The time thus wasted was fatal. Peace with England[314] was absolutely necessary for Philip, and he refused to countenance9 Don Juan’s plans. But Orange had spies everywhere; Burghley’s secretary, Herll, was in Flanders, and long before Don Juan arrived on the Flemish frontier the hopes of the murderous rabble10 of soldiery that the young Prince would lead them to England were well known to the Lord Treasurer11 and his mistress. Early in November 1576 the Spanish fury burst upon Antwerp. The Council of Regency consisted mostly of Flemish Catholic nobles, and they fought as well as they might against the blood lust12 of the King’s soldiers. When all hope was gone, and the fairest cities of Flanders had been devastated13 and ruined, and their populations massacred, without distinction of age, sex, or creed14, then Catholic Flanders turned against the wreckers of their homes, and shoulder to shoulder with Orange and his Protestants, stood at bay. When Don Juan arrived at Luxemburg he was informed that the States would only allow him to take up his governorship on terms to be dictated15 by them in union with Orange; the first condition of which was that the Spanish troops must leave the Netherlands forthwith, and by land, in order that they might not invade England. Don Juan was mad with fury and disappointment; but chafe17 as he might, he had to give way, and in the end was forced to enter Brussels only as Governor on sufferance of the States in the spring of 1577.
To England there came now to beg for aid and support, not rough Zeelanders alone, not beggars of the sea, not boorish18 burghers, but the very nobles who had often come before as Philip’s representatives—De Croys, Montmorencis, De Granvelles, Zweveghems, and the like; Catholics of bluest blood, but ready to claim any help against the Spanish oppressor. Dr. Wilson was sent as English envoy19 to the States, and Sir John Smith went[315] to Madrid with a formal offer from Elizabeth to mediate20.[403] Philip’s only course was to accept any terms which left him even a nominal21 sovereignty of his Netherlands dominions23, and this he did, rather than allow Elizabeth to pose as mediatrix between him and his subjects. But the altered position in Flanders completely changed the attitude of England towards Spain, especially when in the summer of 1577 Don Juan lost patience, broke faith with the Flemings, threw himself into the fortress25 of Namur, and defied the States. England’s traditional alliance had not been with the crown of Spain, but with the House of Burgundy as possessor of the Netherlands; and now that Flanders and Brabant were at one with Holland and Zeeland in upholding their rights against Spain, England was naturally on their side against the foreigner, quite independently of the question of creed. There was no longer any concealment26 about it.[404] The Duke of Arschot’s brother was at the English court in September with the acquiescence27 of Orange, planning an arrangement which seemed to offer a means by which all parties might be satisfied. The young Austrian Archduke Mathias, Philip’s nephew, was suddenly spirited away from Vienna and installed by the Flemings[316] as sovereign of Flanders, with Orange as his guide and mentor28. An English army under Leicester or his brother was to be raised to support him against Don Juan, who was rallying a Catholic force, crying to the Duke of Guise29 for help, and making a last appeal to his brother to save his honour, if not his sovereignty. The outbreak of the Protestants in Ghent, encouraged by the proximity31 of Orange, the capture and imprisonment32 of Arschot and the Catholic nobles, and the desecration33 of Catholic shrines34 (end of October), forced Philip’s hands. The Archduke Mathias as a tributary35 sovereign, with the Catholic Flemings paramount36 over Orange, might have been tolerated; but if the Protestants and Orange were going to predominate, Spain must fight to the end. So with a heavy heart Philip bent37 to the inevitable38, and sent Alexander Farnese and a Spanish army from Italy once more to reconquer the Netherlands.
The invariable excuse given by Elizabeth for her help to the States was, that it was to keep the French out of Flanders; Don Juan’s appeal to the Guises39 being especially distasteful to her. “The present support desired of her,” she declared, “is only in consideration of the extreme necessity of the States by reason of the great preparations in France and elsewhere to overrun them, and bring utter ruin upon them; and it not disagreeing with the ancient treaties between the crown of England and the House of Burgundy … the purpose of the States being no other than by these succours to keep themselves in due obedience40 to the King their sovereign, her Majesty41 is content to grant the aid desired.”[405] The plausible42 reasons advanced, however, made no difference to Philip. It was only evident to him that the Queen of England was subsidising rebellion against him, and that her subjects held fortresses43 in his dominions as[317] a pledge for the money she had advanced. He could not afford to declare war with England at the time, but he did what he could. The Irish malcontents were encouraged with the aid of Papal money; and Catholic plots, with Spanish and Guisan aid, for the rescue of Mary Stuart, the assassination44 of Elizabeth, and the like, kept the English court in alarm,[406] and pointed45 the moral for ever on the lips of Philip’s many paid agents and friends in Elizabeth’s counsels.
During most of the period when the arrangements with the States were being concluded in 1577, Burghley was absent from court, and it may be fairly assumed that the less cautious attitude adopted towards Spain was owing to the unchecked influence of Leicester; but with Burghley’s return late in the autumn the astute46 balancing diplomacy47 of the master-hand becomes once more apparent, both in the declaration quoted above, and the letter drafted by the Treasurer taken by Wilkes, Clerk of the Council, to Madrid. In it Elizabeth prays Philip to have compassion48 upon his Flemish subjects and to grant their just demands, and again explains her support of them. Moderate and deferential49, however, as the tone of the letter was, it did not alter prior facts, and Philip was indignant and wrathful at what he called an attempt of Elizabeth to lay down the law for him. “Send this man off,” he says, “before his fortnight is up, and before he commits some impertinence which will oblige[318] us to burn him.” Philip might well be angry, for he was impotent: he had to reconquer his own Flemings, Catholics and Protestants too, thanks to the aid they had obtained from Elizabeth. To make matters more galling50, Antonio de Guaras had suddenly been arrested at dead of night, all his papers captured, his property sequestrated, and the poor man himself accused of consorting51 and plotting with the Queen’s enemies.[407] Lord Burghley, his former friend, was daily threatening him with the rack in the Tower; and for eighteen months he was treated with calculating contumely and harshness, only at last to be released, old, broken, and penniless, and sent to Spain scornfully to die.
In January 1578, Don Juan and Farnese defeated the States troops at Gemblours, and it seemed as if once more Flanders and Brabant would fall a prey52 to Spanish soldiery. Elizabeth’s aid had become less liberal with the return of Burghley, who had no objection at all to Spanish predominance in Catholic Flanders; his only interest there was to keep the French out.[408] But the Flemings naturally regarded the position from another point of view. What they wanted was to preserve their autonomous53 rights against Spain. Mathias had turned out a broken reed: he had no money, no followers54, no friends, and no ability; and the really dominant55 man in the Government was Protestant Orange. This did not[319] please the Catholic nobles, and they cast about for another prince with a greater following than Mathias, who should at once be a Catholic and yet acceptable to Orange and the Protestants. Catharine had for some time past anticipated the position, and had been busy, but secretly, pushing the claims of her son Alen?on; but for her purpose it was necessary to manage warily56, in order to avoid giving Philip open offence. Alen?on, however, was bound by no such considerations. Nothing would have suited him better than to draw France into war with Spain. He was under arrest and strictly57 guarded, but he contrived58, on the 14th February 1578, to escape out of a second-floor window in the Louvre. All France was in a turmoil59. Huguenots and malcontents flocked to the Flemish frontier, and Catharine raced half over France to beg her errant son to return. Henry III. assured Mendoza, the new Spanish Ambassador on his way to England, that his brother was obedient, and he was sure he would do nothing against Philip in Flanders. But all the world knew that he would if he could; and that whatever he might do with a French force there would be against English as well as Spanish interests. Once more, therefore, it was necessary for Elizabeth to change her policy somewhat, and Lord Burghley resumed his favourite character of a friend to the ancient Spanish alliance.
The new Spanish Ambassador saw Elizabeth on the[320] 16th March 1578, and gave her all sorts of reassuring60 messages from Philip. He was the most clement61 of sovereigns. A successor to Don Juan should be appointed who should please everybody, and all would soon be settled. A few days afterwards Mendoza had a long conversation with Burghley, in the presence of other Councillors. As Philip had, said the Treasurer, practically accepted the various concessions62 to the Flemings recommended by the Queen; “if the terms offered were not accepted by the States, she herself would take up arms against them.” This was probably too strong for Leicester and Walsingham, Puritans both, and Mendoza says they seemed to be urging something upon Burghley very forcibly, which he thought was the question of the withdrawal63 of the Spanish troops from Flanders; but it ended in Burghley again pointedly64 offering the Queen’s mediation65.
A few days later the Duke of Arschot’s brother, the Marquis d’Havrey, Leicester’s great friend, arrived in England to counteract66 Mendoza’s efforts, and to beg that the troops that had been promised should be sent to the States. He was made much of by the English nobles and the Queen, who was now greatly influenced by Leicester, and Burghley at the moment seems to have stood almost alone in his resistance of open aid being sent to the States.[409] It did not take Mendoza many days to discover how things really lay. “I have found the Queen,” he writes, “much opposed to your Majesty’s interests, and most of her ministers are quite alienated67 from us, particularly those who are most important, as although there are seventeen Councillors … the bulk of the business really depends upon the Queen, Leicester, Walsingham, and Cecil, the latter of whom, although by virtue68 of his[321] office he takes part in the resolutions, absents himself from the Council on many occasions, as he is opposed to the Queen’s helping69 the rebels so effectively, and thus weakening her own position. He does not wish, however, to break with Leicester and Walsingham on the matter, they being very much wedded70 to the States and extremely self-seeking. I am assured that they are keeping the interest of the money lent to the States, besides the presents they have received out of the principal. They urge the business under the cloak of religion, which Cecil cannot well oppose.”[410]
This, indeed, was one of the periods when Burghley’s moderating influence was overborne by Leicester, Walsingham, and the Puritans. The Lord Treasurer still did his best—constantly ill though he was—to stem the violence of the tide, befriending the bishops71 who were being bitterly attacked,[411] and counselling caution in aiding the Flemings against Spain; but, as we have seen, he was somewhat in the background, and absented himself from court as much as possible. It is curious, however, to see, even under these circumstances, how he was still appealed to by all parties. He was very ill in April at Theobalds, and the Queen happened to be suffering from toothache. Of course Hatton must write to the Lord Treasurer, begging him to come to court and give his advice as to what should be done. The reply is very characteristic. Notwithstanding his own pain he would come up at once, he wrote, if by so doing he could relieve the Queen; but as the physicians advised that the tooth should be extracted, though they dared[322] not tell the Queen so, all he could do would be to urge her Majesty to have it done.[412] Hatton did not care to incur72 the responsibility of saying so himself, and simply showed the Queen Burghley’s letter. Doubtless Elizabeth took the good advice tendered; for it was only a day or two afterwards that young Gilbert Talbot, Lord Shrewsbury’s son, was walking in the Tilt73 Yard, Whitehall, one morning, under the Queen’s windows, when her maiden74 Majesty herself came to the casement75 in her night-dress, in full view of Talbot, who wrote: “My eye fell towards her, and she showed to be greatly ashamed thereof, for that she was unready and in her night-stuff; so when she saw me after dinner as she went to walk, she gave me a great fillip on the forehead, and told the Lord Chamberlain how I had seen her that morning, and how ashamed she was.” Talbot, in writing this to his father (1st May 1578) ends his letter by saying that the Queen was that week to stay three or four days with Burghley at Theobalds. It is plain to see that the renewed severity against the Catholics in England, and the almost ostentatious aiding of the States against Spain, did not meet with the approval of Burghley. He was much more concerned for the moment at the large levies77 of French troops being collected on the Flemish frontier; and his ordinary policy would have been either to side with the Spaniards against them, or to have disarmed78 their figurehead Alen?on (or Anjou as he was now called) by holding out hopes of his marriage with the Queen, if the earnest attempts of the English to mediate between the States and Don Juan were fruitless. But he had to reckon with Leicester and Walsingham, and the Queen’s policy wavered almost daily between her two sets of counsellors.[413]
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To the Queen’s visit to Theobalds is doubtless due the entry in Burghley’s diary of 15th May, recording79 the despatch80 of Edward Stafford to inspect and report upon the French forces on the Flemish frontier. Alen?on himself used every effort to convince the Queen of his desire to look to her, rather than to his brother, as his guide and support. On the 19th May he sent her a letter by one of his friends, informing her of his intention of relieving the Netherlands; “of which intention,” he says, “she already knows so much that he will not tire her by explaining it further.” On the 7th July he crossed the frontier, and threw himself into Mons for the purpose, as he declared, “of helping this oppressed people, and humiliating the pride of Spain;” and at the same time he sent his chamberlain to offer marriage to Elizabeth, and assure her of his complete dependence81 upon her. It was unwelcome news for Elizabeth, for she could never trust the French. Alen?on, after all, was a Catholic, and she was uncertain whether Henry III. was not really behind his brother. Gondi, one of the leaders of Catharine’s counsels, had recently come to England with a request to be allowed to see Mary Stuart;[414] Catholic[324] intrigues83 in Scotland had succeeded in putting an end to Morton’s regency (March 1578); and on all sides there were indications that, if Elizabeth could only be dragged into open hostility84 to Spain, and so rendered powerless, an attempt would be made on the part of France to recover its lost influence over Scotland. Mendoza carefully fanned the flame of Elizabeth’s distrust against the French; and the effect of Walsingham’s absence in Flanders, whilst Leicester was away at Buxton, is noticeable at once. “The Queen,” writes Mendoza (19th July), “is now turning her eyes more to your Majesty; and her ministers have begun to get friendly with me. If your Majesty wishes to retain them, I see a way of doing it.”[415]
Alen?on’s agents in the meanwhile were not idle. One after the other came to assure her of their master’s desire to marry her, and look to her alone for guidance. He had quarrelled with his brother, he said, and had no other mistress than the Queen of England. They quite convinced Sussex, apparently85, for he entered warmly into their marriage plans, which gave him another chance of revenge upon Leicester. Elizabeth’s desire to be amiable86 to Alen?on’s envoys87 at Long Melford during her progress (August) led her to insult Sussex, as Lord Steward88, about the amount of plate on the sideboard. This gave an opportunity for Lord North, a creature of Leicester, to give Sussex the lie, and led to a further feud89 which continued for months.[416]
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But though Elizabeth was somewhat tranquillised with regard to the French King’s connivance90 in Alen?on’s proceedings91, she was cool about the marriage business. “If the Prince liked to come, she told De Bacqueville, he might do so; but he must not take offence if she did not like him when she saw him;” whereupon Burghley told the envoy that if he were in his place he would not bring his master over on such a message. All the charming of Alen?on’s attractive agents was unsuccessful in opening the Queen’s money bags, and the loan of 300,000 crowns they prayed for was refused. If he wanted her aid or affection, she said, he must first obey her and retire from Flanders, and she would then consider what she should do. Pressure was put upon Alen?on by his brother, by the Pope and the Catholics, on the other hand, to desist from his enterprise. Splendid Catholic alliances were proposed to him, and dire8 threats of punishment held out if he did not retire. When the Protestant Hollanders discovered that Alen?on could count neither upon England nor France to support him, they began to cry off. The only temptation they had in welcoming a Catholic prince was the hope of national aid. If he did not bring that, he was as useless to them as poor Mathias had been. And so all through the autumn of 1578 the fate of Flanders hung on Elizabeth’s caprice. Henry III. was anxious to get his brother married to Elizabeth, and a fresh national alliance concluded; but he wished to avoid pledging himself against Spain, so as to be able to hold the balance. Elizabeth’s aim was similar, and she would promise nothing; but she swore both to Flemings and Spaniards that for every Frenchman that set foot in Flanders there should be an Englishman. Fresh German[326] mercenaries were raised at her expense to aid the States; renewed attempts, backed by threats, were made to persuade Don Juan to ratify92 the pacification of Ghent; but Alen?on, in the meanwhile, with a dwindling93 force and no money, was falling to the ground between the two stools of France and England, Huguenot or Catholic. At the end of the year ominous94 news came that the Huguenots had been won over by the Queen-mother;[417] that the King of France had entered into a great Catholic league against Elizabeth, and was raising a force of mercenaries in Germany to help Alen?on to keep a footing in Flanders, in spite of England; whilst a Scottish nobleman, a Douglas, was at the French court carrying on some secret intrigue82 with Henry III.
Elizabeth was alarmed at this, and at once became warm in the Alen?on marriage, thanks partly also to the arrival of the Prince’s agent Simier, who very soon established a complete influence over the Queen, to the infinite scandal of all Europe. Against this influence Mendoza, able, bold, and crafty95, battled ceaselessly: for ever pointing at the intrigues of the French in Scotland, their old jealousy96 of England, the approaching marriageable age of the King of Scots, which would give an opportunity for recovering French influence in his country, and much more to the same effect. After one conversation of this sort with the Queen, late in January 1579, Mendoza drove his points home one by one to Burghley and Sussex, showing them how much more profitable was an alliance with Spain than with France, and the danger of England herself being attacked if she took the Netherlands rebels under her protection. Amongst other things Burghley replied that “he had told M. Simier that one of the principal arguments in favour of the marriage,[327] namely, that Alen?on might become King of France, had turned him (Cecil) against it, as he considered that it would be a disadvantage to England, whereupon Simier had complained of him to the Queen. For his own part his desire had always been to see the Queen married to a prince of the House of Austria, with which it was well to be in alliance; but since old friends cast them off, and your Majesty refused to confirm the treaties, or receive a minister at your court,[418] they must seek new friends.”
The current of affairs and the Queen’s fickleness97 evidently displeased98 the Lord Treasurer. In September (1578) he had unsuccessfully begged leave of absence to visit Burghley,[419] where the rebuilding of the mansion99 was still progressing, under the care of Sir Thomas Cecil. He was not allowed to go; but the plague raged in London all the autumn, and Burghley retreated to Theobalds, where he was within easy reach of the Council. He found, moreover, Leicester’s enmity towards him more active than ever,[420] and Hatton, now his chief henchman, for Sussex was unstable100, was of inferior rank, influence, and ability. But though his political influence for a time was under a cloud, there was no abatement101 of the appeals to his judgment102 and for his intercession with the Queen. Imprisoned103 Catholics, deprived Puritans, old friends, like the Duchess of Suffolk, Lord Lincoln, or the Earl of Bedford, claimed his advice in their affairs; suitors at law besought104 his good word; miners or explorers prayed for his patronage105; bishops bespoke106 his aid to govern their clergy108; the clergy appealed to him against the bishops. High and humble109, friend and stranger,[328] rich and poor alike, looked to Burghley for guidance, and found at least patient consideration for their causes.[421]
By the beginning of 1579, however, the aspect of European politics had become so threatening that the practised hand of the Lord Treasurer was needed at the helm, and thenceforward his influence was again in the ascendant. Simier was making violent vicarious love to the Queen, and letters of the most extravagant110 description were exchanged between the young Prince and Elizabeth, whilst really sincere and earnest efforts were being made in favour of the match by Henry III. and Catharine de Medici. Commissioners111 and ambassadors went backwards112 and forwards, and the conditions, not only of the Queen’s marriage, but of a national offensive and defensive113 alliance between France and England, were under discussion. Henry III. was ready, he said, to submit to any conditions desired by Elizabeth, and Alen?on was almost blasphemous114 in his praising of the charms of his elderly flame. There were two main reasons for this drawing together of England and France. Don Juan was dead, and the military genius and diplomacy of Alexander Farnese had once more separated Catholic Belgium from Protestant Holland (Treaty of Arras, January 1579). Orange himself still clung to the hope of consolidating115 a united Flemish nation, including north and south, and desired to use Alen?on, with the Queen of England’s support, for that purpose but there was no enthusiasm in Holland for the idea; and in the meanwhile Alen?on was isolated116 in Catholic Flanders, with his own brother raging at the compromising position in which he placed him, and ordering him to return to France. It was evident to Henry that the only way in which his turbulent brother[329] could be established in Flanders, without causing both Spanish and English arms to be used against him, was to let him depend solely117 upon Elizabeth and Orange, whilst France stood aloof118. This was one of the reasons for the closer relations desired by Catharine and her son. The other was more important still. The young King of Portugal had fallen in battle in Morocco, and the new King was an aged30, childless Cardinal119. Philip of Spain was already intriguing120 for the succession, which he claimed. The possession of the fine harbours and Atlantic seaboard of Portugal by Spain would enormously increase her maritime121 potency122, to the detriment123 of England and France; and it was felt that these powers must unite to resist the common danger. That Lord Burghley was early alive to its importance is proved by a genealogical statement of his relating to the Portuguese124 succession immediately after the death of the King Don Sebastian[422] (August 1578), and several memoranda125 of subsequent date on the subject.
Under these circumstances the Alen?on approaches again became to all appearance serious. The Prince, ceding126 to the pressure placed upon him, consented to retire from Flanders early in the year, and was reconciled to his brother; and then the arrangements for effective action in the Netherlands and a visit of Alen?on to England were actively127 proceeded with. How busy Lord Burghley was in the matter will be seen by the very voluminous minutes in his own hand of the discussions in Council on the subject (Hatfield Papers). In all probability the Queen was not even now sincere in the matter of the marriage, especially as Leicester and Hatton pretended to be warmly in favour of it, until they became personally jealous of Simier; but Burghley was evidently doubtful. In his balancing papers he gives much more[330] space to the “perils” than to the advantages of the match, and his own final judgment is, that “except that her Majesty would of her own mind incline to marriage he would never advise thereto.” In the meanwhile, all England was in a veritable panic at the idea of the marriage of the Queen to a Papist. Puritan pulpits rang with denunciations; Stubbs’ famous book, “The Discovery of a Gaping128 Gulph,” which cost the author his right hand and deeply offended the Queen, was read widely; and the Queen herself was obliged to warn her eager suitor of the hatred129 of her people to the idea of his proposed visit. But the preparations went on, and the court was ordered to make itself as fine as money would make it, Leicester alone sending to Flanders for twelve hundred pounds’ worth of silks, velvets, and cloth of gold. Simier in the meanwhile was daily becoming more clamorous130 for a definite answer to his master’s proposal. Large bribes131 were paid by the French Ambassador and Mendoza respectively to the Councillors to forward or impede132 the match, and the probabilities shifted from day to day.[423]
When the Queen seemed really bent upon the match, Burghley did not attempt to oppose her; he simply placed before her the arguments for and against it, and left the decision to her. This is exactly what Elizabeth did not wish. Simier and her own imprudence had drawn133 her into an extremely dangerous position, and she wished her Council to assume the responsibility of extricating134 her[331] from it. Her first object in resuming the negotiations135 had been to get Alen?on and the French out of Flanders, whilst preventing the despair and collapse136 of Orange; her present aim was to secure the King of France to her side, and weaken Spain without herself being drawn into open hostility. The talk of marriage helped her in this; but if once she fell into the trap, and was married indeed, her power of balance would be gone. Driven into a corner, late in April she took Simier and the French Ambassador, with Burghley, Leicester, Sussex, and Walsingham, to Wanstead, where she desired the Councillors to give her in writing their individual opinions, in order that she might show them to the Frenchmen. They refused to do so, and once more laid before her the “perils and advantages” of each course, leaving her to decide. The Councillors mentioned sat in conference almost day and night during their three days’ stay at Wanstead, but, after all, returned as they came. Simier was furious, and threatened to go back to France; and a full Council sat at Whitehall on the 3rd May, from two o’clock in the day till two the next morning, finally to discuss the question. It was found that the only man really in favour of the marriage was Sussex, and Simier was called in and informed that his master’s conditions were unacceptable. The envoy roared out that he had been played with, and flung out of the room to make his complaint to the Queen. She was all sympathy. She wanted to get married—she must get married. It was all the fault of her Councillors, and so forth16, until her ruffled137 “ape,” as she called him, was pacified139. Alen?on was not lightly put off. He announced his intention of coming to see his goddess, no matter what the consequences might be. The Queen was for refusing him leave, but Lord Burghley pointed out to her the danger of this open affront140 to a French prince. She had gone too far to refuse, and she was[332] obliged to give a passport. Simier rarely left the Queen’s side now, and she seems quite to have lost her head. Mendoza worked hard to spread the sinister141 murmurs142 of her behaviour through the country. Leicester grew violently jealous, and twice hired an assassin to kill Simier, which he nearly did once in the Queen’s own barge143. The Queen was beside herself with rage, and Simier, to revenge himself upon Leicester, told the Queen, as no one else had dared to do, of the marriage of Leicester with Lady Essex. It was a master-stroke. The Queen’s fury was boundless144, and she swore like a trooper at Leicester and the she-wolf he had married. For a time Leicester’s influence was gone, and Simier lived in the palace of Greenwich, to the open disgust of the English people. In August, Alen?on rushed over to England in disguise. His coming was an open secret, but the Queen kept him hid in the palace of Greenwich.[424] She posed before him, showed off all her charms, dined and supped with him in private, fell desperately145 in love with him, or pretended to do so, and sent him off after a week’s stay as secretly as he came, with expressions of affection on both sides, even too fervid146 to be sincere, and long afterwards continued by correspondence.
Whatever might be the final result of the marriage negotiations—and Burghley himself was as much in the dark as any one on that point—a close alliance between France and England was of growing importance to both countries. The English Council under Burghley sat at Greenwich almost continuously from the 2nd to the 8th October discussing, weighing, and reporting upon the whole question of alliance and marriage. The final result[333] was that the marriage would be undesirable147, Burghley and Sussex being the only Councillors who were not strongly opposed to it.[425] The message to the Queen was delivered by Burghley. It was ambiguous and moderate, begged the Queen to tell the Council her own mind, and so on; but there was no doubt of the meaning of it to the Queen. The Council was against the match, unless some guarantee could be found that the Protestant religion should not be imperilled. Burghley’s minute sets forth the Queen’s answer. “She shed many tears to find that her Councillors, by their long disputations, should make it doubtful whether it would be safe for her to marry and have a child.” She was a simpleton, she said, to have referred the question to them. She expected they would have unanimously begged her to marry, instead of raising doubts about it. When they saw her again later in the day she was more angry still. She railed at those who would think of “surety” before her happiness, “and that any should think so slenderly of her” as to doubt that she would take care that religion was properly safeguarded if she married. She managed, as usual, to reduce the Council to a state of confusion with her tears and reproaches; and a hasty meeting was called, at which a resolution was passed to the effect, that[334] as the Queen seemed so much bent upon the marriage, the Councillors all offered their services to promote it. When this message was taken to her, Lord Burghley records that “her Majesty’s answers were very sharp in reprehending148 all such as she thought would make arguments against her marriage, and though she thought it not meet to declare to them whether she would marry with Monsieur or no, yet she looked from their hands that they should with one accord have made a special suit to her for the same.”[426]
No wonder that with such a change on the part of the Queen from morning to afternoon, the Councillors were at their wits’ end to know what she really meant; but it is evident that she intended to have her own way, whatever it was, and lay the responsibility upon others. Burghley and Sussex had avoided open opposition149, and were favourably150 regarded by the Queen in consequence; whilst Leicester, Walsingham, Knollys, and even her poor “sheep” Hatton, came in for a share of her vituperation and abuse; and the Puritans who were leading the outcry against the match received harder measure than ever.
Early in November she summoned the Council again, and told them that she had decided151 to marry. It was only for them now to consider the means. Let them, she said, individually put their opinions in writing. It was evident that this course would again bring forward the dissensions on the subject, and render it more difficult, which was perhaps her intention. Simier went and told her so, whereupon she asked him angrily how he knew what orders she had given to her Council. He replied that Lord Burghley had told him. “Surely,” she cried, “it is possible for my Councillors to keep a secret. I will see to this.” Then she sent orders to the Council to[335] write a letter to Alen?on, asking him to come to England quickly, which they refused to do. He was, they said, coming to marry her, not them, and she ought to write herself. They openly quarrelled with Simier, who was finding England too hot for him, and who left late in November, taking with him a hastily patched draft agreement for the marriage, in which the Queen characteristically introduced at the last hour an additional loophole of escape, by stipulating152 that the articles should remain in suspense153 for two months, “during which time the Queen hopes to have brought her people to consent. If before that time she did not write consenting to receive ambassadors for the conclusion of the treaty, the whole of the conditions would be void.”[427]
The year 1580 opened full of anxiety for Elizabeth. The ostentatious fitting out of the Spanish fleet, and the active support by Spain and the Pope of the Desmond rebellion, the success of Parma, and the desperate attempts of Orange to reunite Flanders with Holland under Alen?on in the national cause, were all so many dangers to England. If Elizabeth offended France or alienated Alen?on himself, Flemish affairs might be settled without her participation154, and to her detriment, and she would have to face Spain alone. This was the more to be feared, as religious affairs in England were in a worse condition than before, and for the first time since her accession the Queen herself was unpopular. Her light conduct with Simier, and, above all, her seeming determination in favour of the Alen?on marriage, had aroused all the old hatred against the French, and had embittered155 the widespread Puritan distrust of the “Papists.” The[336] country was being flooded with seminary priests, specially24 trained for the propaganda to which they devoted156 their lives,[428] and the great Catholic party in England, having recovered somewhat from the blow of the Norfolk conspiracy157, were once more holding up their heads. Elizabeth had allowed Leicester and her own passions to lead her too far, and she struggled to free herself from the toils158. When she tried in January to withdraw gently from the Alen?on negotiations, and suggested to Henry III. that some fresh conditions were necessary, she found it difficult. The King was determined159 to throw the responsibility of breaking upon her, and it still suited him to keep up an appearance of friendship. She could, he replied, make her own stipulations; he would accept them. As for religion, that was his brother’s affair. Alen?on himself also said that he would come over at once to England and leave everything to her. He hoped she was not reviving the religious question for the purpose of deceiving him again, as some people said; but he would risk everything for his love. He went so far as to beg her to forgive Leicester for his sake, and blamed Simier for quarrelling with the Earl.
But Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham were quite determined now to stop the marriage, which looked too serious to please them; and a cloud of questions about religion, rank of ambassadors, &c., soon threw the matter into obscurity again. How completely affairs had changed in this respect in a few weeks is seen in the long draft of a letter to the Queen at Hatfield, dated at end of January 1580, in the handwriting of Sir Thomas Cecil, although it can hardly have been really written by him to the Queen, but certainly represents the views of his[337] father. Burghley had struggled during all his ministry160, and often against great difficulties, to preserve peace with Spain, whilst holding high England’s honour and prosperity; but now that Leicester and the extreme Protestant party, together with Philip’s seizure161 of Portugal, had forced the Queen into a position which sooner or later must end in hostility to Spain, and perhaps with France also, Burghley urged the need for a close understanding with France, on the safest terms possible for his country.
The course now taken by the Queen seemed to render inevitable that which Burghley had all his life endeavoured to avoid, namely, the isolation162 of England with both of the great powers against her. The address above referred to lays down that, so long as the Queen was favourable163 to the Alen?on marriage, the writer was willing to sacrifice his life for it. He still maintains that it is the only safe course, and one which should enable the Queen to “rule the sternes of the shippes of Europe with more fame than ever came to any Quene of the Worelld.” But finding her Majesty utterly164 against it, he proposes such remedies as are necessary, at least for comparative safety. He points out that she cannot expect that France and Alen?on will sit down patiently under the slight, though they may dissemble for a time; and he suggests that Alen?on should be diverted from allying himself with Spain, by encouraging his enterprise in the Netherlands, dangerous though such a course was to England. All Papists should be dismissed from positions of trust; the army, navy, and fortifications should be placed on a war-footing; mercenary Germans should be bespoken165; fresh vents166 for English commerce should be sought;[429] the Irish should be conciliated, and[338] their just grievances167 remedied, and “certain private disorders168 in Ireland winked169 at.” The Queen of Scots should be brought to a safer place farther south, and repressive precautions taken against her friends in England. Whoever may have given this remarkable170 state paper to Elizabeth,[430] it is certain that the advice contained in it was followed. Orders were given to bring Mary Stuart to Ashby-de-la-Zouch,[431] the mild and lenient171 Lord Shrewsbury being reinforced in his guard by Sir Ralph Sadler and two other known Protestants;[432] a general muster172 of militia173 was summoned, 90,000 men in all; London was called upon for 4000 armed men; the Queen’s navy, seventeen ships, was mobilised;[433] and negotiations were opened for Condé and a Huguenot force, with a number of mercenary German Protestants, to enter Flanders.[434] It was considered rightly that if a[339] large body of Huguenots depending entirely174 upon England were by Alen?on’s side, it would not only prevent his brother from supporting him, but would render his enterprise in Flanders less dangerous to England.
Concurrently175 with these precautions, the Queen renewed her extravagant love correspondence with Alen?on. There is no more remarkable instance than this of the consummate176 statesmanship of Burghley. The country had been driven out of the straight course in which he had held it so long, and was rapidly nearing the breakers. The document now under consideration laid before the Queen the only course which could avert177 destruction, and this course, as we see, she wisely took. If Burghley had openly opposed Leicester and Walsingham from the first, he would probably have fallen into disgrace, and have lost his influence entirely; but by holding aloof and tempering their policy only, he was able, when catastrophe178 impended179, to lead the ship of state into a harbour of comparative safety. Under the influence of fear and Burghley, the Queen at the same time became most amiable to the Spaniards again. She assured Mendoza (20th February) that “she would never make war upon your Majesty, unless you began it first, which she could not believe by any means you would do.” She was, she said, a sister to Philip. “She had always done her best for the tranquillity180 of the Netherlands, and to prevent the French from getting a footing there.” Mendoza spoke107 some hard truths to her, but she was very humble.
A few days afterwards, when the French Ambassador had been driving her into a corner about Alen?on, and threatening that the Prince would publish her letters, she was closeted in her chamber76 at Whitehall with Burghley and Archbishop Sandys. “Here am I,” she cried, “between Scylla and Charybdis. Alen?on has agreed to all my conditions, and wants to know when[340] he is to come and marry me. If I fail he will probably quarrel with me, and if I marry him I shall not be able to govern the country. What shall I do?” Sandys gave a courtier-like reply, and Burghley was silent. The Queen was impatient at this, and roughly told him he was purposely absenting himself from the Council. What was his advice? Thus pressed, the Lord Treasurer replied that if it was her pleasure to marry she should do so, as Alen?on had accepted the terms which rendered her safe. “That,” said the Queen, “is not the opinion of the rest of the Council, but that I should keep him in play.” Burghley was aware of this already, and dryly told the Queen that those who tried to trick princes generally ended by being caught themselves. But Elizabeth knew her profound powers of dissimulation181 better even than Burghley did, and went on her way. The Lord Treasurer stood almost alone among the councillors in his mild and cautious policy. Sussex, in deep dudgeon, was generally at his mansion at Newhall; and, as we have seen, Burghley himself avoided as much as possible incurring182 responsibility for the present action of the Queen, except so far as to advise her how to render her policy as little harmful as possible. But it is evident that Elizabeth, in moments of difficulty like this, always turned away from Leicester, and sought the sounder aid of the Lord Treasurer.
Leicester, in March, pretended to fall ill, and during his absence from court completely turned round. Now that Lord Burghley was urging for a close friendship with France, since Leicester’s policy had alienated Spain, the Earl, with characteristic instability, suddenly professed183 to Mendoza a desire to “serve the King of Spain.” His enemies, he said, were plotting this French alliance and marriage only to spite him, and he would bring the Queen to a close friendship to Spain. The Queen was,[341] doubtless, aware of Leicester’s change; because when Castelnau, the French Ambassador, addressed Elizabeth with an important message from Catharine, proposing that a joint184 effort should be made to prevent the domination of Portugal by Philip (17th April 1580), he was referred to Burghley alone, and only after the decision had been adopted not to commence hostilities185, as suggested, was Leicester let into the secret. Dangerous as it was to England that Philip should dominate Portugal, it was of more importance to France; and it was determined to cast upon the latter power, if possible, the responsibility of preventing it.
The prospect186 of a serious cause for dissension between France and Spain was, indeed, a welcome one for Elizabeth, and she made the most of it. The star of Morton in Scotland was waning187 fast, and D’Aubigny, Earl of Lennox, had already gained a complete command of the young King’s affection. Mary Stuart from her captivity188 was taking the grave step of laying herself, her country, and her child at the feet of the King of Spain, with the acquiescence this time of the Duke of Guise. The English Government, however, was not yet aware of this, and looked upon France as more likely than Spain to influence Scotland under D’Aubigny.[435] Division in France was consequently promoted by Leicester and his party. Alen?on was warned not to be too pliant189 in agreeing[342] with his brother; and when Condé and Navarre once again raised the Huguenot standard, the former rushed over to England to beseech190 for funds (June 1580), and was received several times in secret by the Queen and Leicester. He immediately sent a message to his adherents191 in France that all was well, and that assistance would be given to him.
After some days the Queen sent word to Castelnau, the French Ambassador, saying that she had heard that Condé was in England, but she would not receive him except in the Ambassador’s presence. Burghley, writing to Sussex, says that on arriving at Nonsuch from Theobalds, “I came hither about five o’clock, and repairing towards the Privy192 Chamber to see her Majesty, I found the door at the upper end shut, and understood that the French Ambassador and the Prince of Condé had been a long time there with her Majesty, with none others of the Council but my Lord of Leicester and Mr. Vice-Chamberlain Hatton.” After the audience Castelnau went to Burghley and complained of Condé for raising disturbances193 in France. “He augmenteth his suspicions upon the sight of the great favours shown to the Prince of Condé by certain Councillors here, whom he understandeth have been many times with him (Condé) at the banqueting-house where he is lodged194.” The Queen told Burghley that Condé had asked for a contribution of one-third of the cost of a Huguenot rising, the King of Navarre and the German Protestants paying the other two-thirds; but the Lord Treasurer’s opinion of it is sufficiently195 expressed in the following words, which probably decided the question, for Condé did not get the aid he sought notwithstanding Leicester’s efforts: “I wish her Majesty may spend some portion to solicit196 them for peace … but to enter into war and therewith to break the marriage, and so to be left alone as subject[343] to the burden of such a war, I think no good counsellor can allow.”[436]
The fact that he had not been personally consulted earlier did not apparently ruffle138 Lord Burghley. In his quiet, prudent197 way he brought things round to his view, without caring for the personal aspect. Not so, irritable198, hot-tempered Sussex. He replied in boiling indignation against Leicester—“I have never heard word from my Lord Leicester, Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, or Mr. Secretary Walsingham, of the coming of the Prince of Condé, or of his expectations, or to seek to know what I thought fit to do in his cause; whereby I see either they seek to keep the whole from me, or else care little for my opinion … perhaps at my coming some of them will mislike I am made such a stranger … I can give as good a sound opinion as the best of them … I am very loath199 to see my sovereign lady to be violently drawn into war.”[437] In any case, Burghley’s unaided efforts were sufficient to prevent the Queen from giving money to Condé, and thus setting the King of France against her as well as the King of Spain. She was, indeed, in a month, so completely turned by Lord Burghley’s influence as to exert herself to bring about some sort of accord between Henry III. and the Huguenots.[438]
[344]
During the rest of the year the haggling200 between Elizabeth and Alen?on went on. The deputies of the States, after much discussion, offered the sovereignty to the French Prince, whose letters to the Queen grew more preposterous201 than ever. It was evident that if he went too far in the Protestant direction to please Elizabeth he would be useless as a means for attracting the Catholic Flemings to cordial union with Orange; whereas an uncompromising Catholic attitude, or any appearance of depending upon his brother for armed aid, would have been fiercely resisted both by the English and the Hollanders. Many points therefore had to be reconciled, and the Queen kept the affair mainly in her own hands, playing upon the hopes, fears, and ambitions of Alen?on with the dexterity202 of a juggler203.
Burghley’s main efforts in the meanwhile were directed to preventing her from drifting into war, either with France or Spain. When the envoys came from the Portuguese pretender, Don Antonio, they brought bribes and presents in plenty for Leicester, who entertained them splendidly, and urged their suit for assistance for their master; but again Lord Burghley pointed out to the Queen the expense she would incur and the risks she would run in a war with Spain, and one Ambassador after another went back discomfited204, whilst Leicester pocketed their bribes, and alternately raged and sulked when his advice was not followed.
There were others besides Leicester whose recklessness or greed was dragging England to the brink205 of a war with Spain, in spite of Burghley’s efforts. Strong as was the great statesman’s interest in increasing the legitimate206 trade of the country, we have seen that from the beginning of Hawkins’ voyages to the West Coast of Africa, and thence to South America with slaves,[345] Burghley had refused any participation in the syndicates that financed them. He had, it is true, on more than one occasion repudiated207 the claim of the Spaniards, and especially of the Portuguese, to exclusive dominion22 of the western world by virtue of the Pope’s bull, but he had always frowned upon the filibustering208 attempts of the syndicates, under the auspices209 of some of the aldermen of London, to establish posts in territory occupied by other Christian210 powers, or to force trade upon established settlements against the will of the authorities. He had honestly done his best to check robbery in the Channel by those who called themselves privateers, and almost alone of the Councillors, he had no share or interest in the piratical ventures under the English flag which had committed such destructive depredations211 upon shipping212.
The attack upon Hawkins’ fleet at San Juan de Ulloa, 1568, had aroused fierce and not unnatural213 indignation amongst sailors and merchants in England; but the expedition was in defiance214 of the Spanish law, in a port belonging to and occupied by Spain, and it is more than doubtful whether Burghley advised the seizure of the specie belonging to Philip, in December 1568, in reprisal215 for the attack. There were ample reasons, and an excellent legal pretext216, for the seizure of the money without that. In fact it was a master-stroke of policy which the foolish rashness of De Spes had put into Burghley’s power, and the latter and Elizabeth naturally welcomed the opportunity of crippling Alba. But when it became a question of revenging San Juan de Ulloa by the despatch of a strong armed expedition against Spanish colonies, Lord Burghley looked askance at what might well be made a casus belli by Spain, and could only enrich the mariners217 and shareholders218 who took part in it.
[346]
Drake’s raid upon Nombre-de-Dios, 1573, had been robbery pure and simple, carried out swiftly and secretly, so that the authorities at home had no opportunity, even if they had the will, to prevent it; and Drake kept out of the way for nearly three years afterwards, to escape punishment. But in 1577 he was introduced by Walsingham or Hatton to the Queen,[439] who told him that she wished to be revenged upon the King of Spain, and that he, Drake, was the man to do it. When Drake explained his plan for a great piratical raid into the Pacific, the Queen swore by her crown that she would have any man’s head who informed the King of Spain of it; and, says Drake, “her Majesty gave me special commandment that of all men my Lord Treasurer should not know it.” But the preparations for the voyage could not be kept secret entirely from Burghley, who was well served by spies, and had many means of winning men. He could not prohibit the expedition, of course; but, as usual, he sought to render it as innocuous as possible. Thomas Doughty219, presumably a barrister, certainly a man of questionable220 character, had become Hatton’s secretary, and was deep with Drake in the plans for the expedition. The whole business is somewhat obscure, but Lord Burghley appears to have bought this man to his interests, and, according to Doughty himself, to have offered him the post of his private secretary, which, however, is unlikely. In any case, he learned from him all that there was to know about Drake’s intentions, and when, in November 1577, Drake’s expedition sailed, Doughty accompanied it as Burghley’s secret agent, and,[347] it may charitably be surmised221, for the express purpose of moderating if not frustrating222 its action. First he tried to desert with his ship, and was duly chased and brought back by Drake. Then he was accused of attempting to sow discord223, discouragement, and mutiny amongst the men, and Drake hanged him with his own hands on the coast of Patagonia.[440] Winter, the other captain, drifted back to England again from Tierra del Fuego, whilst Drake in the little Pelican224 went on his great voyage of plunder225 round the world. All Europe rang with the news of his ravages226 in the South Seas, and the shareholders, says Mendoza, “are beside themselves with joy.” But the feelings of peaceful English merchants, and of Burghley himself, were far different. They saw that Spain had been attacked wantonly, her mariners hanged, her treasure stolen without legal excuse, her sacred edifices227 ransacked228, and it was felt that a war of retaliation229 was inevitable, in which all England would suffer for the dishonest profit of a few.
One day towards the end of September 1580, after an absence of nearly three years, when most people had given up Drake for lost, the Pelican sailed quietly into Plymouth Sound, bringing in her hold plundered230 riches incalculable. Drake posted up to London, hoping doubtless that Elizabeth’s greed would overcome her fears of war. He was closeted for six hours with the Queen; but when he was summoned to the Council not one of his own backers was there, but only Burghley, Sussex, Crofts—a Spanish agent—and Secretary Wilson. They ordered all his treasure to be brought to the Tower, and a precise inventory231 made of it, preliminary to its restitution232. When the order was taken to Leicester, Walsingham, and Hatton, they refused to sign, and exerted their influence[348] with the Queen to get it suspended. Mendoza raged and threatened. The Queen was in mortal fear of war, and had promised that Drake should be punished if he came back. But she loved money, and was not blind to the injury that had been done to her probable foe233 by Drake’s boldness. So she temporised as usual, accepted Drake’s presents graciously, and gradually came round to making a hero of the great seaman234, in spite of Mendoza’s talk of war and vengeance235. She must have proofs against Drake before she punished him, she said. Besides, what were the Spanish troops doing in Ireland? When the last Spanish-Papal soldier was withdrawn236, she would talk about the restitution of Drake’s plunder—not before.[441] At present she was the aggrieved237 party. Gifts and bribes showered from Drake upon the Councillors; but when Burghley was offered 3000 crowns’ worth of fine gold, he refused it, saying he could not receive a present from a man who had stolen all he had,[442] and Sussex also declined any portion of the booty. Once more it was Burghley’s task to avert or provide against the war with Spain, which the ineptitude238 and cupidity239 of others had brought within measurable distance.
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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unpaid
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| adj.未付款的，无报酬的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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forth
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chafe
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| v.擦伤；冲洗；惹怒 | |
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boorish
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| adj.粗野的，乡巴佬的 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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specially
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fortress
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concealment
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acquiescence
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mentor
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| n.指导者，良师益友；v.指导 | |
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guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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proximity
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imprisonment
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desecration
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| n. 亵渎神圣, 污辱 | |
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shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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tributary
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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47
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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48
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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49
deferential
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| adj. 敬意的，恭敬的 | |
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50
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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51
consorting
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| v.结伴( consort的现在分词 )；交往；相称；调和 | |
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52
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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53
autonomous
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| adj.自治的；独立的 | |
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54
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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55
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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56
warily
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| adv.留心地 | |
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57
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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58
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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59
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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60
reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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61
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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62
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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63
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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64
pointedly
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| adv.尖地，明显地 | |
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65
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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66
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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67
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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68
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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69
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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70
wedded
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| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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72
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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73
tilt
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| v.(使)倾侧；(使)倾斜；n.倾侧；倾斜 | |
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74
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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75
casement
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| n.竖铰链窗；窗扉 | |
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76
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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77
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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78
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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79
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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80
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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81
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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82
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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83
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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84
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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85
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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86
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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87
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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88
steward
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| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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89
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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90
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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91
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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92
ratify
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| v.批准，认可，追认 | |
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93
dwindling
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| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
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94
ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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95
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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96
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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97
fickleness
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| n.易变；无常；浮躁；变化无常 | |
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98
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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99
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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100
unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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101
abatement
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| n.减(免)税，打折扣，冲销 | |
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102
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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103
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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105
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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106
bespoke
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| adj.（产品）订做的；专做订货的v.预定( bespeak的过去式 )；订（货）；证明；预先请求 | |
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107
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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108
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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109
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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110
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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111
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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112
backwards
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|
| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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113
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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114
blasphemous
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| adj.亵渎神明的，不敬神的 | |
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115
consolidating
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| v.（使）巩固， （使）加强( consolidate的现在分词 )；（使）合并 | |
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116
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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117
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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118
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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119
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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120
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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121
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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122
potency
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| n. 效力，潜能 | |
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123
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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124
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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125
memoranda
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| n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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126
ceding
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的现在分词 ) | |
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127
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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128
gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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129
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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130
clamorous
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| adj.吵闹的，喧哗的 | |
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131
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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132
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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133
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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134
extricating
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| v.使摆脱困难，脱身( extricate的现在分词 ) | |
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135
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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136
collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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137
ruffled
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| adj. 有褶饰边的, 起皱的 动词ruffle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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138
ruffle
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| v.弄皱，弄乱；激怒，扰乱；n.褶裥饰边 | |
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139
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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140
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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141
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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142
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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143
barge
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| n.平底载货船，驳船 | |
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144
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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145
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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146
fervid
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| adj.热情的；炽热的 | |
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147
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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148
reprehending
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| v.斥责，指摘，责备( reprehend的现在分词 ) | |
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149
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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150
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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151
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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152
stipulating
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| v.（尤指在协议或建议中）规定，约定，讲明（条件等）( stipulate的现在分词 )；规定，明确要求 | |
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153
suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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154
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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155
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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157
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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158
toils
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| 网 | |
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159
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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160
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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161
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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162
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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163
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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164
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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165
bespoken
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| v.预定( bespeak的过去分词 )；订（货）；证明；预先请求 | |
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166
vents
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| （气体、液体等进出的）孔、口( vent的名词复数 )； （鸟、鱼、爬行动物或小哺乳动物的）肛门； 大衣等的)衩口； 开衩 | |
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167
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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168
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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169
winked
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| v.使眼色( wink的过去式和过去分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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170
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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171
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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172
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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173
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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174
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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175
concurrently
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| adv.同时地 | |
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176
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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177
avert
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| v.防止，避免；转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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178
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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179
impended
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| v.进行威胁，即将发生( impend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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180
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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181
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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182
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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183
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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184
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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185
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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186
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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187
waning
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| adj.（月亮）渐亏的，逐渐减弱或变小的n.月亏v.衰落( wane的现在分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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188
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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189
pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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190
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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191
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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192
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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193
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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194
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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195
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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196
solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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197
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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198
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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199
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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200
haggling
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| v.讨价还价( haggle的现在分词 ) | |
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201
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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202
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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203
juggler
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| n. 变戏法者, 行骗者 | |
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204
discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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205
brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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206
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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207
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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208
filibustering
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| v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的现在分词 )；掠夺 | |
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209
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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210
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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211
depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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212
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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213
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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214
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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reprisal
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| n.报复，报仇，报复性劫掠 | |
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216
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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217
mariners
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| 海员，水手（mariner的复数形式） | |
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218
shareholders
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| n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
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219
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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220
questionable
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| adj.可疑的，有问题的 | |
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221
surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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222
frustrating
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| adj.产生挫折的，使人沮丧的，令人泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的现在分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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223
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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224
pelican
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| n.鹈鹕，伽蓝鸟 | |
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225
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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226
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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227
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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228
ransacked
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| v.彻底搜查( ransack的过去式和过去分词 )；抢劫，掠夺 | |
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229
retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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230
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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231
inventory
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| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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232
restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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233
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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234
seaman
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| n.海员，水手，水兵 | |
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235
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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236
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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237
aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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238
ineptitude
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| n.不适当；愚笨，愚昧的言行 | |
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239
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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