In the meanwhile, though Elizabeth herself was still overshadowed by the traditional might of Spain, the English Catholics were feeling, by the increased severity exercised towards them, the changed political situation. The English minister, and in her stronger moments the English Queen, were speaking more firmly now than ever they had dared to do since Elizabeth’s accession. For the first time the position was becoming defined. It was no longer France or Spain nationally that was the enemy of England: it was Catholic against Protestant the world over. Philip was as nervously8 anxious to avoid war as Elizabeth herself, and his need to do so much greater than hers; but if Protestantism was allowed to become strong, then his great empire must crumble9, and the basis of his system disappear. His own slow stolidity10 had been in a great measure the cause of his finding himself in so unfavourable a tactical position, for he had allowed the champions of the autonomous12 rights of his Flemish dominions13—rights which at first he might easily have conciliated with his own sovereignty—to obtain for their cause the immense added impetus14 of religious reform. It was this fact which had changed the situation; and it was accentuated15 in England by the activity of the Pope (Pius V.) in establishing English seminaries abroad, and by means of money and busy agents in England itself, raising the spirits of those who clung to the old faith.[265]
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The answer to the effervescence thus caused amongst the Catholics was the renewed harshness against them by the English ministers and the rising aggressiveness of the Protestants. Late in February 1568, Cecil sent word to Guzman, with whom he was still ostensibly on friendly terms, to say that the Queen had learnt casually16 that the English Ambassador in Madrid (Dr. Man) was not allowed to hold Protestant service in the embassy. She was surprised at this, and had sent to the Ambassador orders to demand the same rights as were accorded to Guzman in England; if these were denied she would recall him. Cecil himself was more outspoken17 and indignant than usual, and much more so than the Queen. “They think, no doubt, that the present troubles in France and elsewhere,” writes Guzman, “give them a good opportunity of gaining ground, their own affairs being favourable11; so they have begun to look out more keenly, and to trouble the Catholics, summoning some and arresting others, and warning them to obey the present laws … they (the Council) soon change her (the Queen), and all their efforts are directed at making her shy of me.”[266] Guzman’s messenger to Madrid travelled more quickly than Cecil’s, and before Dr. Man could demand his right to enjoy Protestant service, he was unceremoniously hustled18 out of Madrid, without obtaining audience of the King, the pretext19 being that he had in public conversation at his own table insulted the Catholic faith.[267] Though Philip took[211] this strong course, he was as anxious as ever to avoid an open quarrel with England about that or anything else, and sent all sorts of conciliatory messages to the Queen. Dr. Man, he said, had behaved himself so outrageously20 that his further stay in Spain was impossible; but if another Ambassador were sent who would act as English Ambassadors always had done, he should be received with open arms.
The news arrived in London at a bad time. A Portuguese21 Ambassador had just come (May 1568) to complain—“brawling,” as Cecil calls it—of the Hawkins expeditions to Guinea. He went to the audience with Guzman, and found the Queen in a towering rage about a scurrilous22 letter referring to her, written by the Cardinal23 Prince Dom Henrique. Cecil had obtained possession of the letter somehow, and produced it, saying that the presumption24 of the Portuguese was insufferable and made them hated by all nations. The matter of the letter quite overshadowed the grievance25 about trade, as it no doubt was intended to do, and the Portuguese got no redress26. On the contrary, Cecil called to him some Spanish residents in London who accompanied the Ambassador to Whitehall, and warned them that they might not attend mass at the embassy. What! not foreigners? asked Antonio de Guaras. No, retorted Cecil, and turned his back upon them to rejoin the Queen. The next day when Cecil saw Guzman, he complained of Alba’s severity in Flanders, and of some insulting reference to Elizabeth in the “Pontifical History” of Dr. Illescas, so that when Dr. Man’s letter arrived immediately afterwards announcing his practical expulsion from Spain, everything was prepared for an explosion. The Queen received the news with some alarm as to what it might portend29, and was at first inclined to be conciliatory; but when Guzman visited Cecil in the Strand30 two or three days afterwards,[212] he found the Secretary in a fit of anger unusual with him. Such treatment of an Ambassador, he said, was an unheard-of insult to his mistress, unless it was meant as a provocation31 to war. After storming for some time, he stopped for want of breath; and it needed all Guzman’s suavity32 to calm him. “I waited a little for him to recover from his rage, and then went up to him, laughing, and embraced him, saying that I was amused to see him fly into such a passion over what I had told him, because I knew that he understood differently. The affair, I said, might be made good or bad as the Queen liked to make it.”[268] But Cecil was not easily appeased33. He told Guzman that the Council regarded him with suspicion, that Englishmen were treated harshly in Spain, and much more to the same effect, all of which was very surprising to the Spaniard, who was unused to such plain speaking from him. But in the ten years that Elizabeth had sat upon the throne, things had radically34 changed. Cecil could afford to speak boldly to Spain now; for whilst England had grown enormously in wealth, commerce, industry, and shipping35, under a prudent36, patriotic37 Government, both the great rivals she formerly38 feared were rent by the religious schism39 which the folly40 or ambition of their rulers had precipitated41 upon them, and England at any given moment could paralyse either of them for harm by smiling upon their Protestant subjects.
Whilst Mary was in Lochleven Castle, Murray’s enemies, the Hamiltons and the Catholics, were busy. Murray had tried his best by severity to reduce the country to something approaching order, and the turbulent chiefs who profited by anarchy42 resented it. The compromising papers which implicated44 the ruling powers in the late deeds of murder and violence were burnt,[213] though not those that implicated the Queen,[269] and the whole of the responsibility was cast upon the Queen and Bothwell. Religious uniformity was passed by Parliament, and the exercise of Catholic worship abolished. All this violent action, too rapid and too partial to be readily assimilated by a country so profoundly divided as Scotland was, naturally caused reaction in favour of Mary, and when after one unsuccessful attempt she escaped from prison (2nd May), there were friends in plenty to flock to her banner. The day before her flight she had written the fervent46 prayer to Elizabeth, swearing unchanging fidelity47 to her if she would send her help[270]—help for which she had besought48 Catharine de Medici in vain; for France wanted the alliance of Scotland, not that of Mary Stuart personally. The day after, when Mary, surrounded by Hamiltons, was free again, the possibilities were all changed. Mary Stuart turned in a few hours from the humble49 suppliant50 to the haughty51 sovereign. Her abdication52 was revoked53, Murray’s regency declared illegal, and all his acts annulled54. Beton was sent off post-haste to London and Paris to demand for his mistress a thousand harquebussiers and a sum of money. Beton’s instructions were to tell the English Government that if they would not send the help, he was to demand it from the French. Cecil writes to Norris,[271] 16th May, that under these circumstances the Queen had promised all that Mary demanded; but he was to keep his eye on Beton, and if he asked for French aid, Catharine was to be told the message he brought from Mary to London. Before Beton left London he went to see Guzman with a verbal message from Mary. Now that she was free, she said, she would show the world how[214] innocent she was, and begged for the advice and help of Guzman and his master. She was a firmer Catholic than ever, she averred55; nearly all the people and nobles of Scotland were on her side; but she complained that she was in the field without proper garb56 or adornments, and begged Guzman to send a request to the Duke of Alba to seize her jewels and restore them to her, if Murray sent them to Flanders for sale.[272]
This was on the 11th May. Two days afterwards the result of the battle of Langside once more cast the unhappy Mary Stuart into the chasm57 of irredeemable misfortune, and on the 16th she fled across the Solway a fugitive58 to England, to see her country no more in life. Such a step as this was tempting59 fate. It is true that Elizabeth had constantly professed60 sympathy for her in her captivity61; but whilst the English Queen’s words were fair, the acts of her Government, dictated62 not by personal motives63, such as the friends of Mary have absurdly tried to fix upon Cecil, but by high national policy, had been uniformly in favour of Murray and the Protestants. Mary’s attitude, moreover, had from the first, and not unnaturally64, been favourable to the French alliance, upon which for centuries Scotland had depended for the preservation65 of its independence; and to place herself thus unconditionally66 at the mercy of the English, whose policy she had opposed and whose interests she sought to subvert67, was little short of an act of madness. Mary had no excuse for trusting to a Quixotic generosity68, of which Elizabeth had never given her the slightest indication beyond conventional fine words, such as would hardly deceive Mary. It was not so much that she overrated her generosity as she underrated her boldness.
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Drury in Berwick had kept Cecil informed almost from hour to hour of the course of events in Scotland;[273] and a few hours only after Mary landed at Workington she wrote her famous and oft-quoted letter to the English Queen. In it she recites her sorrows, and begs Elizabeth to aid her in her just quarrel; but, above all, to send for her as soon as possible, “for I am in a pitiable condition, not only for a Queen but a gentlewoman.”[274] The position was a difficult one for the English Queen and Council. Guzman says they were much perplexed69, “as the Queen has always shown good-will to the Queen of Scots, and the majority of the Council has been opposed to her, and favourable to the Regent and his government. If this Queen has her way, they will have to treat Mary as a sovereign, which will offend those who forced her to abdicate70; so that although these folks are glad enough to have her in their hands, they have many things to consider … if she remain free, and able to communicate with her friends, great suspicions will arise. In any case it is certain that the two women will not agree very long together.”[275]
When Mary had arrived at Carlisle a few days afterwards, she sent Lord Herries to London with a letter for Cecil, which may be given in full. Mary’s letters were always clever, unless she lost her temper, as she did sometimes, and here it will be seen that she appeals to positively71 the only feeling which it was probable would move Cecil to favour her, namely, her kinship to his mistress and her regal status. “Mester Ceciles,” runs the letter, “L’équité, dont vous avvez le nom d’estre amateur, et la fidelle et sincère servitude que portez a[216] la Royne, Madame ma bonne s?ur, et par28 consequent a toutes celles qui sont de son sang, et en pareille dignité, me fayt en ma juste querele, par sur tous autres m’adresser a vous en ce temps de mon trouble pour etre avancée par votre bon conseille, que j’ai commandé Lord Heris, presant porteur vous fayre entandre au long.… De Karlile ce xxviii Mey. Votre bien bonne amye Marie R.”[276] With this letter Herries brought others for the Pope and Guzman. He demanded aid for his mistress on a pledge sent to her by Elizabeth through Throgmorton in the form of a ring, and when some hesitation72 was shown, he imprudently blurted73 out that if Elizabeth did not keep her word his mistress would appeal to France, Spain, the Emperor, and the Pope. “The Pope!” exclaimed puritan Bedford, shocked at the idea. “Yes, the Pope,” replied Herries, “or the Grand Turk, or the Sophi, or any one else who will help her.” This sort of talk was sufficient to decide Mary’s removal to Bolton as a measure of precaution.
Before this took place, however, Lord Scrope and Sir Francis Knollys had been deputed by Elizabeth to visit and confer with Mary at Carlisle. Herries on that occasion had said that if the English would not help his Queen, she wished to go to France; “whereupon,” writes Knollys, we “answered that your Highness could in no wise lyke hyr sekyng aide in France, therbie to bring Frenchmen into Skotland;” and, continued the envoys74, the Queen of England could not receive her personally until she was satisfied of her innocence76 in the murder of her husband. Mary was just as imprudent as Herries in her interview with the English envoys; but what frightened Knollys most was the large number of her English sympathisers in the north of England. In his letter to Elizabeth he points out the danger of[217] the situation, and suggests that Mary should have the choice of freely returning to Scotland, if she chose, or of remaining in England; but not of going to France, as she evidently wished to do. “She was so agile77 and spirited,” says Knollys, that she could only be kept a prisoner so near the Border by very rigorous means, such as “devices of towels and toyes at her chamber78 window”; whereas to carry her farther inland might cause “serious sedition79.”
Elizabeth and her Council decided80 to run the latter risk rather than that Mary should go to France to be a permanent thorn in the flesh of England, and the Queen of Scots’ long imprisonment81 commenced.[277] Even in the first few weeks of her stay she was busy endeavouring to subvert English ends; appointing Chatelherault, Argyll, and Huntly to the supreme82 government of the kingdom against Murray; Chatelherault being strongly in the French interest, and daily clamouring through his brother in Paris for French armed support. All this was known to the Queen and Cecil; and Mary’s intemperate83 letters of protest against her removal from Carlisle, and her constant threats to appeal to France and Spain if Elizabeth would not help her,[278] made it[218] altogether inconsistent with prudence84 to allow the misguided woman her liberty. The investigation85 into Mary’s guilt86 or innocence seems to have originated with Cecil.[279] Left to herself, Elizabeth, as we have seen, was mainly influenced by the personal feeling of reverence87 for a sovereign: Cecil could not oppose this, and as usual took an indirect means of reaching his end. When Mary complained to Knollys at Carlisle of the subjects who had dethroned her, he had told her that as it was lawful88 for subjects to depose89 mad sovereigns, it was also lawful for them to depose those who had lost their wits to the extent of conniving90 at murder. Mary wept at this, and Knollys softened91 the blow; but Knollys had certainly seen Cecil’s report, and took the line suggested by it. If Mary could be shown to have connived92 at Darnley’s death—and Cecil must have known of the damning proofs against her when he proposed the negotiation—the regal immunity93 fell from her like a loosened garment, and Elizabeth’s personal desire to consider the sacredness of the monarch94 before the interests of the country lost its principal resting point.
In the meanwhile the state of civil war in Scotland continued, and news came daily of French armaments preparing to aid Mary’s party. Cecil ceaselessly urged an armistice95, and at last (1st September) was successful, though imprudent Herries continued to threaten that if Elizabeth did not restore the Queen of Scots to the throne in two months, she and her friends would appeal only to France for armed aid. Elizabeth clearly could not force Mary upon the Scottish people, and for her interference to be effective she must be recognised as a mediator96, not by Mary alone, but also by Murray and his party. This was difficult; for Murray knew that[219] if the final result was to restore Mary with any power at all, he and his party sooner or later were doomed97. Thanks mainly to the efforts of Cecil, Murray at last gave way, and the commissions of Scotch98 and English Councillors were sent to York, ostensibly to mediate27 between the Queen of Scots and her subjects. But Mary found herself no longer, as she had hoped to be, the accuser of Murray, but practically on her own trial for murder. By a remark in a letter from Cecil to Norris at the time, he seems again with some difficulty to have avoided being appointed a commissioner99 himself.
Whilst the intricate and obscure proceedings100 in York[280] were progressing, Cecil’s hands were full in London. Protestant zeal101 was fairly aflame now at Alba’s proceedings in the Netherlands. All eastern England swarmed102 with Flemish fugitives103, many of whom found their way back home again well armed with weapons bought in England, and even more with messages of indignant sympathy from English Protestants. Guzman protested to Cecil again and again, but could get no more than vague half promises, and once a proclamation, which the Spaniards described as a “compliment rather than a remedy.”
In September the mild and diplomatic Guzman[220] was withdrawn104, much to Elizabeth’s apprehension, and Cecil’s regret, and an Ambassador of very different calibre was sent. For many years the warlike party in Philip’s councils, led by Alba, had been urging him to active hostility106 towards England, but the peace party of Ruy Gomez had prevented the advice from being adopted. Now that Alba was supreme in the Netherlands, and reported that the Protestant revolt was mainly fed from England, Philip seems to have decided to alarm Elizabeth into neutrality by sending a rough-tongued representative. He had felt his ground first by his contemptuous treatment of Dr. Man, and seeing that Elizabeth had taken it quietly, he sent as his new Ambassador a turbulent bigoted107 Catalan, named Gerau de Spes, to endeavour by truculence108 to do what the suavity of Guzman had failed to effect. Dutch, Huguenot, and English privateers were preying109 upon Spanish shipping, to an extent which well-nigh cut off communication by sea between Spain and northern Europe. Money and arms, unchecked, found their way from England to the brave “beggars” in Holland; and though Philip did not wish to fight England, it was vital for him to paralyse her for harm. Mary Stuart had written to Philip from Carlisle, begging him for help against Elizabeth, and the chance seemed to Philip a good one to disturb England for his own ends, without war. He accordingly wrote cautiously to Alba (15th September), saying that he was willing to help Mary, but desired Alba to report upon what might be done to that end, whilst sending reassuring110 promises to the Queen of Scots.[281] From the first hour that De Spes set foot in England, he went beyond his instructions and conspired111 actively112 against the Government to which he was accredited113.
There was more even than this untoward114 change[221] to occupy the thoughts and hands of Elizabeth’s first minister. The war had raged in France between the Huguenots and the Catholics from September 1567 till the clever management of Catharine had beguiled115 the Protestants to accept the hollow peace of Longjumeau (March 1568). Hans Casimir and his mercenary Germans went home; the Huguenots laid down their arms; and then again the Catholic pulpits thundered forth116 that it was godly to break faith with heretics, and that the blood shed of unbelievers sent up sweet incense117 to heaven. Nearly 10,000 Huguenots were treacherously118 slain119 in three months, and no punishment could be obtained against the murderers. Condé and Coligny fled to the stronghold of La Rochelle, there to be joined by the Queen of Navarre with 4000 men-at-arms, and all that was strong and warlike on the side of the Huguenots. Elizabeth in the autumn was making a progress through the valley of the Thames when she heard that Cardinal Chatillon[282] had escaped from Tréport, and had arrived in England and desired an audience. Lord Cobham, Warden of the Cinque Ports, made much of him when he landed; Gresham entertained him; the French Ambassador, himself inclined to be a Huguenot, honoured him as if he were a prince; and as soon as the Queen’s answer was received, Chatillon hurried down to Newbury to prefer his request to the Queen. He looked little of a cardinal or a churchman, for he dressed in cape45, hat, and sword, and his wife joined him, but that perhaps made him all the more welcome. Throgmorton voices the general idea in a letter to Cecil. “I think,” he says, “with you, that it is a special favour of God to preserve this realm from calamities120 by their neighbours’ troubles.… If her Majesty121 suffer the Low Countries and France to be[222] weeded of the members of the Church whereof England is also a portion, I see no other thing can happen but a more grievous accident to us than to those whom we have suffered to be destroyed.”[283]
But it is quite clear that neither the Queen nor Cecil intended to allow the Huguenots to be destroyed. The Cardinal was received with open arms, munitions122 were brought from the Tower in hot haste, and a strong fleet was fitted out to carry aid to Huguenots in Rochelle. The French Ambassador might be half a Huguenot, but his brother the Bishop123 of Rennes was not, and he came and protested strongly in the name of Catharine against Chatillon’s reception in England. Cecil tells Norris in Paris that he got a very short answer. “I told him,” says Cecil, “we had more cause to favour him (Chatillon) and all such, because the said Cardinal Lorraine was known to be an open enemy of our sovereign. So he departed with no small misliking, and I well contented124 to utter some round speeches.”[284] But, prudent as usual, Cecil was a stickler125 for legality, and took care that appearances were kept up. The Cardinal, he insisted, was a faithful subject of his King; it was the Guises who were the enemies. Norris is directed to tell Catharine that the fleet is “to protect our Burdeaux fleet from pyrats”; and if any complaint is made about money and munitions of war being provided for Chatillon, he is to say that the Queen would never do anything against the French King, but if English merchants made bargains with the Huguenots, he (Cecil) knew of no way to stop it. He certainly made no attempt to do so; for with a great civil war on hand it was clear that France could not resort to arms for the cause of Mary Stuart; and whilst mediatory126 proceedings were dragging on in[223] England, the Protestant cause in Scotland was being consolidated127.
The unhappy Queen of Scots herself, persuaded that no help could just now reach her from her French kinsmen128, seems to have depended almost entirely129 upon the aid to be given by the King of Spain and Alba to the Scottish Catholics. No messenger came from her to London without beseeching130 secret letters in cipher131 to the Spanish Ambassador; and whilst the trial dragged on, she left no stone unturned to arouse indignation against Murray and the English. They wished to kill her child, she said, and force the reformed faith upon her and Scotland. In an intercepted132 letter to one of the Hamiltons, which fell into Cecil’s hands,[285] she says that Dumbarton, with Murray’s consent, was to be seized by the English. Elizabeth had, she averred, promised to sustain Murray, to recognise his legitimacy133, and raise him to the throne as her vassal134; both of these being accusations135 which were likely to move the Hamiltons to fury. But, above all, she accused Cecil of a deeper plot still. He had arranged, she said, to marry one of his daughters to the Earl of Hertford, father of Catharine Grey’s young heir, and thus, by mutual136 support, Hertford’s son and Murray might occupy respectively the English and Scottish thrones under Cecil’s tutelage. “So they will both be bent137 on my son’s death.” There was no truth in it; but it was an excellent invention to arouse the ire of the Scottish Catholics. Before even this was written (December), Cecil knew how bitter was Mary’s feeling against him. When Beton came to London from Mary in October, with secret messages for De Spes, suggesting her escape, “which will not be difficult, or even to raise a revolt against this Queen,” Cecil guessed his real errand, and, says De Spes, “Cecil[224] is so much against the Queen of Scotland, and so jealous in the matter, that as soon as he saw Beton he asked him whether he had been with his complaints to the Spanish Ambassador, and whether he came to see me often; to which Beton replied that he had no dealings whatever with me.”[286]
But Cecil’s spies were everywhere, and he knew that De Spes was working ceaselessly in Mary’s interests to bring disaster upon England, in union with his chief, the Duke of Alba, in Flanders. The great difficulty in the way of the Spaniards was the extreme penury139 of the treasury140. Spain was in the very depths of poverty, its commerce well-nigh killed by unwise fiscal141 arrangements and the depredations142 of the privateers, against whom De Spes inveighed143 to Cecil constantly, but in vain, though the Secretary was strongly against piracy144 on principle. Flanders desolated145 with war, Holland and Zeeland in revolt, were no longer the milch-cows for the Spaniards that they had been, and Alba, with an unpaid146 and rebellious147 soldiery, was in despair of subduing148 Orange, much less of crushing England, unless large sums of money were forthcoming. Philip made a great effort in the autumn of 1568, and borrowed a large sum of money from the Genoese bankers to supply Alba with the sinews of war. The money was to be conveyed by sea to Flanders at the risk of the bankers. Three of the vessels149 duly arrived in Antwerp, after having been chased by Huguenot privateers; but several others put into Southampton, Plymouth, and Falmouth, to escape from their pursuers. The representative in England of the bankers was the Genoese Benedict Spinola, who requested De Spes to ask the Queen to allow the money to be discharged and brought overland to Dover, where it could be transhipped under convoy150 for the Duke of Alba. De Spes[225] saw the Queen on the 29th November, and she consented to this course being adopted.
In the meanwhile the privateers, in crowds, were clustered outside the harbours where the rich treasure lay, and nearly every Spanish ship that entered the Channel fell into their hands. De Spes had not been sent by Philip to provoke war, but in the few months that he had been in England his violence, insolence151, and bigotry152 had brought war nearer than ever it had been before. Norris in Paris had just been warned, and had sent the warning to Cecil, that a plot was formed to kill the Queen, and that the papal banker Ridolfi, De Spes, and the English Catholic nobility, headed by the Earl of Arundel, had agreed to place Mary Stuart on the English throne. De Spes was closeted day and night with Mary’s agents. “The Bishop of Ross came at midnight to offer me the good-will of his mistress and many gentlemen of this country.… The Queen of Scotland told my servant to convey to me the following words: ‘Tell the Ambassador that if his master will help me I shall be Queen of England in three months, and mass shall be said all over the country.’”[287]
Condé’s agents, too, were for ever telling the Queen and Cecil of the plans against England of the Guises and Alba, as soon as the Protestants in France and Flanders had been subjugated153; and Knollys wrote almost despairingly from Bolton of Mary’s haughty disbelief in Elizabeth’s power to harm her.[288] There need, therefore, be no surprise that the English Council began to question the wisdom of allowing the treasure that had fallen into their power to be used against the tranquillity154 and independence of their own country. When De Spes asked Cecil for the safe conducts for the money, he was put off[226] with vague evasions155, whilst the main question was being discussed. After much pressing, Cecil gave the safe conducts, and sent orders to Plymouth and Falmouth (13th December, N.S.) that the shore authorities were to defend the treasure-ships, which were being threatened by pirates, even in port. “These orders are now being sent off,” writes De Spes, “but in all things Cecil showed himself an enemy to the Catholic cause, and desirous on every opportunity of opposing the interests of your Majesty.… He has to be dealt with by prayers and gentle threats.” “The Council is sitting night and day about the Queen of Scotland’s affairs. Cecil and the Chancellor156 (Bacon) would like to see her dead, as they have a King of their own choosing, one of Hertford’s children.”[289]
After deliberation, Cecil had sent for Bernard Spinola, and ascertained157 from him that the money was being conveyed at the bankers’ risk, and could not legally be called King Philip’s property.[290] This seems to have decided the question. The money on the cutter in Southampton harbour was discharged, on the pretext of protecting it from pirates;[291] and as soon as De Spes got the news, on the 20th December, he went to[227] the Queen in a violent rage to demand its return. He only saw Cecil, who said the money was safe, but hinted that it did not belong to the King. De Spes then gave the bad advice to Alba to retaliate158 by seizing all English property in the Netherlands, which was done, and Cecil was provided with a pretext which gave him what he always needed, a good legal position to justify159 his acts. The Queen had not hitherto plainly said that she would keep the money; but as soon as she heard that Alba had seized English property, it gave her the required excuse for doing so. Her credit was as good as Philip’s, she said, and she would borrow it herself. Not only 400,000 crowns in gold, but every scrap160 of Spanish property in England was seized, enormously in excess of all English property in Flanders. In vain De Spes hectored and stormed, in vain Alba alternately threatened and implored161, in vain Philip made seizures162 of Englishmen and goods in Spain; the Queen was in an unassailable position. Alba had openly declared the seizures of English property first, and all Elizabeth had done was to adopt reprisals164 afterwards. But it crippled Alba and Philip almost to exhaustion165, and well-nigh ruined Spanish commerce and killed Spanish credit.
For years open and secret negotiations166 went on to obtain some restoration of the enormous amount of Spanish property seized. Cajolery, bribery167, and appeals to English honour were resorted to without effect; private negotiations were opened by the owners of the property to get partial restitution168 on any terms; envoy75 after envoy was sent, and returned home empty-handed. The Queen refused to acknowledge Alba or his agents in any form, and Cecil was immovable in his determination that no arrangement should be made that did not bring into account all the confiscations and persecutions that had ever been suffered by English in Spain at the hands of the Inquisition, which he knew was impossible. In the[228] meanwhile the property dwindled169 and was jobbed away, and little, if any, ever eventually reached its proper owners.
Early in January the Queen refused to receive De Spes, and sent Cecil and the Lord Admiral, attended by a large train, and the aldermen of the city, to see him at his house. Cecil, as usual, was the spokesman. He was angry and severe: upbraided170 the Ambassador for his bad offices; condemned171 the cruelty of the Duke of Alba, and his insolence in seizing English property; and ended by placing De Spes and all his household under arrest, in the custody172 of Henry Knollys, Arthur Carew, and Sir Henry Knyvett. The reason of this was that a violent letter from De Spes to Alba had been intercepted by Cecil’s orders. To make matters worse, the foolish Ambassador, whilst under arrest, wrote an insolent173 letter to Alba complaining of his treatment, and sent it open to the Council. In it he says that “Cecil is harsh and arrogant174; that he vapoured about religion, dragged up the matter of John Man and about Bishop Quadra’s affairs, and, in short, did and said a thousand impertinent things. He thinks he is dealing138 with Englishmen, who all tremble before him.… The question of the money does not suit him. I beg your Excellency not to refrain on my account from doing everything that the interests and dignity of the King demand; for whilst Cecil rules, I do not believe there will ever be lasting175 peace. It is a pity so excellent a Queen should give credit to so scandalous a person as this. God send a remedy; for in this country, people great and small are discontented with the Government.… Cecil is having a proclamation drawn105 up, from which he leaves out what is most important, and misstates the case. He refused to return my packet, and is getting one Somers to decipher my letters. If he succeeds I will pardon him.”[292] The transmission of this insolent letter, open to the Council, to be sent to Alba,[229] produced the effect that might have been expected. De Spes was asked to explain what he meant by such offensive expressions against the Government, and by some scurrilous references employed in another intercepted letter towards the Queen. He tried to attenuate176 his insolence towards the Queen, and the Council as a whole, but not that towards Cecil personally.
And so affairs drifted from bad to worse. Every letter from De Spes to Alba and the King was full of abuse of Cecil, and statements of the determination of the English Catholics to shake off his tyranny and raise Mary Stuart to the throne. The people are all discontented, he says, and the slightest show of countenance177 from Philip will enable Elizabeth and the detested178 Cecil to be overthrown180. Philip did not know what to think of it, and sent to Alba orders to inquire independently whether De Spes’ representations were true. If it is so easy, he says, he is willing to give the aid required, as after his duty to maintain the holy faith in his own dominions, it is incumbent181 upon him to re-establish it in England. “If you think the chance will be lost by again waiting to consult me, you may at once take the steps you consider advisable.”[293] Alba soon undeceived the King. He had his hands full in the Netherlands; he was almost without money; rash and foolish De Spes, he knew, was not to be depended upon, and he told Philip plainly that he must temporise and make friends with Elizabeth, leaving vengeance182 until later. De Spes, he thought, was being deceived, perhaps betrayed, by Ridolfi and the Catholics, and open war with England must be avoided at any cost. Cecil, indeed, had accurately183 gauged184 the situation, and knew far better than De Spes that Philip dared not fight, now that the Prince of Orange was holding Holland and Zeeland[230] against him. England’s traditional alliance was not with the House of Spain, but with the possessor of the Netherlands, and in the same proportion as Spain lost control over the Low Countries, the need for a close union with her shifted.
Late in February the Duke of Norfolk, and his father-in-law, the Earl of Arundel, to whom the changed situation was not so clear as to Cecil, sent Ridolfi to De Spes with a cipher communication to tell him that the money and Spanish property should be returned.[294] “They had only consented to my detention185 and Cecil’s other impertinences, because they were not yet strong enough to resist him. But they were gathering186 friends, and were letting the public know what was going on, in the hope and belief that they will be able to turn out the present accursed Government and raise up another Catholic one, bringing the Queen to consent thereto. They think your Excellency (Alba) will support them in this, and that the country will not lose the friendship of our King. They say they will return to the Catholic religion, and they think a better opportunity never existed than now. Although Cecil thinks he has them all under his heel, he will find few or none of them stand by him. I have encouraged them.… In the meanwhile Cecil is bravely harrying187 the Catholics, imprisoning188 many, for nearly all the prisons are full. The Spaniards (i.e. from the arrested ships) are in Bridewell to the number of over 150, and a minister is sent to preach to them.” This gives us a clue to the real origin of the plot against Cecil, which his domestic biographer absurdly ascribes to a noble member of the Council having seen upon his table a book attacking aristocracy.[295][231] Rapin is nearer in guessing the cause of the conspiracy189 in ascribing it to Norfolk, Winchester, Pembroke, Leicester, Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Arundel, in favour of Mary Stuart’s claim, at least to the succession, in opposition190 to Cecil’s candidate, Catharine Grey’s son, Lord Beauchamp. Camden records that Throgmorton, Leicester’s henchman, advocated the lodging191 of Cecil in the Tower first. “If he were once shut up, men would open their mouths to speak freely against him.”[296] As will be seen, however, Cecil was more than a match for his jealous enemies, who were also the enemies of England; and the Queen, to her honour, stood bravely up for her great minister.[297] The plan agreed upon was for Norfolk, a cat’s-paw of Leicester, to denounce Cecil for his supposed intention of forcing the succession of Beauchamp, and provoking war with Spain by advocating the seizure163 of Philip’s treasure; but Leicester, too unstable192, even, to keep the counsel[232] of his own plot, dropped a hint to the Queen, who warned Cecil, and the whole nefarious193 conspiracy was unveiled. The excuse given by Norfolk and Arundel to De Spes for their failure was that so many Councillors were interested in the plunder194 that they could not get them to move against Cecil. “For my part,” says De Spes, “I believe that they have very little courage, and in the usual English way wish things to be so far advanced that they can with but little trouble win your Majesty’s rewards and favours.”
On the strength of their intentions against Cecil, Arundel, with his sons-in-law, Norfolk and Lumley, tried their hardest to get some money from De Spes, but without effect until the northern rebellion was in preparation. Their intermediary was a Florentine banker, whose brother-in-law, Cavalcanti, was one of Cecil’s agents, and through him every step was known to the Secretary. Spies were everywhere. Whilst Cecil’s most confidential195 private secretary, Allington, carried all his secrets to De Spes for a consideration,[298] no visitor went to the Spanish Embassy whose name and business was not at once reported to Cecil, who, says De Spes, was suspicious even of the birds of the air. Though Mary was in captivity, she contrived196 to write constant cipher letters through De Spes to the Pope, to Alba, and to Philip. The Bishop of Ross, her indefatigable197 but imprudent agent, took no step in Mary’s cause without consultation198 with the Spaniard. She would, he said, have been released already but for Cecil, her great enemy in the Council.[299] If he could be got rid of, all would be well.[233] The Bishop of Ross went so far as to solicit199 another husband for Mary to be chosen by Philip, and offered her abject200 submission201 both for England and Scotland, in return for aid to the coming rising in her favour. It will be seen by this that a more dangerous and widespread plot even than that against Cecil was being planned by the Catholic nobility.
At what period the first suggestion was made for a marriage between the Duke of Norfolk and Mary Stuart is not certain, but the Bishop of Ross afterwards deposed[300] that the Duke had sent his offer to the Queen before the meeting of the Commission of York (October 1568), of which he was president; and as Lady Scrope, in whose husband’s house, Bolton Castle, Mary was kept, was Norfolk’s sister, it is probable that the plan was hatched during her stay at Bolton. From Murray’s statement[301] it appears that Norfolk had a private conference with him during the sitting of the Commission at York, when the Duke proposed to suppress the papers which incriminated Mary, in order to save the scandal of a conviction. Murray placed the evidence before the English Commissioners202, and agreed to abide203 by Elizabeth’s decision, and Norfolk at once wrote a private letter to Cecil conveying his strong impression of the Queen’s guilt, but advocating the suppression of the evidence. Norfolk’s conference with Murray, and probably Cecil’s knowledge of the marriage plan, appears to have been the reason for the removal of the Commission[234] to London, and the employment of Norfolk elsewhere, as well as of the removal of Mary to Tutbury. When Norfolk returned to court, Elizabeth received him coldly, for the talk about his marriage with Mary was now public, and the Duke assured the Queen of the untruth of the rumours204. After Murray, with real or pretended reluctance205, had laid the whole of his evidence against Mary before the Commission, and the sittings had come to an end with the sole result of leaving the cloud over her head, Norfolk’s plan for a time was shelved;[302] but the conspiracy of the nobles against Cecil in favour of Mary again revived the idea of the marriage; and Guzman in June 1569 says that the new Lord Dacre had mentioned the matter to him, and professed his willingness to hold in readiness 15,000 men in the north, to rise in favour of Mary if he were assured of Philip’s support. De Spes asserts that Cecil had proposed to marry his widowed sister-in-law, Lady Hoby, to the Duke, a proposal which the Duke had rejected with scorn, “as his eyes were fixed206 upon the Queen of Scots.”
By this time matters had so far advanced that a large sum of money (6000 crowns) was sent by Alba to the Catholic nobles, through Lumley and Arundel, as well as 10,000 to Mary, and the rising in the north was in principle decided upon; but Alba, whilst ready to supply money secretly, strictly207 enjoined208 De Spes to turn a deaf ear to any suggestions for overt aid against the Queen’s Government.[303] His great care for the moment was to[235] repair the effects of his mistake, and obtain some sort of restitution of the Spanish property seized in England. Agents were sent backwards209 and forwards, supple210 cosmopolitan211 Florentines mostly. Ridolfi, Fiesco, the Cavalcantis, and several others tried by bribery and other means to induce Cecil to consent to an arrangement. It suited him to pretend a willingness to do so. Ridolfi dined and conferred with him more than once on the subject at Cecil House. De Spes was released from his captivity in Paget House (on the site of the present Essex Street, Strand), and allowed to take the Bishop of Winchester’s house instead; but on various pretexts212, invented, as he says, by Cecil, the interminable negotiations about the restitution dragged on without much result, as Cecil evidently intended them to do. “We must have patience,” De Spes writes to Alba, “but the affair is greatly injured by Cecil’s having again got the upper hand in the government, without fear now that the other members may overthrow179 him, for he knows that they could not agree together for the purpose.”[304]
Whilst Cecil was temporising about the restitution, and dallying213 with the Spanish agents, he kept his hand on the pulse of the Catholic Lords. Arundel and his party had arranged that De Spes should once more be admitted to the Queen’s presence at Guildford, and then[236] go to a meeting of the conspirators214 at Nonsuch; but Cecil raised difficulties, and himself came to town specially215 to tell De Spes that the Queen could not receive him until he obtained fresh credentials216 direct from Spain. Cecil had apparently217 by this time (August 1569) won over the Earl of Pembroke; and Leicester himself had taken fright at the probable result of his plotting. His accomplices218 had gone beyond him. The rise of Norfolk and Mary under a Catholic regime would of course have meant extinction219 for Leicester, and though he was ready enough to ruin Cecil, he had no wish to be dragged down in his fall. “The Duke’s party,” writes De Spes, “and those who favour the Queen of Scotland, are incomparably the greater number.… I believe there will be some great event soon, as the people are much dissatisfied and distressed220 by want of trade, and these gentlemen of Nonsuch have some new imaginations in their heads.”
A few days after this was written, Norfolk received the ominous221 warning from the Queen at Titchfield, to “beware on what pillow he rested his head.” The Duke was a poor, weak creature, and instead of accompanying the Queen to Windsor, he fled into Norfolk, and from there wrote an apology to the Queen. Elizabeth’s answer was a peremptory222 summons for him to come to court, ill or well. He delayed, and the Queen, in a rage, sent and arrested him, confining him first at Burnham, near Windsor, and shortly afterwards in the Tower. How wise and moderate Cecil was under the circumstances, may be seen in his own letters. He knew better than any one that the conspiracy was primarily directed against him, as one of the conditions imposed upon Mary was stated to be that nothing should be done against Elizabeth;[305] yet this is how he[237] wrote to the Queen just before Norfolk was sent to the Tower[306] (9th October): “If the Duke shall be charged with the crime of treason, and shall not thereof be convicted, he shall not only save his credit, but increase it. And surely, without the facts may appear manifest within the compass of treason (which I cannot see how they can), he shall be acquitted223 of that charge; and better it were in the beginning to foresee the matter, than attempt it with discredit224, and not without suspicion of evil will and malice225. Wherefore I am bold to wish that your Majesty would show your intention only to inquire of the facts and circumstances, and not by any speech to note the same as treason. And if your Majesty would yourself consider the words of the statute226 evidencing treasons, I think you would so consider it.”
In a letter written by Cecil to Norris a few days before this,[307] he says that he had answered to the Queen, who was very angry with Norfolk, for the latter’s return; and he gives an account of the Duke’s plight227 and reported willingness to obey the Queen’s summons:[238] “whereof I am glad; first, for the respect of the State, and next for the Duke himself, whom of all subjects I honoured and loved above the rest, and surely found in him always matter so deserving. Whilst this matter hath been passing, you must not think but that the Queen of Scots was nearer looked to than before; and though evil willers of our State would gladly have seen some troublesome issue of this matter, yet, God be thanked, I trust they shall be deceived. The Queen hath willed Lord Arundel and Lord Pembroke to keep their lodgings228 here, for that they were privy229 to this marriage intended, and did not reveal it to her Majesty; but I think none of them did so with any evil meaning.[308] Of Lord Pembroke’s intent herein, I can witness that he meant nothing but well to the Queen’s Majesty. Lord Lumley is also restrained, and the Queen hath also been grievously offended with Lord Leicester, but considering that he hath revealed all that he sayeth he knoweth of himself, her Majesty spareth her displeasure more towards him. Some disquiets230 must arise, but I trust not hurtful, for that her Majesty sayeth she will know the truth, so as every one shall see his own fault, and so stay.” But for all Cecil’s diplomatic pleading, Norfolk went to the Tower, where, with feigned231 submission and lying protestations, he continued to plot with Mary Stuart and the enemies of England. The Catholics and Norfolk’s[239] friends, of course, threw the whole blame upon Cecil.[309]
Shortly before Norfolk’s arrest, De Spes, who was still in close communication with the northern Lords and the Duke’s friends, wrote to the King, anticipating a favourable result of the movement; “although, on the other hand, I observe that Cecil and his fellow-Protestants on the Council are still very much deluding232 themselves. Even now, with the peril233 before them, they will not come to reason, so firmly persuaded are they that their religion will prevail.” As soon as Arundel and his friends were placed under arrest, De Spes says that “every one cast the blame on Secretary Cecil, who conducts these affairs with great astuteness234.” All would be lost, he said, by the Duke’s cowardice235, and the Queen of Scots had sent to urge him to behave valiantly236. But valour was no part of wretched Norfolk’s nature. A few days before the Duke was lodged237 in the Tower, an envoy of the northern Earls, headed by Northumberland, came to De Spes, promising43 to raise and capture the north country, release Mary, restore the Catholic religion, and return unconditionally all the Spanish property seized. They only asked in return that a few Spanish harquebussiers should be sent; and they dropped Norfolk out of their programme, looking to the Spaniards to provide a fit husband for Mary. “Whilst Cecil governs here, no good course can be expected, and the Duke of Norfolk[240] says that he wished to get him out of the government and change the guard of the Queen of Scotland before taking up arms. It is thought they will not dare to take the Duke to the Tower, though in this they may be deceived, because they who now rule are Protestants, and most of them creatures of Cecil.” The Secretary’s attitude in this matter has been treated somewhat at length, because it happens that material exists which shows conclusively238 how bitter and unjust were his enemies towards him, and how impossible it is to accept, without full examination, statements to his detriment239, made even by men who were in daily communication with him.
In the middle of October the Catholic ferment240 in the north reached its height. The Queen had summoned Northumberland and Westmoreland, and they refused to obey. Without waiting for the Spanish aid for which they had stipulated241, they entered Durham with 5000 foot and 1000 horse, and proclaimed the restoration of the Catholic faith. Cecil himself, giving an account of the rising to Norris,[310] says, “They have in their company priests of their faction242, who, to please the people thereabouts, give them masses, and some such trash as the spoils and wastes where they have been.” Smashing communion-tables and devastating243 Protestant houses as they went, they advanced to Doncaster; but the Government had long foreseen the affair, and were ready to cope with it. Mary was hurried off, strongly guarded, to Coventry, out of the reach of the rebels. Lord Darcy repulsed244 one band; the Earl of Sussex, president of the north, held York against the main body; the wardens245 of the marches were well prepared and provided by Cecil’s foresight246, and the country people in the great towns of the north were intimidated247 into quietude. On the[241] 24th December, Cecil could write: “Thank God, our northern rebellion is fallen flat to the ground and scattered248 away.[311] The Earls are fled into Northumberland, seeking all ways to escape, but they are roundly pursued, by Sir John Forster and Sir Henry Percy in one company, and Lord Sussex in another. The 16th December they broke up their sorry army, the 18th entered Northumberland, the 19th into the mountains; they scattered all their footmen, willing them to shift for themselves; and of a thousand horsemen there are left but five hundred. By this time they must be fewer, and, I trust, either taken or fled into Scotland, where the Earl of Murray is in good readiness to chase them to their ruin.”[312]
So ended, ignominiously249, the only important armed revolt against Elizabeth in England, but the first of a long series of plots against the peace and independence of the nation, by which Mary Stuart from her captivity, English Catholics who prized their faith more than their country, and Spain and the Guises, for their own national or dynastic ends, sought to bend the neck of England once again to the yoke250 which the statecraft of Elizabeth and her great minister had enabled her to shake off.
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1
guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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warden
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| n.监察员，监狱长，看守人，监护人 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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7
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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9
crumble
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| vi.碎裂，崩溃；vt.弄碎，摧毁 | |
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stolidity
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| n.迟钝，感觉麻木 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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autonomous
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| adj.自治的；独立的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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15
accentuated
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| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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16
casually
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| adv.漠不关心地，无动于衷地，不负责任地 | |
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outspoken
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| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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hustled
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| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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outrageously
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| 凶残地； 肆无忌惮地； 令人不能容忍地； 不寻常地 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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portend
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| v.预兆，预示；给…以警告 | |
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strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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provocation
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| n.激怒，刺激，挑拨，挑衅的事物，激怒的原因 | |
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suavity
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| n.温和；殷勤 | |
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appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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40
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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41
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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42
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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43
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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44
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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45
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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46
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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47
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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48
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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49
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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50
suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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51
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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52
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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53
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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55
averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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56
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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57
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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58
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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59
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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60
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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61
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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62
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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63
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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64
unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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65
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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66
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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67
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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68
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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69
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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70
abdicate
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| v.让位，辞职，放弃 | |
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71
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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72
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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73
blurted
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| v.突然说出，脱口而出( blurt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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75
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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76
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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77
agile
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| adj.敏捷的，灵活的 | |
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78
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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79
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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80
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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81
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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82
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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83
intemperate
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| adj.无节制的，放纵的 | |
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84
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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85
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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86
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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87
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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88
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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89
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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90
conniving
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| v.密谋 ( connive的现在分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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91
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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92
connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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93
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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94
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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95
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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96
mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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97
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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98
scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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99
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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100
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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101
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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102
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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103
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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104
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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105
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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106
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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107
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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108
truculence
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| n.凶猛，粗暴 | |
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109
preying
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| v.掠食( prey的现在分词 )；掠食；折磨；（人）靠欺诈为生 | |
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110
reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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111
conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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112
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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113
accredited
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| adj.可接受的；可信任的；公认的；质量合格的v.相信( accredit的过去式和过去分词 )；委托；委任；把…归结于 | |
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114
untoward
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| adj.不利的，不幸的，困难重重的 | |
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115
beguiled
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| v.欺骗( beguile的过去式和过去分词 )；使陶醉；使高兴；消磨（时间等） | |
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116
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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117
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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118
treacherously
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| 背信弃义地； 背叛地； 靠不住地； 危险地 | |
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119
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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120
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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121
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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122
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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123
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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124
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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125
stickler
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| n.坚持细节之人 | |
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126
mediatory
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| 斡旋的，调解的 | |
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127
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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128
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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129
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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130
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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131
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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132
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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133
legitimacy
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| n.合法，正当 | |
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134
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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135
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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136
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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137
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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138
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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139
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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140
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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141
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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142
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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143
inveighed
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| v.猛烈抨击，痛骂，谩骂( inveigh的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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145
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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146
unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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147
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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148
subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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149
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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150
convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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151
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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152
bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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153
subjugated
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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155
evasions
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| 逃避( evasion的名词复数 )； 回避； 遁辞； 借口 | |
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156
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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157
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
retaliate
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| v.报复，反击 | |
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159
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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160
scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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161
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
seizures
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| n.起获( seizure的名词复数 )；没收；充公；起获的赃物 | |
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163
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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164
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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165
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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166
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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167
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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168
restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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169
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
upbraided
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| v.责备，申斥，谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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172
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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173
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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174
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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175
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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176
attenuate
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| v.使变小，使减弱 | |
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177
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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178
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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179
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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180
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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181
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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182
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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183
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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184
gauged
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| adj.校准的；标准的；量规的；量计的v.（用仪器）测量( gauge的过去式和过去分词 )；估计；计量；划分 | |
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185
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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186
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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187
harrying
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| v.使苦恼( harry的现在分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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188
imprisoning
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| v.下狱，监禁( imprison的现在分词 ) | |
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189
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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190
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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191
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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192
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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193
nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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194
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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195
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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196
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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197
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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198
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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199
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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200
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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201
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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202
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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203
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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204
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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205
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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206
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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207
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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208
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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209
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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210
supple
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| adj.柔软的，易弯的，逢迎的，顺从的，灵活的；vt.使柔软，使柔顺，使顺从；vi.变柔软，变柔顺 | |
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211
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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213
dallying
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的现在分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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214
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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215
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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216
credentials
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| n.证明，资格，证明书，证件 | |
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217
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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218
accomplices
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| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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219
extinction
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| n.熄灭，消亡，消灭，灭绝，绝种 | |
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220
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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221
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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222
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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223
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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224
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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225
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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226
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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227
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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228
lodgings
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| n. 出租的房舍, 寄宿舍 | |
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229
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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230
disquiets
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| n.忧虑( disquiet的名词复数 )；不安；内心不平静；烦恼v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的第三人称单数 ) | |
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231
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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232
deluding
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的现在分词 ) | |
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233
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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234
astuteness
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| n.敏锐；精明；机敏 | |
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235
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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236
valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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237
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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238
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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239
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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240
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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241
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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242
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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243
devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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244
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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245
wardens
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| n.看守人( warden的名词复数 )；管理员；监察员；监察官 | |
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246
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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247
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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248
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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249
ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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250
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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