The activity of the seminary priests and missionaries14,[350] in conjunction with the Papal invasion of Ireland, had been answered in England by fresh severity against the Catholics. The gaols15 were all full to overflowing16 with English recusants; fresh proclamations were issued against harbouring priests; and spies at home and abroad were following the ubiquitous movements of the zealous17 young members of the Society of Jesus, who yearned18 for the crown of martyrdom. There is no doubt that to some extent the new persecution19 of the Catholics was for the purpose of reconciling the Puritans to the Alen?on match, but it was still more owing to the genuine alarm of a war against Spain and the Pope.
Parliament opened on the 16th January 1581, after twenty-four prorogations, this only being its third session, although it was elected in 1572. We have already seen that the Puritan party was strong in the House of Commons, and the Chancellor20 of the Exchequer21, Sir Walter Mildmay, in his speech, voiced the general feeling of the country at the dangers that seemed impending22. “Our enemies sleep not,” he said, “and it behoveth us not to be careless, as though all were past; but rather to think that there is but a piece of the storm over, and that the greater part of the tempest remaineth behind, and is like to fall upon us by the malice23 of the Pope, the most capital enemy of the Queen and this State.”[443] He denounced the “absolutions, dispensations, reconciliations24, and such other things of Rome. You see how lately he (the Pope) hath sent hither a sort of hypocrites, naming themselves Jesuits, a rabble25 of vagrant26 friars, newly sprung up, running through the world to trouble the Church of God.” The aim of the oration27, of course, was to lead the House to vote liberal supplies for the defence of the country, and in this it was[351] successful; though, when the Puritan majority endeavoured to appoint days of fasting and humiliation28 by Parliamentary vote, they were rapped over the knuckles29 by the Queen, as they had been in the previous session, for interfering30 with her prerogative31.[444]
The country, in fact, was now thoroughly32 alive to the danger into which it had drifted, and Lord Burghley’s hand once more took the tiller, to remedy, so far as he might, the evils which had resulted from the temporary abandonment of his cautious policy.[445] His task was not an easy one to settle the preliminaries of the pompous33 embassy which was to come from France. There were a host of questions to be considered. The Queen would insist upon the Ambassadors being of the highest rank, and having full powers. Leicester and Hatton objected to their coming at all; Alen?on insisted that they should be only empowered to negotiate a marriage, and not an alliance; whilst Cobham, the English Ambassador, endeavoured ineffectually to draw Henry III. into a pledge to break with Spain about[352] Portugal before the embassy left France. At last all was arranged, and in April the Ambassadors, with a suite34 of two hundred persons, arrived in London.[446] Drake’s silver was drawn35 upon liberally for presents; a new gallery was built at Whitehall for the entertainment of the envoys36; Philip Sidney wrote a masque, and played the fool for once for their delectation; and joust38 and tourney, ball and banquet, succeeded each other hourly, to the exclusion39 of more serious business.
Leicester had done his best to stop the embassy, but without effect, and wrote to Lord Shrewsbury that he “was greatly troubled at these great lords coming.”[447] He tried to work upon the Queen’s weak side, by assuring her that the one object of the Frenchmen was to lead her into heavy expenditure40, and so to enfeeble her, that she might the more easily be conquered.[448] This, at all events, caused some restriction41 in the expenditure; for the Queen suddenly discovered that it would not be dignified42 for her to entertain the Ambassadors or pay for horses until they actually arrived in London. Burghley may be presumed to have been delighted at their coming, for he made no effort to limit the cost of his banquet to them at Cecil House, in the Strand43, which was one of the most splendid entertainments offered to them. There is in the Lansdowne MSS. a full relation of this splendid feast of the 30th April, with the bills of fare, accounts of expenses, &c., which gives some notion of the splendour and extent of Burghley’s[353] household. There were consumed two stags, 40s.; two bucks44, 20s.; six kids, 24s.; six pigs, 10s.; six shins of beef, 24s.; four gammons of bacon, 16s.; one swan, 10s.; three cranes, 20s.; twenty-four curlews, 24s.; fifteen pheasants, 30s.; fifty-four herons, ￡8, 15s.; eight partridges, 8s., and vast quantities of meat of all sorts; and sturgeon, conger, salmon45, trout46, lampreys, lobsters47, prawns48, gurnards, oysters49, and many sorts of fresh-water fish. Herbs and salads cost no less than 36s., and cream, 27s. There were consumed 3300 eggs, 360 lbs. of butter, 42 lbs. of spices, and three gallons of rose-water. ￡11, 7s. 3d. was paid for the hire of extra vessels50 and glass; flowers and rushes cost ￡5, 7s. 10d., and Turkey carpets, ￡11. This Gargantuan51 feast was served by forty-nine gentlemen and thirty-four servants, and was washed down with ￡75 worth of beer as well as Gascon, sack, hippocras, and other wine costing ￡21; the entire expenditure on the afternoon’s feeding being ￡649, 1s. 5d.
Though Burghley and Sussex had brought over the embassy in hopes of a marriage, or at least an alliance, the Queen changed from hour to hour. When Leicester complained to her, she silenced him by saying that she could avoid a marriage whenever she liked by bringing Alen?on over whilst the embassy was in England, and then setting the Frenchmen at loggerheads, and by subsidising the Prince’s attempts in Flanders. At the same time she certainly led Sussex, and probably Burghley, to believe that she might be in earnest at last.
After some weeks the elder Ambassadors got tired of trifling52, and begged the Queen to appoint a committee of the Council to negotiate with them. The great banquet at Burghley House was the preliminary meeting, and a paper at Hatfield, endorsed53 by Burghley, lays down, in the usual precise manner of the time, every aspect of the matter. The propositions are three: 1st, if the Queen[354] should remain unmarried; 2nd, if she should marry Alen?on; and 3rd, if she should enter into some strait league with the French. In the first eventuality the Queen must strengthen herself and weaken her opponents; Scotland must be reduced to the same friendship that existed before the advent54 of D’Aubigny; James’s marriage to a Catholic must be prevented; Mary Stuart must be held tightly; Ireland must be subdued55; the entire domination of Spain over the Netherlands must be avoided, and an alliance concluded either with France or the German Protestants. In the second eventuality, that the Queen should marry Alen?on, the writer urges that the wedding should take place without delay, but always on condition that religion in England must be safeguarded, and Henry III. pledged to provide most of the means for Alen?on’s enterprise in Flanders. On the other hand, if the marriage is not to take place, care must be taken that no offence is given to the suitor. “Since the treaty with Simier many accidents have happened to make this marriage hateful to the people, as the invasion of Ireland by the Pope, the determination of the Pope to stir up rebellion in this realm by sending in a number of English Jesuits, who have by books, challenges, and secret instructions and seductions, procured56 a great defection of many people to relinquish57 their obedience58 to her Majesty59. Likewise there is a manifest practice in Scotland, by D’Aubigny, to alienate60 the young King of Scotland, both from favouring the Protestant religion and from amity61 to her Majesty and her realm, notwithstanding that he hath only been conserved63 in his crown at her Majesty’s charges.”[449]
Although this paper has usually been treated as emanating64 from Burghley, I consider it much more likely to have been the work of Walsingham. There is at[355] Hatfield, of similar date (2nd May 1581), a note, all in the Lord Treasurer65’s hand, for his speech to the Ambassadors, and this is preceded by a private remark that, before a definite answer can be given, “it is necessary to know her Majesty’s own mind, to what end she will have this treaty tend, either to a marriage or no marriage, amity or no amity.” As Burghley seems not to have possessed66 this information, it is not surprising that the draft of his speech simply tends to delay. The Queen has written to Alen?on, he says, and must have a reply before she can say anything definite about the marriage; but as there has been some talk on both sides of a close alliance, the Queen expects the Ambassadors to be empowered to deal with that also.[450]
The Ambassadors themselves give an account of a speech of Burghley’s, either on this or another occasion, in which he declared that, although he was formerly67 against the marriage, he now personally thought it desirable. Brisson replied in a similar strain, and then the strong Protestantism of Walsingham asserted itself. He said that the hope of the marriage had caused the Pope to flood England with Jesuits and invade Ireland, the Catholics in England were already in high feather about it, and Alen?on had broken faith, and had entered into negotiations with the States General, since Simier took the draft treaty. Besides, he said, look at the danger of child-bearing to the Queen at her age. The marriage would probably drag England into war at least, and until the Queen received a reply to her letters the negotiations for the marriage must stand over.[451]
It is quite evident that the Queen desired an alliance without a marriage, and to draw France into open hostility68 to Spain, whilst she remained unpledged. But[356] Secretary Pinart was almost as clever as Burghley, and played his cards well, and no progress was made. Let them marry first, said Pinart, it would be easy to make an alliance afterwards. Affairs were thus at a deadlock69. Alen?on was on the frontier with a body of men ready to enter Flanders to relieve Cambray, when his brother’s forces dispersed70 them. It was then clear to the Prince that he must depend upon the Queen of England alone; and ceding71 to the pressure of his agent in England, he suddenly rushed over to London (2nd June), to the confusion of the Ambassadors, who shut themselves up to avoid meeting him. The Queen was all smiles, for she was satisfied now that Alen?on was obliged to look to her only for aid, marriage or no marriage. Alen?on went back after a few days as secretly as he had come, but every one saw that the Queen had won the trick; and the pompous embassy went back loaded with presents, but only taking with it a draft marriage treaty, accompanied by a letter from Elizabeth, saying that she might alter her mind if she liked, in which case the treaty was to be considered as annulled72.[452]
In the meanwhile Mendoza was watching closely the attempts of Leicester to persuade the Queen to aid Don Antonio in Portugal, as well as to provide means for Alen?on in Flanders. Walsingham had laid a trap for Mendoza, who was induced to pay a large sum of money to some Hollanders who promised to betray Flushing to the Spaniards, but really did just the opposite. The Hollanders left with the Spanish Ambassador the child son of one of them as a hostage. By orders of Walsingham[357] the embassy was violated and the boy taken away; and this amongst many other grievances73 was the source of endless squabbling with the Queen, who invariably retorted to all Mendoza’s complaints that Philip had connived74 at the invasion of Ireland. After one of his interviews with the Queen (24th June) he writes: “It is impossible for me to express the insincerity with which she and her ministers proceed.… She contradicts me every moment in my version of the negotiations.… I understood from her and Cecil, who is one of the few ministers who show any signs of straightforwardness75, that they understood that your Majesty intended to write to the Queen assuring her that the succour had not been sent to Ireland on your behalf. I told them that the matter referred to the Pope alone, but Cecil said they wished to see a letter from your Majesty;” whereupon Mendoza angrily told him that the word of an Ambassador was sufficient.
On the same day that this conversation took place, Burghley’s task of keeping the peace was rendered still more difficult by the arrival in England of the fugitive76 Portuguese77 Pretender, Don Antonio, who was at once taken up by Leicester and Hatton. The Spanish Ambassador was told by Hatton that if he wanted his passports he could have them, and the Queen almost insultingly refused him audience. Mendoza then wrote her a letter, which he thought the Queen would be obliged to show to the whole Council, “where I was sure some of the members would point out to her the danger she was running in refusing to receive me and thus irritating your Majesty. Cecil, particularly, who is the person upon whom the Queen depends in matters of importance, had seen me a few days before, and said how sorry he was that these things should occur, and[358] that he should be unable to remedy them, as he was sure I could not avoid being offended.”[453]
A few weeks afterwards Mendoza made another attempt to see the Queen, who was then in the country. She said that as Philip had not written any excuse about the Spanish expedition to Ireland, she did not see her way to receive the Ambassador. If he had anything to say he might tell it to two Councillors. Burghley was known to be the most favourable78 of them, and had expressed to Mendoza his ignorance that the audience had been refused. “He did not think it wise to refuse me; and as he is the most important of the ministers I thought best to inform him of the reply I had received, and to say I should like to see him.” Burghley was ill of gout at Theobalds at the time, but shortly afterwards he came to town and asked Mendoza to see him at Leicester House, “his gout preventing him from coming further.” Mendoza found him with Leicester together, and in reply to the stereotyped79 complaints of the Ambassador about Drake’s plunder, the aid to the Portuguese, and the refusal of audience, the Treasurer firmly told him that the Queen thought he had been remiss80 in not obtaining a letter from the King disclaiming81 the Irish expedition. This Mendoza haughtily82 refused to do, and the conference ended unsatisfactorily.[454]
It is evident that at this period (August 1581) Burghley was in despair of keeping on friendly relations with Spain. The Queen and Leicester had determined83 to subsidise Alen?on in Flanders, and to countenance84 Don Antonio’s attempts on Portugal. This coming after the[359] retention85 of Drake’s plunder, and refusal of audience to the Ambassador, seemed to make the continuance of peace between the two countries impossible, and Burghley was once more obliged to turn to the necessary, but to him distasteful, alternative—a close union with France.
The great French embassy had gone back defeated, for they saw that Elizabeth was befooling Alen?on, and that the national alliance would only be made on terms advantageous86 to English interests in Flanders. But it was necessary for Henry III. and his mother to cling to England if they were effectually to oppose Philip in Portugal. The Guises87 were becoming more overbearing and powerful than ever under the popular Duke Henry; they were known to be turning towards Spain, and their ambitions were high both for themselves and for their cousin Mary Stuart. To avoid the complete subjugation89 of France to their ends, the King was therefore obliged to court Elizabeth, and suffer her to have her way with Alen?on and Flanders. Henry III. consequently asked Elizabeth, through Somers, to name a day for the marriage, simultaneously90 with which an offensive and defensive91 alliance would be concluded, and a secret agreement entered into with regard to the establishment of Alen?on in Flanders. This, of course, was understood to be merely fencing, and Walsingham himself was sent to France to conclude a treaty. He was instructed to say that the French were mistaken in supposing that the marriage was settled. The Queen could not consent to the marriage now, for, as Alen?on was already in arms against the King of Spain, it would “bring us and our realme into war, which in no respect our realme and subjects can accept.” But if the King will accept her secret aid to Alen?on’s plan in Flanders, and the opposition92 to Spain in Portugal, she will be willing to conclude[360] an offensive and defensive alliance with him. In any case, the marriage was to be abandoned. Walsingham saw Alen?on in Picardy before going to Paris, and, as may be supposed, the young Prince was in despair at the Queen’s fickleness93. He was certain his brother would not make an alliance without the marriage, as he feared the Queen would slip out of it, leaving France alone face to face with Spain.[455] If, said Catharine, who was with her son, the Queen of England broke her word about the marriage for fear of her people, she might break an alliance for a similar reason. But Walsingham made it clear to both of them that Elizabeth would not allow herself to be dragged into war with Spain, though covert94 aid should be given to her late suitor. Poor Alen?on wept and stormed, but in vain. Anything short of marriage was useless to him, he said. His brother neither had helped nor would help him against Spain, unless the marriage took place. He himself would come to England for an answer from the Queen’s lips as soon as he had raised the siege of Cambray. Elizabeth complained of Walsingham’s management of the interview; he could rarely content her. He had, she said, been too abrupt95 in breaking off the marriage. Burghley pointed96 out to her that she could not have all her own way. She wanted, he said, to keep the marriage afoot, and yet not to marry; to aid Alen?on secretly, whilst France aided him openly; to conclude an alliance by which she gained everything, and France nothing.[456]
Elizabeth, in a rage, swore that Leicester and the Puritans were dragging her into all sorts of expense and trouble,[457] from which she could not extricate97 herself without[361] war. Walsingham was soon disgusted with his task, for he could make but little progress in Paris, and the Queen found fault with him constantly. He answered boldly, almost rudely, to all her strictures. He told her that with all this hesitation98 about the marriage “you lose the benefit of time, which, if years be considered, is not the least thing to be weighed. If you mean it (the marriage) not, then assure yourself it is one of the worst remedies you can use.… When your Majesty doth see in what doubtful terms you stand with foreign princes, then you do wish with great affection that opportunities offered had not been overslipped; but when they are offered you, if they be accompanied by charges, they are altogether neglected. The respect of charges hath lost Scotland, and I would to God I had no cause to think it might not put your Highness into peril99 of losing England.”[458]
Even Burghley, with all his influence, was in despair at getting the Queen to spend any money. Walsingham had told the Queen that if she lent Alen?on 100,000 ducats secretly he might be appeased100. Burghley pointed out to her that her niggardliness101 was ruining the chance of effectually weakening Spain. “In no wise,” writes Burghley, “would she have the enterprise of the Low Countries lost, but she will not particularly warrant you to offer aid. She allegeth that now the King (of France) hath gone so far he will not abandon it.… Her Majesty is also very cold in the cause of Don Antonio, alleging102 that she liketh it only by opportunity [importunity?] of her Council; and now that all things are ready, ships, victuals103, and men, the charges whereof come to ￡12,000, she hath been moved to find ￡2000 more needful for the full furniture of the voyage, wherewith she is greatly offended with Mr. Hawkins and Drake, as the charges are greater[362] than was said to her … hereupon her Majesty is content not to give a penny more; and now after Drake and Hawkins have made shift for the ￡2000, she will not let them depart until she be assured by you that the French will aid Don Antonio, for she feareth to be left alone.… All these things do marvellously stay her Majesty … yet she loseth all the charges spent in vain, and the poor King (Antonio) is utterly104 lost.”[459]
But Burghley might reason and remonstrate105, Walsingham might tell her, as he did, that the penuriousness106 would bring her to ruin, Elizabeth would not open her purse strings107 until it was almost too late. Alen?on had made a dash into Flanders soon after seeing Walsingham in August, and relieved Cambray, and then being absolutely penniless, his brother, in a fright at his boldness, refusing any aid, the Queen was obliged to send him ￡20,000 to prevent the abandonment of the whole business, and a union with the Guises which he threatened. He returned to France after a few weeks, and then again announced his intention of coming to England to exert his personal influence on the Queen. To stave off the visit several other sums of money were sent to him. Leicester, too, strove his hardest to stop it; but Alen?on’s agents and Alen?on’s lovelorn epistles were more flattering to the Queen even than Leicester, and the lover came early in November.
Although Walsingham had almost arranged a draft treaty of alliance without marriage when he was in Paris, it fell through on the eternal question of the Queen’s “charges” and responsibility, and when Alen?on arrived in England the whole matter was as far from settlement as ever. Of the extraordinary cajolery by which the Queen alternately raised Alen?on to the pinnacle108 of hope and plunged109 him to the depths of[363] despair during his stay with her at Richmond and Whitehall, a full description will be found elsewhere.[460] By her dexterity110 she bound him personally to her, and made it appear that the only obstacles to the match were those raised by the King of France. From the coming of Alen?on it is clear that Leicester alone understood the Queen’s game. The earl was radiant and joyous111, which made Sussex distrust the result, notwithstanding appearances. So far as he could Lord Burghley held aloof112, although when the Prince came to London he waited upon him with other Councillors formally every morning at nine. When the famous scene was enacted113 (22nd November) in the gallery at Whitehall, where the Queen boldly kissed her suitor on the lips and publicly pledged herself to marry him,[461] Burghley was confined to his bed with an attack of gout. The Queen sent him an account of what had passed. Mendoza reports that he thereupon exclaimed, “Blessed be the Lord that this business has at last reached a point where the Queen, on her part, has done all she can; it is for the country now alone to carry it out.” The deduction114 which Mendoza drew from this exclamation115 was probably the correct one. To him it proved that the whole plan was insincere on the part of Elizabeth, and that the intention was to cause conditions to be imposed by Parliament which the King of France could not accept, and then to throw the responsibility of the breach116 upon the latter.
This was all very well, but it was a reverse for Burghley’s policy. Leicester and Walsingham had drawn the Queen into a position of almost open hostility to Spain; and yet a close union with France was rendered[364] difficult by Elizabeth’s fickleness and dread117 of responsibility, and by Leicester’s jealousy118. As usual in such circumstances, Burghley cautiously endeavoured to redress119 the balance. When the treaty with France seemed assured, Mendoza had been refused audience, and on remonstrating120 with Burghley he had found him far less willing to be friendly than before. Leicester quite openly talked about turning the Spanish Ambassador out of England, and even Burghley had replied, to an application for audience on behalf of Mendoza to deliver a letter from Philip to the Queen, who was at Nonsuch, that the Queen was alone and unattended by Councillors, “and as Don Bernardino is to bring letters to the Queen from so great an enemy to her as his master, it is meet that he should be received as the minister of such a one.” When the Spaniard did see the Queen (October), his threats and complaints about Don Antonio and Alen?on were met with anger and indignation by her. All the old complaints on both sides were repeated, and both then and later Mendoza was certain by the attitude of Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham, that they were determined to have war with Spain, and that Burghley, for once, would not stand in their way.
But a change came in the attitude of the latter in December. It seemed then impossible for the Queen to withdraw her pledges to Alen?on without a breach with France, whilst she could hardly help him without a war with Spain. Scottish affairs, moreover, were a subject of deep anxiety. D’Aubigny was now master, and Morton, to Elizabeth’s indignation, had been executed. Catholic priests and Jesuits were known to be flitting backwards121 and forwards; and worst of all, Mary Stuart had, for the first time since her flight, opened up friendly negotiations with her son’s Government, and had formally joined James with herself in her sovereignty. She had moreover[365] written confidently asking for many fresh concessions122 which Elizabeth was loath124 to grant her.[462]
Any appearance of an approach of the French and Scots always drew England and Spain together, and with the added dangers already cited, this was quite sufficient to change Lord Burghley’s tone. Mendoza accordingly reports (25th December 1581) that, at a meeting of the Council held to consider the situation, Burghley suggested that an alliance should be made with Spain, and an agreement arrived at with regard to the Low Countries. This was approved of by the Lord Chancellor (Bromley), the Lord Admiral (Lincoln), and Crofts. Sussex held aloof, wavering between his enmity to France and Leicester, and his attachment125 to Protestantism; whilst Leicester, Walsingham, Hatton, and Knollys were strenuously127 opposed to any approach to Spain, as they were, even more violently, to Burghley’s proposal that Drake’s plunder, or what was left of it, should be restored. A few days afterwards Burghley had some business with a Spanish merchant established in London, and to him he expressed a desire that negotiations should be opened for an agreement between the two countries. When the merchant carried the message to Mendoza, the latter attributed the suggestion entirely128 to the fear which he had aroused by his firmness, and he made no response. Mendoza himself, indeed, one of the warlike Alba school, had now no hope or desire for peace. The rise of D’Aubigny in Scotland and the coming of the Jesuits had quite altered the position during the last year, and Mendoza had in his hands a plot that seemed to promise the triumph of the Catholics.
As early as April 1581, Mary Stuart had renewed her approaches to Spain through the Archbishop of Glasgow[366] in Paris. “Things were now,” she said, “better disposed than ever in Scotland for a return to its former condition … and English affairs could be dealt with subsequently. The King, her son, was quite determined to return to the Catholic religion, and much inclined to an open rupture129 with the Queen of England.” She begged for armed aid from Philip, to be landed first in Ireland, and to enter Scotland at a given signal after the alliance between Scotland and Spain had been signed. Nothing came of this at the time; and after several other attempts on the part of Mary to get into touch with the Spaniards, she became distrustful of her Ambassador (Archbishop Beton) and other intermediaries, and contrived130 in November to communicate with Mendoza direct. She had heard that all the priests who flocked into Scotland and England looked to him for guidance, and that through them he had sent a message to the Scottish Catholics, saying that everything now depended upon Scotland’s reverting132 to the old faith. The English Catholic nobles then at liberty had, at Mendoza’s instance, formed a society with this object, and secretly sent two priests to sound James and D’Aubigny, and to promise that they would raise the north of England, release Mary, and secure the English succession to James. They brought back a favourable reply, which the ambassador at once conveyed to Allen and Persons on the continent. This was late in the autumn of 1581, and Mendoza looked coldly upon Burghley’s new advances, for he was now the centre of the plot to overthrow133 Elizabeth by means of the Scottish Catholics, a plot in which, against his will, he was obliged to make use of the Jesuit missionaries, who themselves at first had no idea of the Spanish political aims that underlay134 the conversion135 of Scotland to Catholicism.
Side by side with the Jesuits, Creighton, Persons, and Holt, who were employed in the political movement,[367] were others who had been sent to England and were intended purely136 for spiritual work. They had been extremely successful in their propaganda, and had once more infused spirit into the English Catholic party. This could not be done without the printing and dissemination137 of books, as well as preaching, and the spies of the Council were directed to track to earth the priests who were at the bottom of the movement. Nearly every writer upon the subject has taken for granted that Lord Burghley was at the bottom of the persecution which followed. Such, however, does not appear to have been the case. As we have seen, the Lord Treasurer insisted upon some uniformity in the practice of the Anglican Church, but he must have known that many of his closest friends, and the colleagues upon whom he depended in the Council, were Catholics, and his lifelong tendency was to a political union with Spain, the champion of Catholic Christendom. He was determined, it is true, to crush treason to the Queen and the institutions of the country, no matter who suffered; and when Catholicism meant revolution he harried138 it fiercely; but he was no persecutor139 for the sake of religion itself,[463] and the cruel torture and execution of Campion, Sherwin, and Briant,[464] during Alen?on’s visit to England (1st December 1581), for denying the Queen’s supremacy140, were almost certainly prompted in the main by Walsingham, Knollys, and the Puritans, who were in a fever of apprehension141 lest the marriage with Alen?on would lead to toleration of the Catholic faith. The men actually executed were not in fact employed in the political portion of the propaganda at all, but were honest religious missionaries; but they, and the scores[368] of other Catholics who were swept into prison at the time, were useful object lessons for Walsingham and Leicester, whose aims, as we have seen, were in direct opposition to those of Burghley.[465] The latter, indeed, was at the very time of the execution approaching Mendoza with suggestions for an alliance with Spain, which were coldly received for the reasons already explained.
During Alen?on’s stay in England, the Queen, who was playing her own game, which was to reduce the Prince to utter dependence142 upon her and to distrust of his brother, had been constantly thwarted143 by the jealousy of Leicester and Hatton. They were for granting enormous sums to the suitor to get rid of him at any cost, which was no part of the Queen’s plan. Lord Burghley alone of the Councillors never displeased144 her in the matter; whenever it was a question of large expenditure, he always had a convenient attack of gout, and thus never openly thwarted the Queen. The difficulty was to get Alen?on out of the country without ruinous expense or further pledges, and when it was found that all the Queen’s persuasions145 were unavailing she had to employ Burghley’s diplomacy146. He began by inflaming147 the young Prince’s ambition, and enlarging upon the splendid destiny awaiting him in his new sovereignty, which was now clamouring for his presence. Promises were made never meant to be literally148 fulfilled, of the vast sums the Queen would contribute to his support,[369] and at last, after infinite trouble, he was induced to promise to sail for Flanders. He wished to stay until the new year; but when Burghley pointed out to him the large amount of money he would have to spend in presents he seemed to give way, for money he had none. But when the time came he still stayed on. The Queen told Burghley after supper on Christmas night that she would not marry the lad to be empress of the world, and that he must get rid of him somehow. Catharine de Medici, the Prince of Orange, the German princes, and the French Ambassador all added their pressure to that of the Queen and Burghley to get Alen?on out of England. Leicester and Hatton fumed149 and threatened. Burghley at last frankly150 told the Queen that the only way to get rid of her suitor was to provide a sum of ready money for him, and promise that he should come back to England as soon as he was crowned. The Queen did not like the alternative, and said she must wait for the King of France’s answer to her last demands. This time Catharine de Medici beat her with her own weapons. The answer was a full acceptance of everything required by the English; and to make it more complete, Alen?on said he was willing to become a Protestant.
This was indeed alarming, and the Queen sent hurriedly to Burghley to get her out of the scrape. His suggestion this time was that she should demand Calais and Havre as security for the fulfilment of the King’s promises, which was a device after her own heart. But still Alen?on would not go, and the Queen became seriously alarmed. She promised him ￡60,000; but Burghley was opposed to any such sum as that being paid, or indeed more than was necessary for the Prince’s voyage. The Queen said that she did not mean to pay it, but only to promise it, which was quite another matter. It is evident that Burghley was now quite[370] undeceived, and against both the pretence151 of marriage and any large support being given to Alen?on. He dreaded152 the revenge of France for the insult put upon it; and of Spain, for aiding the Frenchman’s usurpation153 of Philip’s sovereignty under English protection. His remedy, as usual, was a friendship with Spain. Walsingham, on the other hand, was all in favour of vigorous help to Orange and a war with Spain. The Queen usually leant to the side of Burghley, but was swayed hither and thither154 by her fears of France, by Pinart’s threats, Alen?on’s tears, Leicester’s jealousy, and her own greed and vanity.
At last after infinite trouble Alen?on sailed with fifteen ships, attended by Leicester (sorely against his will), Hunsdon, Sidney, Willoughby, Howard, and Norris, to take upon himself the sovereignty of Holland and Flanders. The Queen after all had to provide a large sum of money, but it was sent to the States, and not entrusted155 to Alen?on, except a personal present of ￡25,000 from the Queen. Leicester escaped from the new sovereign’s side on the very day he was crowned, and hurried back to his mistress’s side. He reported that Alen?on and the French were hated by the Protestant Dutchmen, who had only admitted him because the Queen of England was behind him. The English Ambassador in Paris at the same time sent word that Henry III. had repudiated156 his brother’s action, and had denounced as traitors157 all those who aided him.
This was exactly what Elizabeth feared. She had offended both the great powers, and was alone. She swore at Leicester for sanctioning, by his presence, the investiture of Alen?on; she railed at Walsingham as a knave158 for dragging her into such a business; and she insisted upon Burghley, who was ill with fever in London, getting up and coming to Windsor to tell her what[371] to do. When he appeared, she asked him whether it would not be better for her at once to become friendly with Spain. Thus, though the sagacious Lord Treasurer had let her go her own way, she had at last been brought by circumstances to propose his policy again. “He replied that nothing would suit her better, especially if peace could be arranged in the Netherlands by the concession123 of liberty of conscience.”[466] Sussex was of the same opinion, but distrusted both the Queen and Burghley, who, he said, had spoken coolly on the subject on the Council. There is, however, no reason to doubt that the Treasurer was sincere in his desire for such an arrangement, which indeed was the only one which seemed to promise peace to England.
In the meanwhile the Spanish and Jesuit plot in Scotland was progressing. Guise88 had drifted further and further away from Henry III. and his mother, from whom he saw he could get no aid for Mary Stuart or his own ambitious plans. When, therefore, the Queen of Scots had offered her submission159 and the sending of her son to Spain, he had separated himself from French interests, and tendered his own humble160 services to Philip. This made all the difference. If the Holy League and this undertaking161 made the Guises Catholics and Spaniards before they were Frenchmen, Philip need have no hesitation in helping162 their niece to the crowns of Scotland and England; and the Jesuits were set to work to secure James and D’Aubigny, whilst Mary Stuart’s spirits rose high. The Scottish Catholic nobles were ready to rise, and even, if necessary, to kill or deport163 the King if he would not be a Catholic. All they asked was a force of two thousand foreign troops. D’Aubigny entered eagerly into the affair, and by the spring of 1582 all was arranged, when the Jesuit emissaries[372] and D’Aubigny between them mismanaged it. Guise was foolishly brought into the plan by D’Aubigny, and he wanted to invade the south of England with his troops at the same time. D’Aubigny made exaggerated claims for himself, and the Scottish Catholic nobles followed suit. Philip recognised that Guise was still playing for his own hand, though not for France. If Mary was to be Queen of Great Britain and his humble servant, she must owe her crown to him, and not to Guise. Philip therefore grew cool, and the raid of Ruthven and the banishment164 of D’Aubigny, by which young James fell into the hands of the Protestants (August 1582), effectually put an end to the projects of invasion for a time.
On the 18th March 1582, Alen?on in Antwerp was giving an entertainment on the occasion of his birthday, when the Prince of Orange was stabbed, it was thought mortally, by a young Spaniard hired by those greater than himself. The one cry, both in Holland and in England, was, that Alen?on and his false Frenchmen were at the bottom of the crime, and, but for the fortitude165 of Orange, every Frenchman in the Netherlands would have been massacred. Elizabeth was beside herself with fear. Her first impulse was to get Alen?on out of Flanders, even if she brought him to England; but Walsingham gravely warned her that if the Prince came again she would certainly have to marry him.
Whilst Orange lay between life and death, Leicester, Hatton, Knollys, and Walsingham were for ever urging the Queen boldly to take Flanders and Holland under her own protection, whilst Burghley, aided by Sussex and Crofts, again advocated an arrangement with Spain. But the latter were in a minority; the Protestant feeling of the country was thoroughly aroused at the attempted murder of Orange, and Burghley was obliged to be cautious. Mendoza was instructed by Philip, March 1582, to use[373] his influence with the Council to prevent aid being given to Alen?on. “I have,” writes Mendoza, “tried every artifice166 to get on good terms with some of them, but they all turn their faces against me, particularly the Lord Treasurer, whom I formerly used to see, the rest of them being openly inimical. Only lately I sought an opportunity of approaching him again, and asked him to see me. He replied that his colleagues looked upon him as being very Spanish in his sympathies, and therefore he could not venture to see me alone, except by the Queen’s orders. I had, he said, better communicate my business through Secretary Walsingham, in the ordinary course.”[467]
Walsingham, on the other hand, lost no opportunity of widening the breach, in order to force the Queen to more vigorous action in favour of the Dutch Protestants. In May he sent an insulting message to Mendoza, to the effect that the Queen would not receive him until some satisfaction was given about Ireland. The Ambassador at once complained to Burghley. War, he said, might well result from this treatment of him. Burghley endeavoured to minimise the slight. It was a mistake of the messenger, he said, and Mendoza had better write to the Queen. He did so, but with no result but to confirm Walsingham’s message, though Elizabeth softened168 it somewhat by saying, “God forbid that she should ever break with your Majesty, to whom she bore nothing but good-will.”[468] When, in July, Alen?on demanded more money, Walsingham, Leicester, and Hatton were for sending him ￡50,000 at once—anything to prevent his coming to England again—but Cecil opposed it vigorously. There was but ￡80,000 in the Treasury169, he said, and so only ￡30,000 was sent to Flanders.
By the death of Bacon, the fatal illness of Sussex, and[374] the defection of Hatton, Lord Burghley was at this time almost alone in the Council; for Crofts, the Controller, a regular pensioner170 of Spain and a Catholic, was a man of no influence; and, according to Mendoza, the Lord Treasurer in November told the Queen plainly that she must appoint two more Councillors of his way of thinking, “to oppose Leicester and his gang.” It was probably in pursuance of this policy that Burghley cast about for some counterbalancing influence to be used against Leicester.
At the end of 1581 a young captain named Walter Ralegh, whose company in Ireland had been disbanded on the suppression of the Desmond rebellion, had been sent over to England with despatches. He was clever and brilliant, and full of schemes for governing Ireland more cheaply than the Viceroy, Lord Grey, had done. Grey rebuked171 him for his presumption172, and sent him home in semi-disgrace. Leicester was a bitter enemy of Grey’s, and was glad to welcome the young captain who impeached173 his government, and that of Leicester’s rival Ormond.[469] Ralegh was invited to the Council-table to explain his plans to Lord Burghley. His recommendations were approved, and submitted to the Queen, who gave him audience. Before many weeks passed (May 1582), favours began to shower upon him; and by the autumn, Leicester and Hatton had taken fright, and were bitterly jealous of him, whilst the Lord Treasurer had cleverly enlisted174 the new favourite under his banner. He was never a member of the Council, but he had the Queen’s ear, and kept it for years; for Leicester was elderly and scorbutic, and Hatton was an affected[375] fribble, whilst Ralegh was young, handsome, and manly175, and as wise as he was ambitious.
During the autumn of 1582 the plague raged in London, and Burghley took refuge at Theobalds, where, in November, his recently married young son-in-law, the eldest176 son of Lord Wentworth died. The letters written on this occasion from Walsingham[470] and Hatton[471] prove that the political opposition in the Council did not degenerate177 into personal enmity; indeed, nothing is more remarkable178 than the affectionate regard, and even reverence179, which are constantly expressed by Lord Burghley’s correspondents towards him. An especially kind thought seems to have occurred to Walsingham. He suggests to Hatton that “it would be some comfort to his lady (i.e. Elizabeth Wentworth), if it might please you so to work with her Majesty, as his (Burghley’s) other son-in-law (Lord Oxford180), who hath long dwelt in her Majesty’s displeasure, might be restored to her Highness’s good favour.”[472]
The Earl of Oxford had constantly been a source of trouble to Lord Burghley. He was extravagant181, eccentric, and quarrelsome, and only by the exercise of great forbearance on the part of his father-in-law had any semblance182 of friendship been kept up. If on this occasion,[376] as is probable, Hatton acceded183 to Walsingham’s suggestion, and persuaded the Queen once more to receive Oxford at court, it was not long before the intractable Earl again misbehaved himself; for on May of the following year (1583) his long-suffering father-in-law appealed to the new favourite, Ralegh, to exert his influence with the Queen to forgive him again. Ralegh’s answer,[473] giving a long account of his efforts to move the Queen, shows that Oxford had injured him also. “I am content,” he writes, “for your sake to lay the serpent before the fire, as much as in me lieth, that having recovered strength, myself may be most in danger of his poison and sting.”
As we have seen, Mary Stuart had never ceased, since the triumph of D’Aubigny, to negotiate through Mendoza for her release and restoration, and the subsequent invasion of England over the Scottish Border. The raid of Ruthven and the fall of D’Aubigny did not at first discourage her. She still believed that the expected arrival of foreign troops, and her son’s secret favour of the Catholics, would enable the plot to be carried through,[474] and under this belief it was that she wrote her violent letter of denunciation and complaint to Elizabeth (8th November).[475]
Almost simultaneously with the receipt of this letter in London there arrived the Guisan, La Mothe Fénélon, on his way to Scotland, for the purpose of inquiring into the treatment of D’Aubigny by the Protestant lords, uniting Mary and her son on the throne, and, if possible, to mediate184 with Elizabeth in favour of the captive Queen; whilst, at the same time, another envoy37 (De Maineville) was sent by sea with secret instructions to plan a fresh[377] rising of the Catholic nobles in union with James. Castelnau, the regular Ambassador, might protest untruly to Elizabeth, as he did, that it was “une chose du tout185 contraire à la verité de dire131 que le Sieur De Maineville eut une seconde et particulière secrete186 instruction;” but the embassy was quite terrifying enough to Elizabeth, coming after the plots that she knew had been hatching between the Spaniards, the Jesuits, and D’Aubigny. Walsingham hurried from his country house to court the moment he heard of La Mothe Fénélon’s arrival, for all the official French plans for helping James and D’Aubigny had purposely been allowed to leak out. We know now that they were merely a trick of the Queen-mother’s to frighten Elizabeth into helping poor Alen?on in the Netherlands, the only really serious part of them being De Maineville’s secret mission, which depended entirely upon Guise.[476] The Queen kept La Mothe dallying187 for weeks before she would give him a passport, whilst she tried to dazzle him anew with the talk of marrying Alen?on and supporting him in Flanders. Before he left for Scotland, D’Aubigny had passed through London on his way to France, where he died shortly afterwards; and when La Mothe proceeded on his mission it was already too late, if ever it was intended to be effectual.
It is one of the standing62 reproaches to Lord Burghley’s memory that he was the constant enemy of Mary. In former chapters I have shown that this was not the case. That he was inflexible188 in tracing and punishing treason against his mistress and her Government is obvious, for it was his first duty as a minister; but how far he was from any personal enmity against the unfortunate Mary,[378] may be seen in his many letters to Lord Shrewsbury at Hatfield and elsewhere. On the receipt of Mary’s imprudent letter to the Queen and the arrival of La Mothe in England, a Council was called to consider the removal of the Queen of Scots from the care of Shrewsbury. Mendoza says that “the Treasurer was greatly opposed to her being removed from the Earl’s house, where she had remained for fifteen years, especially as Shrewsbury had not failed fully189 to carry out his instructions. He said her removal would scandalise the country.”[477]
Burghley’s relative William Davison, in conjunction with Robert Bowes, was sent to Scotland at the same the time as La Mothe, to dissuade190 James from acceding191 to French suggestion of associating his mother with himself in his sovereignty; and Walsingham’s brother-in-law, Beale, was deputed to proceed to Sheffield for the purpose of negotiating with Mary with regard to her future.[478] Mary from the first had seen that the interference of Henry III. and his mother was a feint in favour of Alen?on, and sent Fontenay to Mendoza whilst Beale was with her, to ask for his guidance in the negotiation12.[479] Elizabeth had secretly authorised Beale, under certain circumstances, to offer Mary her release. This, Mendoza understood, was unfavourable to Spanish ends, because she would almost infallibly fall in such case into the hands of the French, or be compelled, if she stayed in England, to make such renunciations and compromises as would render her useless as an instrument with which to raise the Catholics. The Spaniard therefore naturally advised her to stay where she was, and the unhappy woman followed his interested advice. She gave Beale[379] a somewhat unyielding answer, and her last chance of liberation fled.[480]
In the meanwhile Alen?on continued to clamour for money, and repeated his vows192 of everlasting193 love and slavish submission; anything if Elizabeth would only send money to save him from becoming the laughing-stock of Europe. The Protestant Dutchmen were tired of him; Orange saw that he was a useless burden, and prayed Elizabeth to take her bad bargain back again. Seeing that he could expect but little from England, he obtained the help of his mother. Marshal Biron crossed the frontier into Flanders, and in January 1583 the false Valois endeavoured to seize and garrison194 with Frenchmen the strong places of the Netherlands. The affair failed, and Alen?on fled from Antwerp detested195 and distrusted. The States disowned him, and Norris, the English general, refused to obey him; and though Elizabeth pretended to be angry with Sir John Norris and the Englishmen, she thought better of it when Alen?on asked her to withdraw them and let his Frenchmen deal with the Flemings, for it was now clear that she could never trust him in Flanders alone.
With the invidious position into which Elizabeth’s tortuous196 policy had led her; almost hopeless as she was now of conciliating Spain, and conscious of having insulted France beyond forgiveness by her treatment of Alen?on; with Orange discontented, and Scotland in a ferment197, it is not strange that division existed in the Queen’s counsels. Burghley himself at this time was tired of the struggle. The fresh Councillors had not been appointed,[380] and he had to contend with infinite diplomacy for every point that he carried. The general tendency of the Queen’s policy was opposed to his view of what was wise; he was now old and almost constantly ill, and either the Queen’s obduracy198 with regard to his unworthy son-in-law Oxford, or the opposition he constantly met with, led him to seek release from his offices, and to desire to pass the rest of his life in retirement199. His complaint would rather seem to have been against the Queen herself, to judge from her very curious letter turning his desire to ridicule200. On the 8th May 1583 she wrote:—
“Sir Spirit,[481] I doubt I do nickname you, for those of your kind, they say, have no sense. But I have of late seen an ‘Ecce Signum,’ that if an ass2 kick you, you feel it so soon. I will recant you from being a spirit if ever I perceive you disdain201 not such a feeling. Serve God, fear the King, and be a good fellow to the rest. Let never care appear in you for such a rumour202; but let them well know that you rather desire the righting of such a wrong by making known their error, than you be so silly a soul as to foreslow that you ought to do, or not freely deliver what you think meetest, and pass of no man so much, as not to regard her trust who putteth it in you. God bless you, and long may you last omnino.
“E. R.”[482]
The duplicity of the young King of Scots and the intrigues203 of the Guisan envoy were successful in June in withdrawing James from the power of the lords of the English faction167, and once more the Scottish Catholics[381] held up their heads.[483] Thus encouraged, Mary at once informed Elizabeth that the conditional204 promises she had made to Beale and Mildmay in the negotiations for her release, were to be considered void unless she were at once liberated,[484] her attitude being no doubt to some extent the result of the strenuous126 efforts of the Spaniards through Mendoza to keep her in England, and to prevent her from entering into any compromise as to religion.
This new phase of affairs profoundly disquieted205 Elizabeth.[485] Her Ambassador in France, Henry Cobham, continued to send alarming news of Guise’s designs,[486] and it is certain that Walsingham, at all events, was aware of the constant communications between Mary and Mendoza. It was therefore decided206 to send Walsingham himself to Edinburgh, to obtain from James some assurance that English interests should not suffer by his change of ministers, and to offer him a subsidy207 in consideration of his acceptance of the terms proposed by Elizabeth. That the mission was an unwelcome one to Walsingham, who foresaw its failure, is proved by Mendoza’s statement (19th August): “He strenuously refused to go, and went so far as to throw himself at the Queen’s[382] feet, and pronounce the following terrible blasphemy208: he swore by the soul, body, and blood of God, that he would not go to Scotland, even if she ordered him to be hanged for it, as he would rather be hanged in England than elsewhere.… Walsingham says that he saw that no good could come of the mission, and that the Queen would lay upon his shoulders the whole of the responsibility for the evils that would occur. He said she was very stingy already, and the Scots more greedy than ever, quite disillusioned209 now as to the promises made to them; so that it was impossible that any good should be done.”[487] But Walsingham went nevertheless, and came home safely, though, as he foretold210, his embassy was fruitless, for the Catholics had entirely captured James.
Alen?on, in despair of obtaining sufficient help from Elizabeth, now that he had shown his falseness, had retired211 to France, leaving his forces under Marshal Biron. Lovelorn epistles and frantic212 protestations continued to pass between him and Elizabeth; but it was acknowledged now that his cause was hopeless, and he fell henceforward entirely under the influence of his mother. The States and Orange again and again urged Elizabeth to take the provinces into her own hands and carry on the war openly. Leicester, Walsingham, Bedford, Knollys, and the Puritans urged her seriously to do so; but she refused on the advice of Burghley,[383] “who told her that she had not sufficient strength to struggle with your Majesty, particularly with so small a contribution as that offered by the States. Leicester and the rest of them are trying to persuade her to send five or six thousand men thither.”[488]
Events were irresistibly213 nearing a crisis which made it necessary for Elizabeth to take an open course on one side or the other; and Lord Burghley had again been overborne by the zealous Protestants in the Council until a breach with Spain had become unavoidable sooner or later. Walsingham had never lost touch of Mary Stuart’s proceedings,[489] or of her French cousin’s various plans for the murder of Elizabeth, and the invasion of England. Guise had submitted to Philip in 1583 a regular proposal for the Queen’s assassination214, and in the autumn had sent his pensioner Charles Paget (Mopo) to England to negotiate for the rising of the English Catholics. One of the results of this was that young Francis Throgmorton, a correspondent of Mary Stuart, and one of her intermediaries with Mendoza, was arrested with others and charged with[384] a plot to assassinate215 the Queen. How far this accusation216 was true it is at this moment difficult to say, but there is no doubt that the Throgmortons, with the Earl of Northumberland, who was imprisoned217, Lord Paget, who fled, and many other Catholics, were in league with Charles Paget for a rising, in conjunction with Guise.
It is to be noted218 that Lord Burghley took no part in the prosecution219 of Throgmorton, which was mainly forwarded by Leicester, who was always suspected of having poisoned Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, the uncle of the accused man. The apprehension of the conspirators220 and the consequent expulsion of Mendoza (January 1584) certainly served the purposes of the strong Protestant majority led by Leicester[490] and Walsingham in the Council, and aided them in forcing the hands of the Queen and Burghley. The death of Alen?on in June, and the murder of Orange by an agent of the Spaniards in July, still further acted in the same direction. It was no longer possible for England to hold a non-committal position. Either Spain must be permitted to crush Protestantism in the Netherlands, or the head of the Protestant confederacy must cast aside the mask and boldly fight the Catholic powers. There were reasons why this course might now be taken with much more safety than previously221. The Queen-mother of France was frantic with rage against Spain for the loss of her favourite son. The King was childless, and the Guises were already plotting to grasp the crown,[385] or partition France on Henry’s death, rather than he should be succeeded by the Huguenot Henry of Navarre. Elizabeth had therefore the certainty, for the first time since her accession, that France nationally would not coalesce222 with Spain against her, and that any attempt of Guise to injure her would be counteracted223 by Catharine, Navarre and the Huguenots.
The question of the future policy to be pursued by England under the changed circumstances was, as usual, submitted to the judicial224 examination of Lord Burghley, whose minutes[491] set forth225 the whole case pro5 and contra. The question propounded226 was, “Shall the Queen defend and help the Low Countries to recover from the tyranny of Spain and the Inquisition; and if not, what shall she do to protect England when he shall have subdued Holland?” After stating the advantages and disadvantages of each course, it is evident that the judgment227 is in favour of aiding the States, on certain conditions of security, which Burghley himself notes in the margin228. The aid is to cost as little as possible; some of the best noblemen of Zeeland are to be held as hostages in the hands of the English; the chief military commands to be held by English officers; the King of Scots to be secured to the English interest; the King of Navarre to embarrass Spain on her frontiers, and a Parliament to be called in England for the purpose of sanctioning the course proposed. But, continues the document, if it is decided that England shall not help the States, then she must be put into a condition of defence, the navy increased, a large sum of money collected, some German mercenaries engaged to watch the Scottish Border, and the English Catholics “put in surety.” “Finally, that ought to be Alpha and Omega, to cause her people to be better taught to serve God, and to see justice duly[386] administered, whereby they may serve God, and love her Majesty; and that if it may be concluded, Si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos?”
Lord Burghley was thus, after a quarter of a century of striving to keep on friendly relations with Spain, forced by the policy of Leicester, Walsingham, and the strong Protestants, into the contest which he had hoped to avoid. Circumstances had been stronger than individual predilections229, and Mary Stuart’s ceaseless designs against the crown and faith of England, and especially her submission to Spain, had given the Protestant party an impetus230 which swept aside the cautious moderation of Burghley’s policy, and proved even to him the necessity for war.
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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industriously
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pro
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engendered
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depredations
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concealed
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plunder
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bribed
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negotiations
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negotiation
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chafed
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missionaries
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gaols
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overflowing
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zealous
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yearned
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persecution
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chancellor
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exchequer
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impending
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malice
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24
reconciliations
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| 和解( reconciliation的名词复数 )； 一致； 勉强接受； （争吵等的）止息 | |
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25
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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vagrant
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| n.流浪者，游民；adj.流浪的，漂泊不定的 | |
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oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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28
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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29
knuckles
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| n.（指人）指关节( knuckle的名词复数 )；（指动物）膝关节，踝v.（指人）指关节( knuckle的第三人称单数 )；（指动物）膝关节，踝 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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31
prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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32
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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33
pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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34
suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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35
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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36
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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37
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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38
joust
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| v.马上长枪比武，竞争 | |
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39
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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40
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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41
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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42
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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43
strand
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| vt.使（船）搁浅，使（某人）困于（某地） | |
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bucks
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| n.雄鹿( buck的名词复数 )；钱；（英国十九世纪初的）花花公子；（用于某些表达方式）责任v.（马等）猛然弓背跃起( buck的第三人称单数 )；抵制；猛然震荡；马等尥起后蹄跳跃 | |
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45
salmon
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| n.鲑，大马哈鱼，橙红色的 | |
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46
trout
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| n.鳟鱼；鲑鱼(属) | |
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47
lobsters
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| 龙虾( lobster的名词复数 )； 龙虾肉 | |
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48
prawns
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| n.对虾，明虾( prawn的名词复数 ) | |
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49
oysters
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| 牡蛎( oyster的名词复数 ) | |
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50
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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51
gargantuan
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| adj.巨大的，庞大的 | |
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52
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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53
endorsed
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| vt.& vi.endorse的过去式或过去分词形式v.赞同( endorse的过去式和过去分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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54
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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55
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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56
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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57
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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58
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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59
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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60
alienate
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| vt.使疏远，离间；转让(财产等) | |
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61
amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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62
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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63
conserved
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| v.保护，保藏，保存( conserve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
emanating
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| v.从…处传出，传出( emanate的现在分词 )；产生，表现，显示 | |
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65
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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66
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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67
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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68
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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69
deadlock
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| n.僵局，僵持 | |
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70
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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71
ceding
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的现在分词 ) | |
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72
annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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73
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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74
connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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75
straightforwardness
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| n.坦白，率直 | |
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76
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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77
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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78
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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79
stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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80
remiss
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| adj.不小心的，马虎 | |
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81
disclaiming
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| v.否认( disclaim的现在分词 ) | |
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82
haughtily
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| adv. 傲慢地, 高傲地 | |
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83
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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84
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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85
retention
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| n.保留，保持，保持力，记忆力 | |
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86
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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87
guises
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| n.外观，伪装( guise的名词复数 )v.外观，伪装( guise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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88
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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89
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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90
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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91
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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92
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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93
fickleness
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| n.易变；无常；浮躁；变化无常 | |
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94
covert
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| adj.隐藏的；暗地里的 | |
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95
abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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96
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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97
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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98
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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99
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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100
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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101
niggardliness
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102
alleging
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| 断言，宣称，辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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103
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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104
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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105
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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106
penuriousness
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107
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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108
pinnacle
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| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
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109
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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110
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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111
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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112
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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113
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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115
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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116
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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117
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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118
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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119
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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120
remonstrating
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的现在分词 )；告诫 | |
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121
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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122
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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123
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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124
loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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125
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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126
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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127
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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128
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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129
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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130
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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131
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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132
reverting
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| 恢复( revert的现在分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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133
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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134
underlay
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| v.位于或存在于（某物）之下( underlie的过去式 )；构成…的基础（或起因），引起n.衬垫物 | |
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135
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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136
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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137
dissemination
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| 传播,宣传,传染(病毒) | |
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138
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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139
persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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140
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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141
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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142
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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143
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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144
displeased
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| a.不快的 | |
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145
persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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146
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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147
inflaming
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| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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148
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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149
fumed
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| 愤怒( fume的过去式和过去分词 )； 大怒； 发怒； 冒烟 | |
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150
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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151
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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152
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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153
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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154
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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155
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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157
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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158
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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159
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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160
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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161
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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162
helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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163
deport
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| vt.驱逐出境 | |
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164
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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165
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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166
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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167
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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168
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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169
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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170
pensioner
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| n.领养老金的人 | |
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171
rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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172
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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173
impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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174
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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175
manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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176
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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177
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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178
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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179
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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180
Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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181
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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182
semblance
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| n.外貌，外表 | |
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183
acceded
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的过去式和过去分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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184
mediate
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| vi.调解，斡旋；vt.经调解解决；经斡旋促成 | |
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185
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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186
secrete
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| vt.分泌；隐匿，使隐秘 | |
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187
dallying
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的现在分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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188
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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189
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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190
dissuade
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| v.劝阻，阻止 | |
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191
acceding
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| v.（正式）加入( accede的现在分词 )；答应；（通过财产的添附而）增加；开始任职 | |
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192
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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193
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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194
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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195
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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197
ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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198
obduracy
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| n.冷酷无情，顽固，执拗 | |
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199
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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200
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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201
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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202
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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203
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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204
conditional
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| adj.条件的，带有条件的 | |
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205
disquieted
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| v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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206
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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207
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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208
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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209
disillusioned
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| a.不再抱幻想的，大失所望的，幻想破灭的 | |
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210
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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211
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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212
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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213
irresistibly
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| adv.无法抵抗地，不能自持地；极为诱惑人地 | |
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214
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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215
assassinate
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| vt.暗杀，行刺，中伤 | |
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216
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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217
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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218
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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219
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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220
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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221
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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222
coalesce
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| v.联合，结合，合并 | |
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223
counteracted
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| 对抗，抵消( counteract的过去式 ) | |
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224
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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225
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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226
propounded
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| v.提出（问题、计划等）供考虑[讨论]，提议( propound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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228
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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229
predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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230
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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