The truth of Cecil’s forebodings came soon afterwards. On the 22nd February 1570, Murray was shot by a Hamilton in the streets of Linlithgow, and in the anarchy11 which followed, the friends of Mary Stuart on the Scottish Border invaded England. Maitland of Lethington and others who had hitherto stood firmly by Murray, now turned to the side of the Hamiltons and the French party; whilst a special French Guisan envoy13 boldly demanded of Elizabeth, in the name of the King of France, Mary Stuart’s release, permission for himself to pass into Scotland, and a pledge from the English Queen that in future she would refrain from supporting the Huguenots. Papal emissaries whispered at first that the Pope had excommunicated “the flagitious pretended Queen of England”; and then one Catholic, bolder than the rest (Felton), dared publicly to post the bull on the Bishop14 of London’s door. The Bishop of Ross was tireless in spreading the view of Mary’s innocence15 and[244] unmerited sufferings,[314] and many Englishmen who were opposed to her in everything were scandalised at her continued captivity16. So strong a Protestant as Sir Henry Norris, the English Ambassador in Paris—for ever the butt17 of French remonstrance18 against Mary’s imprisonment—advised Cecil to have her released. But Sir William knew better the risk of such a step now, and replied, “Surely few here amongst us conceive it feasible with surety,” and he was right. Stories, too, came from Flanders of plans to assassinate19 Elizabeth; but she was never so strong or wise as when the circumstances were difficult and dangerous. “I know not,” writes Cecil, “by what means, but her Majesty20 is not much troubled with the opinion of danger; nevertheless I and others cannot be but greatly fearful for her, and do, and will do, all that in us may lie to understand by God’s assistance the attempts.”
It was not long before Cecil had once more triumphed over his enemies on the Council and in England: the danger that then threatened was from without. Again, the policy of disabling the foreign Catholics by aiding the Protestants was resorted to. Killigrew was kept busy in Germany arranging with Hans Casimir and other mercenary leaders, to raise large forces for the purpose of entering France and enabling the Huguenots to avenge21 their disasters.[315] Cardinal22 Chatillon was still a[245] welcome guest at the English court. The privateers in the Channel were stronger and bolder than ever, and had practically swept Spanish shipping23 from the narrow seas. The Flemings were encouraged with promises of help and support when Orange had once more organised a force to cope with Alba. Sussex and Hunsdon in the meanwhile did not let the grass grow under their feet, but harried24 both sides of the Border, stamping out the last embers of rebellion, and striking terror into the Catholic fugitives25, whilst Morton and the Protestant party were consolidating26 their position, momentarily shaken by the murder of Murray.[316] De Spes was ceaselessly clamouring to the King and Alba for armed intervention27 in England before it was too late. Mary might be captured by a coup28 de main, as she herself suggested, and carried to Spain; a few troops sent to Scotland now, said the Bishop of Ross, might overturn the new Regency; a small force in Ireland would easily expel the heretics; “and the whole nation will rise as soon as they see your Majesty’s standard floating over ships on their coast.”
But Alba distrusted both French and English, Protestants and Catholics alike. He knew that the conflagration30 in the Netherlands was still all aglow31 beneath the surface, and he dared not plunge32 into war with England. His slow master pondered and plotted, beset33 with cares and poverty, and unable to wreak34 his vengeance35 upon England until he had the certainty of Mary Stuart’s exclusive devotion to his interests. But the extent and complexity[246] of Philip’s difficulties were only known to himself, and the danger appeared to Cecil even greater than it was.
The plague had raged in London for the whole of the summer of 1569, and a recrudescence of it in the following June gave Cecil a good opportunity for advocating Norfolk’s partial enlargement. The Duke made a most solemn renunciation of his proposed marriage with Mary, and craved36 Elizabeth’s forgiveness; and at length in August was allowed to retire to his own house. That he owed his liberation to Cecil is clear from his letters. At the beginning of July, apparently37, some person—probably Leicester—had told the Duke that Cecil was against him, and the Secretary showed him how false this was, and proposed to take action against his slanderers. The Duke in reply thanked him for his friendly dealing38 and his frank explanation, “which have sufficiently39 purged40 him (Cecil) and laid the fault on those who deserved it.” But he begged him to refrain from further action, as it might cause mischief41.[317] When Norfolk at length was “rid of yonder pestylent infectyous hows” (the Tower), he unhesitatingly attributed his release to Cecil. How busy the slanderers of the Secretary were, and how deeply he felt the wounds they dealt him, may be seen in another statement in his own hand of the same period[318] (July 1570), which contains an indignant denial of the reports that had been spread with regard to his alleged42 dishonest dealing with the property of his ward9 the Earl of Oxford43.
During the whole of Norfolk’s stay in the Tower and afterwards, the love-letters between him and Mary continued, the Queen signing her letters “your own faithful to death,” and using many similar terms of endearment;[319][247] and Cecil could hardly have been entirely44 ignorant of the Duke’s bad faith. But for political reasons it was considered necessary, not only to conciliate him, but Mary and the Spaniards as well. Concurrently45, therefore, with the negotiations47 for Norfolk’s release, a show of willingness was made to come to terms with Mary. Her presence in England was an embarrassment48 and a danger, and now that Murray was dead, the principal personal obstacle to her return had disappeared. If she could be so tied down as to be used as a means for pacifying49 Scotland, whilst depending for the future entirely upon England, her return to her country would relieve Elizabeth of a difficulty. The first basis of negotiation46 was the surrender of the English rebel Lords in exchange for her, and the delivery to England of four or six of the principal Scottish nobles and the young Prince as hostages. But these terms were by no means acceptable to Mary’s agents or to herself. She feared that the Scots would kill her, and the English her son, and so secure the joint50 kingdoms to a nominee51 of Elizabeth or Cecil.
The main reason for Elizabeth’s change of attitude must be sought in the panic which seized upon England in the early summer of 1570. A powerful Spanish fleet was in the Channel, ostensibly to convey Philip’s fourth wife, Anne of Austria, from Flanders to Spain; but rumours52 came that the dreaded53 Duke of Alba was ready now for the invasion of England. The Guises54 in Normandy, too, were said to have an army of harquebussiers waiting to embark55 for Scotland; the Irish rebels were being helped both by Philip and the Guises. The Pope’s bull absolving56 Englishmen from their oaths of allegiance was the talk everywhere, and English merchants in despair cried that at last they and their country were to pay for the depredations57 of the pirates. The French were demanding haughtily58 that the English troops should[248] evacuate59 the Border Scottish fortresses60 held by them, and the Protestants in France and Flanders were not yet prepared to furnish the diversion upon which the English usually depended for their own safety.
The position was very grave in appearance, though not so great in reality, and it alarmed Elizabeth out of her equanimity61. De Guaras says that she shut herself up for three days, and railed against Cecil for bringing her to such a pass; and the same observer reports that when Cecil one day in the middle of July left the Queen and retired62 to his own apartment, he cried to his wife in deep distress63, “O wife! if God do not help us we shall be lost and undone64. Get together all the jewels and money you can, that you may follow me when the time comes; for surely trouble is in store for us.”[320] This may or may not be true in detail, and also Guaras’ assertion that Cecil had sent large private funds to Germany, whither he would retire in case of trouble; but it is certain that panic reigned65 supreme66 for a few weeks in the summer, accentuated67, doubtless, by the plague which was devastating68 the country. But fright did not paralyse the minister for long, if at all. Twenty-five ships were hastily armed, two fresh armies were raised of five thousand men each, ostensibly for Scotland. Mary was prompted to send Livingston to Scotland to negotiate an arrangement with the Regent Lennox, and Cecil himself, with Sir Walter Mildmay, was induced to go and confer with Mary at Chatsworth; but, says De Spes, “all these things are simply tricks of Cecil’s, who thinks thereby69 to cheat every one, in which to a certain extent he succeeds.” The Secretary had by this time discovered that in any case neither Philip nor Alba would raise a finger to avenge a slight upon De Spes, for he had imprisoned70 him and distressed71 him in a[249] thousand ways already without retaliation72. At the same time, a blow at such a notorious conspirator73 as he was could not fail to produce a great effect upon the English Catholics who plotted with him and looked to Spain alone for support. Cecil therefore sent Fitzwilliams to Flanders about the seizures74, and instructed him to complain to Alba of De Spes’ communications with the rebels. “His object,” wrote the Ambassador, “is to expel me, now that they think I understand the affairs of this country; and Cecil thinks that I, with others, might make such representations to the Queen as would diminish his great authority.… Cecil is a crafty76 fox, a mortal enemy of the Catholics and to our King, and it is necessary to watch his designs very closely, because he proceeds with the greatest caution and dissimulation77. There is nothing in his power he does not attempt to injure us. The Queen’s own opinion is of little importance, and that of Leicester less; so that Cecil unrestrainedly and arrogantly78 governs all.… Your worship may be certain that if Cecil is allowed to have his way he will disturb the Netherlands.”[321] De Spes’ information was correct on the latter point, as well it might be, for in addition to Cecil’s own secretary, Allington, he had in his pay Sir James Crofts, a member of the Council, and the Secretary of the Council, Bernard Hampton, who between them brought him news of everything that passed in the Council or in Cecil House.
The Secretary’s efforts to get rid of so troublesome a guest as De Spes, and to offer an object-lesson to the English Catholics at the same time, were persistent79, and in the end successful. De Spes was refused the treatment of an ambassador, threatened with the Tower, flouted80, slighted, and insulted at every turn; but he could only futilely81 storm and fret82, for neither his King nor[250] Alba was pleased with the difficult position which his violence had created for them in England. It was all the fault of Cecil personally, insisted De Spes. He wished to afflict83 the Catholic cause without witnesses, and would stick at nothing, even poison, to get rid of the Spaniard.
Cecil would have liked to avoid his mission to Mary Stuart, for he was almost crippled with constant gout, and he was fully84 aware of the hollowness of the negotiations in hand. The interviews with Mary could hardly have been agreeable, although they were carried out with great formality and politeness on both sides. Cecil charged her with a knowledge of the northern rebellion, which she only partly denied, saying, however, that she did not encourage it. Mary seems to have been alternately passionate85 and tearful; but her bad adviser86, the Bishop of Ross, was by her side, and though she argued her case shrewdly, she could not refrain from unwisely and unnecessarily wounding Elizabeth at the outset.[322] In the second article of the proposed treaty, where Elizabeth’s issue were to be preferred in the succession, Mary altered the words to “lawful issue,” to which Elizabeth, although acceding87 to it, replied that Mary “measured other folk’s disposition88 by her own actions.” After some acrimony on the subject of other alterations89 on behalf of Mary, an arrangement was arrived at, which, however, was afterwards vetoed by the Scottish Government,[323] at the instance of Morton, who was the Commissioner90 in London.
Whilst the negotiations with Mary had been progressing, peace had been signed between the Huguenots[251] and Charles IX. at St. Germains (August 1570), and the fears of Elizabeth and Cecil were consequently aggravated91 at the plans which were known to be promoted by Cardinal Lorraine for the marriage of the Duke of Anjou, next brother to the French King, with the Queen of Scots. Now that the Montmorencis and the “politicians” had reconciled parties in France, the danger of such a match became serious both to England and the sincere Huguenots. Anjou posed as the figurehead of the extreme Catholic party, but was known to be vaguely92 ambitious and unstable93. Cardinal Chatillon therefore thought it would be a good move to disarm94 him by yoking95 him under Huguenot auspices to Elizabeth. The first approach was made by the Vidame de Chartres to Cecil, who privately96 discussed it with the Queen. They must have regarded it with favour, for it was exactly the instrument they needed for splitting the league, and arousing jealousy97 between France and Spain. The Emperor had just given a severe rebuff to attempts to revive the Archduke’s match with Elizabeth, but the negotiation for making a French Catholic prince King-consort of England under Huguenot control was a master-stroke which sufficed to overturn all international combinations, set France and Spain by the ears, turned the Guises, as relatives of Mary Stuart, against their principal supporter in France, and reduced the Queen of Scots herself to quite a secondary element in the problem. The idea was just as welcome to Catharine de Medici, who hated Mary Stuart as much as she dreaded the Guises. Both she and the young King would have been glad to be quit of the ambitious Anjou, who always threw in his weight on the Catholic side, and made it more difficult for the Queen-mother to hold the balance. So, very soon Guido Cavalcanti was speeding backwards98 and forwards between England and France, secretly preparing[252] the way for the more formal negotiations between the official Ambassadors.
So far as the Queen of England was concerned, the negotiation was purely99 political and insincere, for the reasons just stated, but the comedy was well played by all parties. Leicester of course was favourable100, for it meant bribes101 to him, and there was no danger. La Mothe Fénélon, the Ambassador, gently broached102 the matter to the Queen at Hampton Court in January 1571. As usual she was coy and coquettish. She was too old for Anjou, she objected, but still she said the princes of the House of France had the reputation of being good husbands.[324] Cardinal Chatillon shortly afterwards was blunter than the Ambassador. Would the Queen marry Anjou if he proposed? he asked, to which Elizabeth replied, that on certain conditions she would; and the next day she submitted the subject to her Council, who, as in duty bound, threw the whole of the responsibility on to the Queen.
Walsingham had just replaced Norris as Ambassador to France. He was a friend of Leicester, a strict Protestant, who had been indoctrinated in the political methods of Cecil, with whom and with Leicester he kept up a close confidential103 correspondence.[325] One of his first letters to Leicester gives a personal description of the young Prince, in which a desire to tell the truth struggles with his duty not to say anything which may hamper104 the negotiation. The Guises and the Spanish party in Paris exhorted105 Anjou to avoid being drawn106 into the net, and the Duke himself at one time openly used insulting expressions towards Elizabeth; but such was the position in England that it was absolutely[253] necessary that an appearance of reality should be given to the affair. Prudent107 Cecil, as usual, avoided pledging himself personally more than necessary, and wrote from Greenwich to Walsingham on the 3rd March, that he had wished the Queen herself to write her instructions, but as she had declined to do so, he merely repeated her words in a postscript—namely, that if he (Walsingham) were approached on the matter of the marriage, he might say that before he left England he had heard “that the Queen, upon consideration of the benefit of her realm, and to content her subjects, had resolved to marry if she should find a fit husband, who must be of princely rank.” To this Cecil himself adds as his private opinion, to be told to no one, “I am not able to discern what is best, but surely I see no continuance of her quietness without a marriage.”[326] Matters were indeed critical at this juncture109, and Cecil, Leicester, and even Walsingham, repeatedly, and apparently with sincerity110, stated their opinion that Elizabeth would be forced to wed12 Anjou, or he would marry Mary Stuart, as it was necessary for Catharine de Medici and the Huguenots to get rid of this fanatical figurehead of the extreme Catholic party.[327]
In his letter to Walsingham of 1st March, Cecil signs[254] his name thus, “By your assured (as I was wont) William Cecil;” and then underneath111, “And as I am now ordered to write, William Burleigh.”[328] That the title was not of his own seeking is almost certain. The Spanish Ambassador, De Spes, says that the Queen ennobled him in order that he might be more useful in Parliament and in the matter of the Queen of Scots; and the new Lord himself, in a letter to Nicholas White, speaks thus slightingly of his new honour: “My style is Lord of Burghley if you mean to know it for your writing, and if you list to write truly, the poorest Lord in England. Yours, not changed in friendship, though in name, William Burghley.” To Walsingham again he wrote on the 25th March, “My style of my poor degree is Lord of Burghley;” and on the 14th April in a letter to the same correspondent he signs, “William Cecill—I forgot my new word, William Burleigh.”
At the time of his elevation112 the new Lord was suffering from one of his constantly recurring113 fits of gout, and his letters are mostly written, with pain and difficulty, which he frequently mentions, “from my bed in my house at Westminster.” And yet, withal, the amount of work he got through at the time was nothing short of marvellous. Every matter, great and small, seemed to be dealt with by him. He was a Member of Parliament for the two counties of Lincoln and Northampton;[329] as Chancellor114 of the University of Cambridge he[255] was deeply interested in the interminable disputes there with regard to ritual, vestments, and scholastic115 questions; as President of the Court of Wards10 he attended personally to an immense number of estates and private interests;[330] and acquaintances, high and low, from Greys, Howards, Clintons, and Dudleys, down to poor students or alien refugees, still by common accord addressed their petitions for aid and advice to him. To judge by their grateful acknowledgments, they seem rarely to have appealed to him in vain, and it is evident by the hundreds of such letters at Hatfield, that even when petitions could not be granted, they were assured of impartial116 and just consideration from Lord Burghley. His own great establishments, too, at Burghley, Theobalds, and London, must have claimed much of his attention, for all accounts passed under his own eyes, and in such small matters as the rotation117 of crops, the sale of produce, the breeding of stock, and the replenishment118 of gardens, nothing was done without consultation119 with the master. His hospitality was very great; for we are told by his domestic biographer that “he kept open house everywhere, and his steward120 kept a standing121 table for gentlemen, besides two other long tables, often twice set out, one for the clerk of the kitchen, and the other for yeomen.” He personally can have had but little enjoyment122 from his splendid houses and stately living. He must have been almost constantly at court, or hard[256] at work at his house in Cannon123 Row, Westminster, handy for Whitehall, rather than at his new palace in the Strand124, where his wife and family lodged125. He seems to have had no hobby but books and gardens, and to have taken no exercise except on his rare visits to Theobalds or Burghley, when he would jog round his garden paths on an ambling126 mule127.
This was the man, vigilant128, prudent, moderate, cautious and untiring in his industry, who in the spring and summer of 1571 by his consummate129 statecraft once more brought England out of the coil of perils130 which surrounded her on all sides. His counter-move to Spanish support to the rebels in England and Ireland, and to Guisan plots in Scotland, was to supply arms, munitions132, and money to the Protestants of Rochelle and the Dutch privateers, and to fit out a strong English fleet. The pacification133 of France and the crushing of reform in Flanders were answered by remittances134 of money to Germany to raise mercenaries for Orange, and the welcoming of Louis of Nassau and Cardinal Chatillon in England; whilst the marriage of Charles IX. to an Austrian Princess, and the closer relations between France and the Catholic league, were counteracted136 by the marriage negotiations between Elizabeth and Anjou, and the treaty with Mary Stuart for her restoration.
But as the effect of Cecil’s diplomacy137 gradually became apparent, the more reckless of his opponents resorted to desperate devices to frustrate138 him. Already, by February 1571, Mary Stuart had convinced herself that the treaty for her liberation was fallacious, and she wrote an important letter to the Bishop of Ross, from which great events sprang.[331] She refers to plans for her escape, and announces her decision to go to Spain,[257] throwing herself in future entirely upon Philip as her protector; and she urges that Ridolfi should be sent to Spain and Rome to explain her situation and resolve, and to beg for help. Norfolk was to be asked to pledge himself finally to become a Catholic; doubt as to his religion, she says, having been the principal reason for Philip’s lukewarmness. The Bishop sent a copy of the letter to Norfolk, who was still nominally139 under arrest. The Duke gave his consent, and Ridolfi started from England at the end of March. It has been frequently denied that Norfolk connived140 at this proposal for the invasion of England by a foreign power; but, in addition to the depositions141 of Ross and Barker,[332] the following letter from De Spes introducing Ridolfi to Philip appears to settle the question against the Duke:[333] “The Queen of Scots, and the Duke of Norfolk on behalf of many other lords and gentlemen who are attached to your Majesty’s interests, and the promotion142 of the Catholic religion, are sending Rodolfo Ridolfi, a Florentine gentleman, to offer their services to your Majesty, and to represent to you that the time is now ripe to take a step of great benefit to Christianity, as in detail Ridolfi will set forth144 to your Majesty. The letter of credence145 from the Duke of Norfolk is written in the cipher146 that I have sent to Zayas, for fear it should be taken. London, 25th March, 1571.” The exact proposal to be made verbally by Ridolfi is not stated, but De Spes refers to it in his next letter as “the real remedy” for Lord Burghley’s activity. It is probable that not only the support of Mary and Norfolk was intended, but also the assassination147 of Elizabeth and her minister.[334] Cecil[258] had been put upon the alert by the kidnapping in Flanders and bringing to England of the notorious Dr. Storey, who, under torture in the Tower, had divulged148 the dealings of the northern Lords with Alba through Ridolfi and the Bishop of Ross. This caused Cecil to keep a watch upon the doings of both the agents; and Lord Cobham, in Dover, was instructed to intercept149 any cipher letters which might be brought by a Flemish secretary of the Bishop of Ross, one Charles Bailly, who was with Ridolfi in Flanders. The man was stopped and his papers captured, with some copies of the Bishop of Ross’s book in favour of Mary’s claims. The Cobhams were never to be trusted; and Thomas Cobham surreptitiously obtained the cipher keys, and had them conveyed to De Spes, substituting for them a dummy150 packet, which was sent to Cecil. But Bailly himself, who had written the papers at Ridolfi’s dictation, was promptly151 put on the rack in the Tower, and confessed that the letters were written to two persons, designated by numbers, under cover to the Bishop, and conveyed the Duke of Alba’s approval of the plan for invading England, and his readiness, if authorised by his King, to co-operate with the persons indicated.
Letters sent by the Bishop to Bailly after his arrest, urging him to firmness, threatening the traitor152 who had betrayed him, and in a hundred ways proving his own complicity, were all intercepted153 and read. The tortured wretch154 swore to the Bishop that he would tell nothing, even if they tore him into a hundred pieces; begged that his trunk containing drafts of letters from Mary to Cardinal[259] Lorraine and Hamilton might be rescued from his lodging155. But Burghley forestalled156 them all. The whole of the letters were taken, and every day, in the Tower, fresh rackings, and threats to cut off his ears or his head, were used by Burghley to the frightened lad, to force him to give a key of the cipher. One morning at five o’clock he was carried by the Lieutenant157 of the Tower to Lord Burghley, and was told that, unless he immediately confessed all, he would be racked till the truth was torn from him. The lad, half distraught, day by day unfolded as much as he knew, notwithstanding the Bishop’s frantic158 assurances that Burghley would not dare to harm him much, as he was a foreigner and a servant of the Queen of Scots.[335] And so, piece by piece, the whole conspiracy was unravelled159 so far as regarded the main object, and the complicity of Alba, the Spaniards and the Bishop of Ross proved beyond doubt; but still the persons indicated by the cipher numbers “30” and “40” could only be surmised160, for Bailly himself did not know them. Gradually the names of Mary Stuart and Norfolk crept into the depositions of those examined, but without sufficient definiteness yet for open proceedings162 against them to be commenced.
Whilst Lord Burghley, with inexhaustible patience, was tracking the plot to its source, the most elaborate pretence163 of agreement with the French on the subject of the Anjou match was kept up both in Paris and London; though more sincere on the part of the former than the[260] latter, for Catharine and Charles IX. were in mortal fear of the Guises, the League, and the heir-presumptive to the crown. Cavalcanti and officers of the King’s household ran backwards and forwards to England with loving messages; and the Huguenots worked their best to bring the matter to a successful issue, or, in default of it, for a close alliance. Henry Cobham was sent to Madrid ostensibly to treat on the matter of the seizures, but really to learn, if possible, how far Philip was pledged to the plans against England; but the Spaniards were forewarned and ready for him, and he learned nothing.
Lord Burghley had, however, a better plan than this. Fitzwilliam, a relative of the English Duchess of Feria, had been sent to Spain by him for the purpose of negotiating for the release of the men and hostages who had been captured from Hawkins at San Juan de Ulloa. He professed164 in Spain to be strongly Catholic and in favour of Mary Stuart, and came back to England in 1571, with presents, pledges, and promises to the captive Queen and her friends. Hawkins lay with a strong auxiliary165 fleet at the mouth of the Channel, and it was agreed with Lord Burghley that Fitzwilliam and Hawkins should hoodwink the Spaniards, obtain a good haul for themselves, and at the same time trace the ramifications166 of the great international plot against England. De Spes jumped at the bait, with but a mere108 qualm of misgiving167, when Fitzwilliam went and offered, on behalf of Hawkins, to desert with all his fleet to Spain, and take part, if necessary, in an attack upon England. When he wrote to the King he said, “My only fear is lest Burghley himself may have set the matter afoot to discover your Majesty’s feelings, though I have seen nothing to make me think this.”
But it was exactly the case, nevertheless, and the ruse168 succeeded beyond expectation. By the end of[261] August all Hawkins’ men had been released in Spain and sent back to England, with ten dollars each in their pockets, and Hawkins himself was the better off by ￡40,000 of Spanish money. But more than this: Burghley had obtained through Fitzwilliam full knowledge of the aims of the Ridolfi conspiracy. It was clear now to demonstration169 that the Pope,[336] Philip, and the Catholic party in France were pledged to a vast crusade against England, for crushing Protestantism, destroying Elizabeth,[337] and raising Mary Stuart to the thrones of Great Britain. Burghley and the Queen had practically known it for months, as we have seen, and already the diplomatic measures they had taken to counteract135 it were producing their effects. But now that the evidence was sufficient, the blow against the conspirators170 could be struck openly. All unsuspecting still, De Spes was comforting himself with the reflection that the capture of Bailly was an unimportant incident; he urged Alba and the King to immediate1 action, fumed171 at the instructions he received to hold back Philip’s letters to Mary and Norfolk until he had orders to deliver them, and sneered172 at the timid delay. “As all of Lord Burghley’s jests have turned out well for him hitherto, he is ready to undertake anything, and has no fear of danger. They and the French together make great fun of our meekness173.” “It is a pity to lose time, for Lord Burghley is continuing to oppress the Catholics. If the opportunity is lost this year, I fear the false religion will prevail in this island in a way which will make it a harsh neighbour for the Netherlands.”
[262]
The opportunity, though he did not know it, had been lost already, for all the threads were now in Burghley’s hands, and he was master of the situation. In August was intercepted the bag of money (￡600) with a cipher letter[338] being sent secretly to Herries and Kirkaldy of Grange, Mary’s friends in Scotland, by the Duke of Norfolk’s secretary, and in a day or two the net swept into the Tower the Duke and all the underlings who had served as intermediaries. Burghley lost no time now. Almost every day, threats or the rack wrung174 some fresh admission from the instruments—secretaries, messengers, and the like. Norfolk at first, with extreme effrontery175, denied everything;[339] but he was a weak man, and soon broke down. Even then De Spes did not see that all was lost. “The Catholics,” he said, “are many, though their leaders be few, and Lord Burghley, with his terrible fury, has greatly harassed176 and dismayed them, for they are afraid even of speaking to each other. The whole affair depends upon getting weapons into their hands, and giving them some one to direct them.”[340] It was too late. Mary Stuart’s prison was made closer; her correspondence was intercepted and read; there was no more concealment177 necessary or possible. One Catholic noble after the other was isolated178 and imprisoned; Dr. Storey’s dreadful fate was held up as a warning to traitors179, and London and the country was flooded with broadsheets calculated to arouse English and Protestant sentiment to fever heat at the dastardly conspiracy which was laid bare.
On the 14th December a message reached De Spes summoning him to the Council at Whitehall. When he arrived there he found them awaiting him, with Lord[263] Burghley as spokesman. There was no mincing180 matters. The Ambassador was told that he had plotted with traitors against the Queen’s life and the peace of the country, and he would be expelled, as Dr. Man had been from Spain with far less reason.[341] De Spes tried to brazen181 it out, but ineffectually. Burghley was on firm ground: no delay, he said, could be allowed, excepting the time absolutely necessary for the preparations for the voyage, which time was to be passed out of London.[342] Speechless, almost, with indignation, in pretended fear that Burghley would have him killed, De Spes was hustled182 out of the country he had sought to ruin, and a week afterwards (16th January 1572) the Duke of Norfolk was tried by his peers and found guilty of the capital crime of high treason.
De Spes left England with bitter resentment183 at the triumph of Burghley’s diplomacy. “They will now,” he says, “make themselves masters of the Channel, and with one blow, with their practices in Flanders, will plunge that country into a dreadful war. It is of no use now to speak of our lost opportunities. They have gone; but … steps may still be taken to make these people weep in their own country.” When he arrived[264] in Flanders he made a long report of his embassy, containing the following interesting appreciation184 of Burghley as he appeared to his greatest enemy: “The principal person in the Council is William Cecil, now Lord Burghley, a Knight185 of the Garter. He is a man of mean sort, but very astute186, false, lying, and full of artifice187. He is a great heretic, and such a clownish Englishman as to believe that all the Christian143 princes joined together are not able to injure the sovereign of his country, and he therefore treats their ministers with great arrogance188. This man manages the bulk of the business, and by means of his vigilance and craftiness189, together with his utter unscrupulousness of word and deed, thinks to outwit the ministers of other princes, which to some extent he has hitherto succeeded in doing.”
Before De Spes was expelled, the efforts of Burghley, Walsingham, and De Foix had been successful in arranging the terms of a close political alliance between France and England. Elizabeth swore to Cavalcanti that she would never trust Spaniards again, and he might see how little she cared for the King of Spain by the way she had treated his Ambassador. She could, indeed, afford now to slight the most powerful monarch190 in the world; for one of the counter-strokes to the Spanish-Papal plot had been the concentration in the Channel of a great fleet of Flemish and Huguenot privateers under the Count de la Mark, and during the winter a plan had been perfected for the seizure75 by the “beggars” of Brille, the key to Zeeland. The imposition in Flanders of the tax which ruined Spain had been the last straw,[343] and the whole country was ripe for revolt. For some time an arrangement had been in progress with Louis of Nassau, by which the Huguenots should invade[265] Flanders over the French frontier, in the interest of the Flemish Protestants. However friendly Elizabeth might be with France, this was a proceeding161 which was sure to be looked upon by English statesmen with profound distrust; and Walsingham, writing to Cecil on the last day of 1571,[344] says that he has been asked whether, in the event of the French entering Flanders, the Queen of England will take Zeeland, as the Flemings fear that the French may not be contented191 with Flanders. Some time before this, in September, Walsingham had urged Cecil to promote this invasion of Flanders by the French, as a means of keeping the Huguenots in power, as well as embarrassing Spain. “If not,” he says, “the Guises will bear sway, who will be so forward in preferring the conquest of Ireland, and the advancement192 of their niece to the crown of England, as the other side (i.e. the Huguenots) is contrariwise bent193 to prefer the conquest of Flanders.” When the immediate danger from the Guises was over, however, the idea of a French invasion of Flanders could not be calmly endured without some corresponding move in English interests, and joint action in the Netherlands was suggested. It is assumed by Motley and most other historians that the capture of Brille by the “beggars” under La Mark early in April was quite unpremeditated, but De Spes warned Alba that the affair was being planned in England at least six months before;[345] and the sending away from Dover of La Mark’s fleet did not, as Motley surmises194, arise alone from Elizabeth’s fear of offending Spain—for that she had already done—but from the complaints of the Easterling merchants that their trade with England had become impossible whilst these freebooters of the seas lay off the coast. In any case, the surprise and seizure of Brille by the “beggars” once more gave Alba plenty to think about on his own side[266] of the Straits; and England might, for the present, breathe freely again.
It had been as necessary for Catharine de Medici as for Elizabeth to provide against the complete domination of England and Scotland by a Spanish-Papal conspiracy in favour of Mary Stuart, and she had seconded Walsingham strenuously195 in endeavouring to overcome Anjou’s religious scruples196 against marrying Elizabeth. Anjou shifted like the wind, as he fell under the influence of the Guises and his mother alternately. Sometimes the match looked certain, and Catharine was effusive197 in her thanks to Burghley; the next week it appeared hopeless. But the intrigue198 served its purpose, and kept the French Government friendly with Elizabeth during the critical time of the Spanish-Guisan conspiracy against her—a conspiracy which also threatened Catharine’s influence in France. Burghley himself seems to have been at a loss to understand Elizabeth’s real intentions at the time; but it would appear that both he and Walsingham were in earnest in wishing for the Anjou match, of course with the safeguards laid down in Cecil’s several minutes on the matter; but “the conferences,” wrote the Secretary, “have as many variations as there are days.”
When at length it was seen that Anjou would no longer act as a party to the game, but was looking to the possibility of a marriage with Mary Stuart or with a Polish princess, the idea of the marriage of Elizabeth with his youngest brother, the Duke of Alen?on, was again very cautiously brought up by Sir Thomas Smith and Killigrew, who were acting199 as English Ambassadors in France during Walsingham’s illness. Alen?on was only a lad as yet, and could be used without loss of dignity as a stalking-horse until the treaty of close alliance was finally agreed upon between the two countries.[267] The inevitable200 Guido Cavalcanti broached the matter to Burghley in January, as he was coming away from an interview with Elizabeth, and after some conference Burghley himself discussed the matter with the Queen. She was thirty-nine, and the suggested bridegroom was barely seventeen; but she was full of curiosity as to the looks of the suitor, and distrustful about their respective ages. She asked Burghley how tall Alen?on was. “About as tall as I am,” replied the Secretary. “About as tall as your grandson, you mean,” snapped her Majesty,[346] and so the colloquy201 ended for a time. On the 19th April 1572 the draft treaty between England and France was signed at Blois. It provided that aid was to be given unofficially by both nations to the revolted Hollanders; the fleet of Protestant privateers was to be sheltered and encouraged, and Huguenot Henry of Navarre was to marry the King’s sister Margaret. The Protestants and politicians of France had thus for the moment triumphed all along the line; the connection between England and France was closer than it had been for many years, and Elizabeth and Burghley could look back upon a great peril131 to their nation and their faith manfully met and astutely202 overcome.
The Catholic party in England was now utterly203 prostrate204. The Duke of Norfolk, condemned205 to death for treason, was respited206 again and again by the Queen, whilst he abjectly207 prevaricated208, and threw the blame upon others. The Bishop of Ross and Barker, he said, had forsworn him: he never meant to bring a foreign force to England to depose209 the Queen, and so forth. From the first, Burghley, who had always been Norfolk’s friend, urged the Queen to let the law take its course.[347] He has been bitterly[268] blamed for doing so; but seeing the danger to which Norfolk’s treason had reduced the realm, he would have failed in his duty as a First Minister if he had allowed any weakness or personal consideration to stand in the way of the just punishment for a great crime. Norfolk, though he was the most popular man and greatest noble in the realm, and still has many apologists, had plotted with the enemies of England to bring the country again under foreign tutelage for his own ambition, and it was right that he should suffer.
That Burghley did not flinch210 in the case of a man with so many friends, is a proof of his rectitude and his courage. Though Norfolk himself must have known what his attitude was, his esteem211 for him was evidently not lessened212. In the first letter he wrote to the Queen after his condemnation213, 21st January 1572, he prays for “her Majesty’s forgiveness for his manifold offences, that he may leave this vale of misery214 with a lighter215 heart and quieter conscience. He desires that Lord Burghley should act as guardian216 to his poor orphans,” and he signs his letter, “Written by the woeful hand of a dead man, your Majesty’s unworthy subject, Thomas Howard”;[348] and when this prayer was granted, he again wrote to the Queen expressing “his[269] comfort at hearing of her Majesty’s intended goodness to his unfortunate brats217, and that she had christened them with such an adopted father as Lord Burghley.”[349] At length, when Parliament had added its pressure to that of her minister’s, the Queen’s real or pretended reluctance218 to execute her near kinsman219 was overcome, and the Duke’s head fell on Tower Hill, 2nd June, before the lamentations of a great populace, who loved him above any subject of the Queen.
Less than a week afterwards Marshal Montmorenci, Paul de Foix, and a splendid embassy arrived in England for the purpose of formally ratifying220 the treaty of alliance between England and France, a corresponding embassy from England under Lord Lincoln being in France for a similar purpose. The courts vied with each other in their splendid entertainments. The Frenchmen with forty followers221 were lodged in Somerset House. At Whitehall, at Windsor (where Montmorenci received the Garter), at Leicester House, and at Cecil House, sumptuous222 banquets were given, followed by masques, balls, and tourneys. There was much talk about the Duke of Alen?on, but no decided223 answer given by Elizabeth to the hints of marriage, which, indeed, was not now so pressing a matter for her as it had been. When the Frenchmen had taken leave, Burghley sent to Walsingham an interesting letter giving some account of the embassy, by which it is clear that the Queen still desired to keep up the talk of the marriage, in view of a possible need to draw still closer to the French. “I am willed,” he writes, “to require you to use all good means to understand what you can of the Duke of Alen?on, his age in certainty, of his stature224, his conditions, his inclination225 in religion, his devotion this way, his followers and servitors: hereof[270] her Majesty seeketh speedily to be advertised, that she may resolve before the month.” He says, that for his part, he can see no great dislike of the idea, except in the matter of age, and hints at getting Calais as the young Prince’s dower. “If somewhat be not advised to recompense the opinion that her Majesty conceiveth, as that she should be misliked to make choice of so young a prince, I doubt the end.”[350] When, however, Lincoln came back from France loaded with plate and jewels, and full of praise of the gallantry of Alen?on, the Queen became somewhat warmer, and Walsingham for weeks to come was bombarded with minute questions as to the personal qualities, and particularly as to the pock-marked visage, of the suitor.
There was but one more of the great conspirators against England to deal with. Norfolk had deservedly died the death of a traitor, and those who had supported him were either dead or lingering sufferers in prison, the disloyal Catholics were despairing, Spain had received its answer by the expulsion of De Spes and the renewal226 of the war in the Netherlands, whilst Coligny and the Huguenots rode rough-shod over the Guises and their friends. But the very spring-head of the conspiracy remained untouched. A commission was appointed in June to formulate227 charges against Mary Stuart herself,[351] and in Parliament it was resolved that she was unworthy to succeed to the English crown. But Elizabeth again allowed her personal feeling to stand in the way of her patriotic228 duty, or, as some would prefer to say, desired to fix upon others the responsibility of a grave act against her own order and kin6. Burghley, in his letter already quoted, written at the end of June to Walsingham, says:[271] “Now for Parliament: I cannot write patiently: all that we laboured for, and with full consent brought to fashion, I mean a law to make the Scottish Queen unable and unworthy of succession of the crown, was by her Majesty neither assented229 to nor rejected, but deferred230 until the feast of All Saints; but what all other good and wise men think thereof, you may guess. Some here have, as it seemeth, abused their favour about her Majesty, to make herself her most enemy. God amend231 them.”[352]
A fortnight after this letter was written Burghley was made Lord Treasurer232 of England in place of the Marquis of Winchester, who had recently died. The work and strain of the Secretaryship had gravely affected233 Burghley’s health, and early in the previous April he had been so ill that his life was despaired of. De Guaras, the merchant who acted informally as Spanish agent, says that the Queen and most of the Councillors visited him, in the belief that his state was desperate.[353] For some time he had been begging for permission to rest, but until the great matters in hand were settled, this was impossible.[272] The sky over England had once more become cleared, and the great minister could hand over to his old friend Sir Thomas Smith the Secretaryship, in which he had done such signal service to the State.
The day after the elevation of Burghley to the Treasurership234, the Queen started on one of the stately progresses which caused so much delight and enthusiasm to all her subjects but those who had to entertain her, except perhaps Burghley and his rival Leicester, who were both honoured during this summer with a visit from the sovereign. Burghley’s entry of the great event comes curtly235 enough in his diary after the memorandum236 of his new appointment, thus:—
“1572. July 15. Lord Burghley made Lord Treasurer of England.”
“July 22. The Queen’s Majesty at Theobalds.”[354]
Elizabeth had visited Theobalds in 1564 and 1571. On this occasion her stay extended over three days, and the domestic biographer of Burghley thus refers to this amongst other visits: “His Lordship’s extraordinary chardg in enterteynment of the Quene was greater to him than to anie of her subjects, for he enterteyned her at his house twelve several tymes, which cost him two or three thousand pounds each tyme.… But his love for his Sovereign, and joy to enterteyn her and her traine, was so greate, as he thought no troble, care, nor cost too much, and all too little.”
[273]
Whilst Elizabeth slowly made her way from one great house to another, by Gorhambury,[355] Dunstable, Woburn,[356] and so to Kenilworth, the correspondence on the negotiations for the Alen?on match became warmer and warmer. Agents and messengers speeded backwards and forwards with portraits and amiable237 trifles, particularly from the side of England.
There was a good reason for this. Before even the treaty of alliance was signed, Burghley had deplored238 that Charles IX. and his mother were cooling in the agreement for France and England jointly239 to aid the Flemish rebels. The Pope and the Emperor were trying their hardest to withdraw Charles and his mother from the compromise into which he had entered with Elizabeth; and already the young King and Catharine de Medici were discovering that Coligny and the Huguenots, when they had the upper hand, could be as domineering and tyrannical as the Guises themselves. Paris was in seething240 discontent that the beloved Guises were in disgrace, and Charles found his throne tottering241. To add to his fears from the Catholics, the Huguenot force that had entered Flanders under Genlis had been routed and destroyed by the Spaniards (19th July), and it was clear to Catharine and her son, that if they did not promptly cut themselves free from Elizabeth’s attack on Spanish interests, they would be dragged down when the Huguenots fell. The very day that the news of Genlis’ defeat arrived in Paris,[274] a young noble named La Mole242 was sent flying to England, ostensibly to confer with the Queen on the Alen?on match. There was no particular reason for roughly breaking off that, and so offending Elizabeth; but the sending of a mere schoolboy like La Mole with only vague instructions about the proposed joint action in Flanders would show that Charles IX. did not intend to take any further responsibility in that direction.
La Mole arrived in London on 27th July, and had a long midnight interview with Burghley at the French Embassy. He ostensibly only came from Alen?on—not from the King—and when, a few days afterwards, he saw the Queen privately at Kenilworth, though he was full of fine lovelorn compliments from Alen?on, he could only say from the King that the latter could not openly declare himself in the matter of Flanders. He suggested prudence243, and fears of a league of Catholic powers against him. He talked about the strength of Portugal and Savoy, and generally cried off from his bargain. This was ill news for Elizabeth, for there were hundreds of Englishmen in arms in Holland, and brave Sir Humphrey Gilbert and his band were besieging244 Ter Goes. But the English Queen made the best of it, and sought to redress245 matters by pushing the Alen?on match more warmly than ever, and petting and caressing246 La Mole, who accompanied her on her progress towards Windsor. Burghley and the experienced Smith seem to have been as firmly convinced as young La Mole himself, that the Queen was in earnest, and would really, at last, make up her mind to marry Alen?on. In her conversations with La Mole and Fénélon she smoothed away all difficulties. Walsingham had made a great mistake, she said, in declaring that Alen?on’s youth was an insuperable difficulty; and much more to the same effect. But it is curious that all this artless prattle247, all this coy[275] coquetry of the Queen, so spontaneous in appearance, had in substance been carefully previously248 drafted by Burghley, and the drafts are still at Hatfield. Whilst Charles IX. was hesitating and looking askance at the dominant249 Huguenots, the latter were assuring Burghley and Walsingham that all would be well directly. Henry of Navarre was to be married to the Princess Margaret, and this would give them a pretext250 for gathering251 so strong a force of their party that they could make the King do as they pleased.[357]
But Elizabeth and the Huguenots had no monopoly of cunning, and whilst the billing and cooing with La Mole went on, the massacre252 of St. Bartholomew was being secretly planned, and every effort was being made by the French King to draw England into a position of overt29 hostility253 to Spain, whilst he remained unpledged. The Ambassador, Fénélon, and young La Mole, left the Queen, and returned to London on the 27th August. On the same day there arrived at Rye two couriers from Paris, one from Walsingham to the Queen and Burghley, the other to the French Ambassador. The French courier was detained, and his papers sent forward with Walsingham’s despatches to the Queen. The news of the great crime of St. Bartholomew fell upon Elizabeth and her court like a death-knell; for it seemed that at last the threatened crusade against Protestantism had begun, and that England was struck at as well as the Huguenots. All rejoicings were stopped, mourning garb254 was assumed, and the gay devices of masques and mummeries gave way to anxious conferences and plans for defence. Affrighted Protestants by the thousand came flying across the Channel in any craft that would[276] sail; from mouth to mouth in England ran the dreadful story of unprovoked and wanton slaughter255, and on every side the old English feeling of hatred256 and distrust of the false Frenchmen came uppermost again. On the 7th September, La Mothe Fénélon was received by the Queen at Woodstock in dead silence, and surrounded by all the signs of mourning. He made the best of a bad matter: talked of a plot of Coligny and the Huguenots to seize the Louvre, urged that the massacre was unpremeditated, and hoped that the friendship between France and England would continue uninterrupted. But Elizabeth knew that such a friendship could only be a snare257 for her whilst the Guises were paramount258, and she dismissed the Ambassador with a plain indication of her opinion.
Two days afterwards Burghley penned a long letter from the Council to Walsingham, dictating259 the steps to be taken for the protection of English interests; and he accompanied it by a private note, in which the Lord Treasurer’s own view is frankly260 set forth. “I see,” he says, “the devil is suffered by Almighty261 God for our sins to be strong in following the persecution262 of Christ’s members, and therefore we are not only vigilant of our own defence against such trayterous attempts as lately have been put in use there in France, but also to call ourselves to repentance263.… The King assures her Majesty that the navy prepared by Strozzi shall not in any way endamage her Majestie; but we have great cause in these times to doubt all fair speeches, and therefore we do presently put all the sea-coasts in defence, and mean to send her Majesty’s navy to sea with speed, and so to continue until we see further whereunto to trust.”[358]
Not many days after the massacre, Catharine de[277] Medici saw the mistake she had made in allowing the Guises a free hand, and she and the King did their best by protestations to Walsingham, and through Fénélon and Castelnau de la Mauvissière, to draw closer to Elizabeth again. Alen?on did much more. He went to Walsingham, swore vengeance upon the murderers, and expressed his intention of escaping from court and secretly flying to England. By an emissary of his own he sent an extravagant264 love-letter to the Queen, and ostentatiously took the Huguenot side, whilst Anjou was on the side of the League. Elizabeth did not wish to break with France, for her safety once more depended upon avoiding isolation265; but she was still deeply distrustful. Smith, in sending the Queen’s answer to Walsingham, quaintly266 defines her attitude towards the French: “You may perceive by her Majesty’s answer, that she will not refuse the interview nor marriage, but yet she cometh near to them tam timido et suspenso pede, that they may have good cause to doubt. The answer to De la Mothe is addulced so much as may, for she would have it so. You have a busie piece of work to decypher that which in words is designed to the extremitie, in deeds is more than manifest; neither you shall open the one, nor shall they cloak the other. The best is, thank God, we stand upon our guard, nor I trust shall be taken and killed asleep, as Coligny was. The greatest matter for her Majestie, and our safety and defence, is earnestly of us attempted, nor yet achieved, nor utterly in despair, but rather in hope.”[359]
For the next few months this firm attitude of watchfulness267 was maintained, whilst the outward demonstrations268 of friendship between Catharine and Elizabeth became gradually more cordial, thanks largely to the[278] influence in the English court of the special envoy Castelnau de la Mauvissière. Elizabeth consented to act as sponsor for the French King’s infant daughter; Alen?on’s envoy, Maisonfleur, with the knowledge of Burghley, sent to his master a plan for his escape to England with Navarre and Condé, and assured him that the Queen would marry him if he came. But all this diplomatic finesse269 did not for a moment stay the grim determination of the Queen and her Council to provide against treachery, from whatever quarter it might come. All along the coast the country stood on guard. Portsmouth, Plymouth, the Thames, and Harwich were swarming270 with shipping, armed to the teeth for the succour of stern Protestant Rochelle against the Catholics, and to aid the Netherlanders in their struggle.[360] The Huguenots of Guienne, Languedoc, and Gascony had recovered somewhat from the shock of St. Bartholomew, and were arming for their defence; and to them also went English money, arms, and encouragement. At Elizabeth’s court the Vidame de Chartres and the Count de Montgomerie were honoured guests and busy agents, whilst in France the young Princes of Navarre and Condé were daily being pledged deeper to the cause of Protestantism and England. The German princes, too, as profoundly shocked at the treacherous271 massacre as Elizabeth herself, drew nearer to the Queen, who was now regarded throughout Europe as the head of the Protestant confederacy.
It was soon seen that, though St. Bartholomew had given more power to the Guises, it had also strengthened[279] and consolidated272 the reformers rather than destroyed them. Month after month Anjou, at the head of the Catholic royal army, cast his men fruitlessly against the impregnable walls of Rochelle, well supplied as the town was with stores by Montgomerie’s fleet from England, until at last in the spring of 1573 it was seen by Catharine and her sons that they had failed to crush the reformers of France, and they were glad to make terms with the heroic Rochellais, where the besiegers, plague-stricken, starving, and disheartened, were in far worse case than the beleaguered273. Anjou, to his brothers’ and mother’s delight, was elected to the vacant throne of Poland, and a full amnesty was signed for the Huguenots (June 1573); complete religious liberty being accorded in the towns of Rochelle, Montauban, and Nismes, whilst private Protestant worship was allowed throughout France.
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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triumphant
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auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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kin
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vassal
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riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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ward
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| n.守卫，监护，病房，行政区，由监护人或法院保护的人（尤指儿童）；vt.守护，躲开 | |
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wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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anarchy
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wed
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envoy
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bishop
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innocence
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captivity
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butt
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remonstrance
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assassinate
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majesty
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avenge
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cardinal
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shipping
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harried
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fugitives
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consolidating
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intervention
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coup
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overt
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conflagration
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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33
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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34
wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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35
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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36
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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37
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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38
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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39
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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40
purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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41
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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42
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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43
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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44
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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45
concurrently
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| adv.同时地 | |
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46
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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47
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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48
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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49
pacifying
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的现在分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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50
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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51
nominee
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| n.被提名者；被任命者；被推荐者 | |
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52
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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53
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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54
guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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55
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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56
absolving
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的现在分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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57
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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58
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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59
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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60
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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61
equanimity
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| n.沉着，镇定 | |
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62
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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63
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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64
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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65
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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66
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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67
accentuated
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| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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68
devastating
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| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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69
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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70
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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72
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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73
conspirator
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| n.阴谋者，谋叛者 | |
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74
seizures
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| n.起获( seizure的名词复数 )；没收；充公；起获的赃物 | |
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75
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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76
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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77
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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78
arrogantly
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| adv.傲慢地 | |
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79
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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80
flouted
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| v.藐视，轻视( flout的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
futilely
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| futile（无用的）的变形； 干 | |
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82
fret
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| v.(使)烦恼；(使)焦急；(使)腐蚀，(使)磨损 | |
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83
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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84
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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85
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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86
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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87
acceding
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的现在分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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88
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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89
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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90
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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91
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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92
vaguely
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| adv.含糊地，暖昧地 | |
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93
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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94
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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95
yoking
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| 配轭，矿区的分界 | |
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96
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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97
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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98
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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99
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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100
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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101
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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102
broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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103
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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104
hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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105
exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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107
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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108
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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109
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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110
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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111
underneath
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|
| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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112
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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113
recurring
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| adj.往复的，再次发生的 | |
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114
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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115
scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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116
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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117
rotation
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| n.旋转；循环，轮流 | |
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118
replenishment
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| n.补充(货物) | |
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119
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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120
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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121
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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122
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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123
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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124
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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125
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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126
ambling
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| v.（马）缓行( amble的现在分词 )；从容地走，漫步 | |
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127
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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128
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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129
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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130
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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131
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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132
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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133
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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134
remittances
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| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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135
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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136
counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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137
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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138
frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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139
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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140
connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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141
depositions
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|
| 沉积（物）( deposition的名词复数 )； （在法庭上的）宣誓作证； 处置； 罢免 | |
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142
promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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143
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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144
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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145
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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146
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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147
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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148
divulged
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| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149
intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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150
dummy
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| n.假的东西；(哄婴儿的)橡皮奶头 | |
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151
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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152
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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153
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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154
wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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155
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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156
forestalled
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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157
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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158
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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159
unravelled
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| 解开，拆散，散开( unravel的过去式和过去分词 )； 阐明； 澄清； 弄清楚 | |
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160
surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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161
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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162
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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163
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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164
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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165
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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166
ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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167
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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168
ruse
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| n.诡计，计策；诡计 | |
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169
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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170
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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171
fumed
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| 愤怒( fume的过去式和过去分词 )； 大怒； 发怒； 冒烟 | |
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172
sneered
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| 讥笑，冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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173
meekness
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| n.温顺，柔和 | |
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174
wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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175
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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176
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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177
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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178
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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179
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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180
mincing
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| adj.矫饰的；v.切碎；切碎 | |
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181
brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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182
hustled
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| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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183
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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184
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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185
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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186
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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187
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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188
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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189
craftiness
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| 狡猾，狡诈 | |
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190
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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191
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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192
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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193
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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194
surmises
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的第三人称单数 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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195
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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196
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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197
effusive
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| adj.热情洋溢的；感情(过多)流露的 | |
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198
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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199
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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200
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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201
colloquy
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| n.谈话，自由讨论 | |
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202
astutely
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| adv.敏锐地；精明地；敏捷地；伶俐地 | |
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203
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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204
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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205
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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206
respited
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| v.延期（respite的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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207
abjectly
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| 凄惨地； 绝望地； 糟透地； 悲惨地 | |
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208
prevaricated
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| v.支吾( prevaricate的过去式和过去分词 )；搪塞；说谎 | |
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209
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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210
flinch
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| v.畏缩，退缩 | |
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211
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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212
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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213
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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214
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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215
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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216
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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217
brats
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| n.调皮捣蛋的孩子( brat的名词复数 ) | |
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218
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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219
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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220
ratifying
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的现在分词 ) | |
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221
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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222
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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223
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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224
stature
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| n.（高度）水平，（高度）境界，身高，身材 | |
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225
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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226
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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227
formulate
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| v.用公式表示；规划；设计；系统地阐述 | |
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228
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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229
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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230
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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231
amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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232
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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233
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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234
treasurership
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| 会计员的职位 | |
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235
curtly
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| adv.简短地 | |
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236
memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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237
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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238
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239
jointly
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| ad.联合地，共同地 | |
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240
seething
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| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
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241
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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242
mole
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| n.胎块；痣；克分子 | |
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243
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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244
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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245
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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246
caressing
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| 爱抚的，表现爱情的，亲切的 | |
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247
prattle
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| n.闲谈；v.（小孩般）天真无邪地说话；发出连续而无意义的声音 | |
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248
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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249
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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250
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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251
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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252
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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253
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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254
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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255
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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256
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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257
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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258
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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259
dictating
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的现在分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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260
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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261
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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262
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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263
repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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264
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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265
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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266
quaintly
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| adv.古怪离奇地 | |
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267
watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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268
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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269
finesse
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| n.精密技巧，灵巧，手腕 | |
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270
swarming
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| 密集( swarm的现在分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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271
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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272
consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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273
beleaguered
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| adj.受到围困[围攻]的；包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词)；困扰；骚扰 | |
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