have good care.… The French Ambassador, and Villeroy, who is there (in Scotland), pretend favour to the Lords, with great offers; and it may be that they may do as much on the other side” (i.e. in France).[249] It was this last possibility which so much disturbed Cecil, and it was to avert133 it that Murray’s return was so ardently134 desired, for he was known always to be opposed to the French influence in his country. In August, after Murray had returned to Scotland (visiting Elizabeth at Windsor on his way home at the end of July), Cecil wrote again to Norris: “You shall perceive by the Queen’s letter to you herewith how earnestly she is bent135 in the favour of the Queen of Scots; and truly since the beginning she hath been greatly offended with the Lords in this action;[250] yet[198] no counsel can stay her Majesty from manifesting of her misliking of them; so as, indeed, I think thereby136 the French may, and will, easily catch them, and make their present profit of them, to the damage of England. In this behalf her Majesty had no small misliking of that book which you sent me written in French, whose (author’s) name yet I know not; but, howsoever, I think him of great wit and acquaintance in the affairs of the world. It is not in my power to procure137 any reward, and therefore you must so use the matter as he neither be discouraged nor think unkindness in me.”[251]
How much Cecil dreaded138 renewed French interference in Scotland is seen at this time by his ever-growing cordiality towards Spain. An acrimonious139 discussion was going on, both in London and in Paris, with regard to the restoration of Calais to England, which was now due by the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis. Cecil and the Queen were both emphatic140 in their condemnation of the Protestant risings in the Spanish Netherlands, though French agents kept whispering to Guzman that help was being sent thither141 by England. The union between Cecil and the Spaniard was nevertheless closer than ever. The latter, in March, secretly told Cecil that the King of France was sending De Croc to Scotland,[252] and that there seemed to be some mystery brewing142 in that quarter. The Secretary[199] replied that he knew it; they had a plot to steal the Prince of Scotland and take him to France, but that steps had been taken to prevent such a thing. Guzman thereupon urged the Queen of England to have the infant Prince brought to England, Mary having told Killigrew that she was willing that this should be done.[253] Indeed, at this time Cecil’s perseverance143 had quite won Spanish sympathy, and had widened the rift144 in the Catholic league, as was necessary for England’s safety, Guzman being if anything more eager than Cecil to checkmate the intrigues of the French in Scotland.
The efforts on the other side were just as incessant145 to divide Spain from England, and more than once at this period caused temporary estrangement146 between them. In June a somewhat unexpected embassy came from the Emperor, with the object of asking Elizabeth for monetary147 aid against the Turk. The principal Ambassador, Stolberg, was a Protestant, and the Queen immediately jumped at the incorrect conclusion that he had come to arrange for the wedding of the Archduke. Before even he arrived in London, Stolberg had been persuaded that a great Catholic league had been formed, including his own sovereign the Emperor, with the object of crushing Elizabeth and rooting out Protestantism from Europe; and when, at his formal reception at Richmond,[254] the[200] Queen gave Stolberg an unfavourable reply to his request for aid against the Turk, Cecil took Guzman, who accompanied him, aside and told him that the Queen and Council had learned the particulars of a league of the Catholic powers against Elizabeth and the Protestants,[255] in favour of the Queen of Scots. The better to effect the object, he said, the Emperor had made a disadvantageous truce148 with the Turk, whereat the English Council was much scandalised, and was determined149 to make all necessary preparations, this being the reason why the Queen had answered the Ambassador so unfavourably.[256] Guzman was shocked that so sensible a person as Cecil should believe such nonsense. Probably Cecil knew as well as Guzman that the league was dead, so far as united action against England was concerned; but such attempts as this, to serve French ends by arousing jealousy between Spain and England, were constant, and occasionally, as in this instance, aroused some distrust on one side or the other.[257]
As soon as the detention150 of Mary Stuart was known[201] by the French Government an attempt was made to gain Murray to the side of France, in order to obtain possession of the infant Prince. Murray delayed pledging himself until he received the letters from the Lords and from Cecil, already referred to. He then started with all haste for Scotland, taking London on the way. Whilst in London at the end of July he saw Guzman, and told him as a secret that he had not even communicated to Elizabeth, that a letter existed which proved conclusively151 the guilt107 of his sister in the murder of her husband.[258] It was evident thus early that Murray, whilst expressing sympathy for his sister, and deprecating generally any derogation of the dignity of a sovereign, was determined that Mary Stuart should do no more harm to Protestantism or the relationship between Scotland and England, if he could help it. “He said he would do his best to find some means by which she should remain Queen, but without sufficient liberty to do them any harm, or marry against the will of her Council and Parliament.”[259] It is evident, from a letter from[202] Cecil to Norris, that Murray arranged with the former when in England to assume the Regency of Scotland on his arrival, although not without misgiving152 on the part of Elizabeth, even if she personally was a consenting party to the arrangement. Murray, writing a friendly letter to Cecil early in 1568 (Hatfield Papers), mentions that a report had reached him that Cecil had been told that he (Murray) was offended because Sir William in his first letter had not addressed him as Regent. Murray assures him that this was not the case, and begs him not to allow any such thought to disturb their friendship, “the amity153 of the two countries being the great object of both … although the Queen, your mistress, outwardly seems not altogether to allow the present state here, yet I doubt not but her Highness in heart liketh it well enough.” Elizabeth was at the time divided between two feelings: that of indignation at any restraint being placed upon a sovereign by subjects, and the knowledge that the imprisonment154 of Mary meant the disablement of the only individual whom England had to fear. Cecil was fully99 alive to the latter fact, whilst the former was to him of quite secondary importance when compared with the national issues involved.
When the news came of Mary’s renunciation and the crowning of the infant James, the Lords wrote to Elizabeth, saying that either she must protect them, or they must accept a French alliance; and she was then obliged to prefer the interests of England to her reverence155 for the sacredness of a sovereign. Guzman thus tells the story: “The Queen told me she did not know what was best to be done, and asked my opinion, pointing out to me the inexpediency of showing favour to so bad an example, and, on the other hand, the danger to her of a new alliance of these people with the French … I think I see more inclination156 on her part to aid them (the[203] Scots) than the case at present demands, as I gave her many reasons for delay, whilst she still insisted that it was necessary to act at once.” The next day (August 9) the tone of the Queen had somewhat changed. She would, she said, recall Throgmorton from Scotland, as it was beneath her dignity to have an Ambassador accredited157 to a sovereign in duress,[260] and she would refuse her protection and aid to the Lords. The reason for this perhaps was that “the letter she writes to Throgmorton is very short. I have seen it, though I could not read it. It was in the hands of Lord Robert (i.e. Leicester), who dictated158 it, and he carried it to the Queen for signature in my presence, Cecil not being present.”[261] Cecil, indeed, at this juncture had to proceed with great caution, and, as usual, by indirect and devious159 ways. Leicester, Pembroke, and their friends had now (August), as Guzman says, “no rivals, as Secretary Cecil proceeds respectfully, and the rest who might support him are absent. He knows well, however, that he is more diligent160 than they, and so keeps his footing.”
[204]
In the meanwhile the Catholics in England were allowed almost perfect immunity161, whilst, on the other hand, strong land and sea forces were mustered162, as a counterbalance to the great army to be led into Flanders by Alba. The closest friendship existed between the Spaniards and Cecil, who was never tired of assuring Guzman that Hawkins’ great expedition, then on the coast bound for Guinea, should under no circumstances do anything prejudicial in any of the territories of the King of Spain; notwithstanding which, and the fact that Philip’s Flemish fleet had just been effusively163 welcomed at Dover, John Hawkins himself, when the same fleet put into Plymouth, fired a few cannon164 shots at the flagship, and banged away until the Spanish flag was hauled down, to the unspeakable indignation of the Flemish admiral.
Things were in this condition in the autumn of 1567, all Europe being on the alert watching the gathering of the storm over the Netherlands. So long as there was any danger of French interference in Scotland, or of the Catholic powers taking up the cause of Mary Stuart, Elizabeth, and more especially Cecil, drew closer to Spain and the Catholic party in England. But events moved quickly, and the whole aspect changed within a few weeks. Almost simultaneously165, in September 1567, came from different quarters two preliminary thunderclaps that announced the tempest. The advent30 of Alba in the Netherlands on his mission of vengeance had sent affrighted fugitives166 flying in swarms167 across the narrow seas to England; but when, on the 9th September, after the treacherous168 dinner-party in Brussels, the two highest heads in Flanders, Egmont and Horn, were struck at, and the bearers lodged169 in jail, all the world knew that the great struggle had begun between liberty and Protestantism on the one side, and tyranny[205] and Catholicism on the other. Thanks mainly to Elizabeth and Cecil, it was not to be fought out on British soil. Only a few weeks afterwards came the news of Condé’s attempt to seize the young King of France and his mother, and to rescue them from the influence of Cardinal Lorraine. The attempt failed, but soon all France was ablaze170 with civil war, for the Protestant worm at last had turned. Betrayed, as they had been before, and face to face now with foreign mercenaries hurried into France to suppress them, the convinced Huguenots decided to stand by their faith, and fight to the death for liberty to exercise it, let the “politicians” do what they might. The two events happening almost together, whilst Mary Stuart was in prison under a cloud, and the rebel Shan O’Neil in Ireland had finally fallen, at once relieved England of all danger from without, unless the Catholic party was irresistibly171 triumphant172 both in France and Flanders. The best way to prevent that was to support those who were in arms against it, and the policy of Elizabeth and Cecil was again cautiously changed accordingly.
As soon as the Queen received from Norris news of Condé’s rising, she sent for B?chetel, the French Ambassador, and ostentatiously condoled173 with him for the disrespect shown to his sovereign. She rather overdid174 the pity, and suggested that she should arbitrate between the King and the Huguenots, but would take care that no help was given to the latter from England. B?chetel dryly thanked her for the assurance that she would not help rebels again, but said that his King was quite able to deal with his subjects without her assistance. Here, as in the case of Mary Stuart, Elizabeth’s first feeling was indignation at any disrespect being shown to a sovereign; but Cecil’s letter to Norris at the time (November 3, 1567) shows that he and his friends looked at the matter from[206] another point of view,[262] which Elizabeth herself shortly afterwards adopted, as she had done in the case of the Queen of Scots. In the meanwhile the Council became daily more outspoken175 in favour of the Huguenots. Messages of encouragement went speeding across the Channel to Coligny, to Montgomerie, and the rest of the Huguenot leaders. Cecil himself took Archbishop Parker to task for his leniency176 to Bishop109 Thirlby and Dr. Boxall, who were in his custody177 for recusancy; and at the end of November the official blindness as to people attending mass in London came to an end. The English people who had worshipped undisturbed in the Spanish Ambassador’s chapel178 were suddenly arrested, and many of them sent to prison.[263] On the same day Cecil complained to Guzman that he had promoted the breaking of the law by persuading Englishmen to attend mass, and repeated other sinister179 reports about him. The Spaniard denied the charges, and warned Cecil that, although his present attitude might be prompted by patriotic180 motives181, it was a dangerous one, “and that some people were casting the responsibility upon him (Cecil), for the purpose of making him unpopular.”[207] Cecil, apparently, was not afraid of this, for he had strained the loyalty182 of his friends almost to breaking limits lately by the severity exercised against the anti-vestment divines and his approaches to Spain, and doubtless welcomed the change in the political position which allowed him to enforce uniformity upon Catholics as well as upon his own co-religionists. There was a talk of expelling all Catholics from the Queen’s household, and Bacon, the Chancellor, made a speech in the Star Chamber directing the judges and officials to put into renewed force and press vigorously, the laws against the possession of books attacking the Protestant faith. “What most troubles the Catholics, however,” writes Guzman, “is to see that Leicester has become much more confirmed in his heresy, and is followed by the Earl of Pembroke, who had been considered a Catholic. There is nobody now on the Catholic side in the Council.”
The hollow negotiations, too, for the Archduke’s marriage, carried on by honest Sussex in Vienna, were politely shelved; and the political pretence183 which Elizabeth and Cecil had kept up for so long, of a leaning towards the Catholic side, could safely be discarded until the renewed liability of England to attack from without might again call for its resumption. So far the Queen and her minister had dissembled to good purpose, for the great struggle for the faith had been diverted from England to the Continent, and the monarchs of France and Spain were both busy in suppressing the religious revolts of their own subjects.
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1
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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inter
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| v.埋葬 | |
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industriously
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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concoction
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| n.调配(物)；谎言 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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perturb
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| v.使不安，烦扰，扰乱，使紊乱 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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affinities
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| n.密切关系( affinity的名词复数 )；亲近；（生性）喜爱；类同 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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40
flirting
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| v.调情，打情骂俏( flirt的现在分词 ) | |
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41
thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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42
evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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45
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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50
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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51
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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52
embittering
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的现在分词 ) | |
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53
slanderously
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| 造谣中伤地，诽谤地 | |
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54
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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55
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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56
hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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57
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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59
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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60
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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61
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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62
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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64
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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67
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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68
avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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70
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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71
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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72
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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74
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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compliant
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| adj.服从的，顺从的 | |
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80
vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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81
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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82
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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83
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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84
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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85
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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86
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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88
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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89
invertebrate
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| n.无脊椎动物 | |
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90
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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91
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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92
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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93
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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94
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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95
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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96
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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97
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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98
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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99
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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100
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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101
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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102
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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103
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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104
bereaved
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| adj.刚刚丧失亲人的v.使失去（希望、生命等）( bereave的过去式和过去分词)；（尤指死亡）使丧失（亲人、朋友等）；使孤寂；抢走（财物） | |
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105
hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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106
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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107
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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108
amplified
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| 放大，扩大( amplify的过去式和过去分词 )； 增强； 详述 | |
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109
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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110
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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111
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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112
offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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113
goaded
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| v.刺激( goad的过去式和过去分词 )；激励；（用尖棒）驱赶；驱使（或怂恿、刺激）某人 | |
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114
sham
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| n./adj.假冒(的)，虚伪(的) | |
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115
travesty
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| n.歪曲，嘲弄，滑稽化 | |
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116
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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117
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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118
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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119
compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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120
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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121
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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122
conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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123
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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124
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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125
conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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126
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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127
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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128
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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129
distinctively
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| adv.特殊地，区别地 | |
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130
diverged
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| 分开( diverge的过去式和过去分词 )； 偏离； 分歧； 分道扬镳 | |
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131
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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132
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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133
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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134
ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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135
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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136
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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137
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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138
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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139
acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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140
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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141
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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142
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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143
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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144
rift
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| n.裂口，隙缝，切口；v.裂开，割开，渗入 | |
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145
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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146
estrangement
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| n.疏远，失和，不和 | |
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147
monetary
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| adj.货币的，钱的；通货的；金融的；财政的 | |
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148
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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149
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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150
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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151
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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152
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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153
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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154
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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155
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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156
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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157
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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158
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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159
devious
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| adj.不坦率的，狡猾的；迂回的，曲折的 | |
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160
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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161
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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162
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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163
effusively
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| adv.变溢地，热情洋溢地 | |
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164
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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165
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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166
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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167
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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168
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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169
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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170
ablaze
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| adj.着火的，燃烧的；闪耀的，灯火辉煌的 | |
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171
irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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172
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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173
condoled
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| v.表示同情，吊唁( condole的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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174
overdid
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| v.做得过分( overdo的过去式 )；太夸张；把…煮得太久；（工作等）过度 | |
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175
outspoken
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| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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176
leniency
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| n.宽大（不严厉） | |
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177
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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178
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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179
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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180
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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181
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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182
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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183
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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