JOSEPH THE SECOND.
AFTER THE PAINTING BY LISTARD.
From the moment at which he signed the treaty down to the day of his death, Frederick felt that Austria was still his enemy. Joseph II., the eldest7 son of the Queen, who was unanimously elected323 Emperor in 1765, had learned politics from the King of Prussia. He desired nothing so much as to restore the immemorial pre-eminence of his House by a sudden blow at its upstart rival. Frederick, who had spies everywhere, was soon acquainted with the ambitions of the restless youth. For the present he could place some reliance on the pacific influence of the Queen and more on the emptiness of the Austrian treasury9, but he was none the less compelled to make it his foremost task to thwart10 successive Hapsburg schemes of aggrandisement.
His security was the greater, however, because the Peace of Paris of 1763 reconciled France and England as little as the Peace of Hubertusburg reconciled Austria and Prussia. Frederick, it is true, was still treated with coldness by the French, who clung to their alliance with the Queen, and he was resolved never again to trust an English ministry11. With a rare access of spite, indeed, he condemned12 the charger which he had named after Lord Bute to be yoked13 with a mule14 and to perform humiliating duties in his sight. But though neither of the Great Powers of the West was his ally, their latent hostility15 was still too incurable16 to permit them to unite against him.
On the remaining Great Power, therefore, the well-being17 of Prussia depended. The Seven Years’ War of the future, which Frederick was always labouring to avert18 by means of elaborate armaments, was improbable if Russia stood neutral and impossible if she became his ally. From 1763 onwards the Russian alliance was the prize for which he strove. He had324 to surmount19 the obstacle that as sovereign of Ost-Preussen he was the natural enemy of the Russian designs upon Poland. But Austria, on the other hand, besides being interested in Poland, was the natural enemy of the Russian designs upon the Turk. Frederick might reasonably hope that by humouring Russia to the extreme limit which the interests of his State permitted, he might establish a good understanding with her to the prejudice of the more formidable empire in the south.
Catherine, whose throne was far from secure, seemed at first resolved to shun20 a new connexion with the ally of her murdered husband. Early in October, 1763, however, her neighbour, Augustus, died, and the stress of the election to the throne of Poland compelled her to seek the aid of some foreign Power. France, Austria, and finally the Russian faction21 in Poland all disappointed her, and she feared a hostile combination between Prussia and the Turk. On April 11, 1764, therefore, Frederick’s desire was gratified. He bound himself to aid Catherine in upholding the existing constitutional anarchy22 in Poland and in Sweden, and received in return the coveted23 Russian guarantee for Silesia. Then, by means of force and corruption24, Stanislaus Poniatowski was installed as King of Poland (September 7, 1764). “God said, let it be light, and it was light,” was Frederick’s congratulation to Catherine. “You speak and the world is silent before you.”
In accommodating himself without undue25 humility26 to the flighty humours of his imperious ally, and in appropriating for Prussia most of the benefits of325 the compact, Frederick showed that experience had taught him much. The state of Polish and Turkish affairs gave to the Eastern Question of that day two storm-centres which threatened wide and immediate27 disturbance28. Frederick, who was deep in his labours of restoration and reform at home, desired above all to keep the peace. This imposed upon him tasks of the utmost delicacy29. He had to prevent the formation of a Northern league which Russia desired, to cow Austria by means of the Russian alliance, to follow with the closest attention the turbulent course of politics in Poland, to keep Austria from acquiring influence there, to check the military ardour of the Turk, and to hinder a rapprochement between Austria and Russia. During more than four years (April, 1764-October, 1768), he was able to stave off war, and when at last France induced the Turks to attack Russia, he found himself liable only to pay an annual subsidy30 of less than half a million thalers. In 1769 the alliance was prolonged till 1780.
The war between Russia and the Turks seemed to Frederick a pitiable display of incompetence31. “To form a correct idea of this war,” he wrote, “you must figure a set of purblind32 people who, by constantly beating a set of altogether blind, end by gaining over them a complete mastery.” But the triumph of Russia, however achieved, threatened to kindle33 the general conflagration34 which he dreaded35. It was clear that if left to herself she would make conquests, and Austria was on the alert for compensation. The Hapsburg claims might possibly be satisfied at the expense of the Turk, but this326 resource was of no avail to furnish the compensation which Prussia herself would not forego. Frederick cast longing36 glances towards West-Preussen, but could not bring himself to believe that Russia would consent to an acquisition which would add immensely to the power of a rival state. He therefore feared that the knot would yield only to the sword.
At this crisis the King twice met Joseph II. face to face. At Neisse, in August, 1769, little save a personal introduction was effected. Frederick professed37 to be charmed with the beautiful soul and noble ambitions of the young Emperor, while Joseph reported to his mother that the King talked admirably, but betrayed the knave38 in every word he spoke39. At the second meeting, which took place in Moravia in September, 1770, Frederick spared no effort to captivate Joseph and Kaunitz. He donned the Austrian uniform of white, though he smilingly confessed that his mania40 for snuff made him too dirty to wear it. He extolled41 the Imperial grenadiers as worthy42 to guard the person of the God of War. He made Laudon sit beside him, saying in graceful43 allusion44 to Hochkirch and Kunersdorf, that he would rather have General Laudon at his side than be obliged to face him. After sacrificing to the vanity of the Chancellor45 by listening for an hour to a monologue46 on political affairs, he won his heart by posing as a grateful convert to his views.
WENZEL ANTON, PRINCE VON KAUNITZ.
AFTER THE PAINTING BY STEINER.
The result was that Frederick was able to offer Catherine the joint47 mediation48 of Austria and Prussia to end the war. The offer was not accepted, but it proved that the two foes49 were not irreconcilable50.327 The mere51 hint that Austria might compete for the Prussian alliance was enough to raise its value at St. Petersburg. It became clear, too, that only the fear of Prussia was preventing Austria from interfering52 on behalf of the Turk. Urged on by his brother Henry, who had just returned from the Russian capital, Frederick determined53 early in 1771 to take the risk of offending Russia and provoking Austria to war, in order to net his profit from this advantageous54 situation ere it changed.
In the summer of 1770 Austria had drifted, half involuntarily, into an occupation of Zips, a portion of the territory of Poland which was almost surrounded by her own, and of some of the adjacent districts. Frederick now seized upon this, though the Queen was willing to draw back, as an excuse for pressing upon Russia a plan which he had promulgated55 under an alias56 at an early stage in the war. On February 1, 1769, he had suggested to his ambassador at St. Petersburg
“that Russia should offer to the Court of Vienna Lemberg and the surrounding country in return for support against the Turks; that she should give us Polish Preussen with Ermland and the protectorate over Danzig; and that she should herself incorporate a suitable part of Poland by way of indemnity57 for the expenses of the war.”
The plan of dismembering Poland because the Turks were defeated was, as Frederick knew full well, distasteful to both of the Powers whose complicity he desired. Russia was strongly opposed to328 any aggrandisement of Prussia to the eastward58. Austria, besides being averse59 to the aggrandisement of her rival in any quarter, preferred any lands to the Polish and any method to that of naked force. Yet the King, while professing60 that he was an old man whose brain was worn out, secured the co-operation of Russia within a year (15th January, 1772), and of Austria less than eight months later.
The triumph of his diplomacy61 was enhanced by the fact that he would have been completely foiled if Austria had consented to join Russia in dismembering the Turk. As it was, he was permitted to enjoy the spectacle of the Queen struggling with her conscience and upbraiding62 herself, her Chancellor, and her son. She complained that they had aimed at two incompatible63 objects at once, “to act in the Prussian fashion and at the same time to preserve the semblance64 of honesty.” The prospective65 additions to her domains66 were to her odious67, since they were “bought at the price of honour, at the price of the glory of the monarchy68, at the price of the good faith and religion, which are our peculiar69 possession.” “She is always weeping, but always annexing,” sneered70 the triumphant71 King.
On August 5, 1772, Austria signed the Treaty of Partition. By agreeing upon their demands the three Powers had accomplished72 the hardest part of their enterprise. The strength of Poland had been wasted by the anarchy which Russia and Prussia had studiously conserved73. Since 1768, Romanists and Dissidents had been engaged in a bloody75 and desolating76 war in which Russia, the protector of the329 Greek Church, played the decisive part. No party among the Poles still retained sufficient energy to oppose in arms the claims to Polish provinces which, in order to save appearances, were formulated77 by the Powers. Frederick even put forward a double title to Pomerellen, alleging78 that it had been wrongfully alienated79 by the Margrave of Brandenburg in 1311, and that if he as suzerain consented to overlook this irregularity, he would still be entitled to the province as heir, since 1637, to the elder branch of the House of Pomerania. He claimed Great Poland as heir of the Emperor Sigismund, who had pawned80 it to the Teutonic Order, from which the Poles had wrested82 it by force. The remainder of his share was due to him as compensation for the loss of the revenues of these two provinces for so many centuries.
The Polish statesmen had no difficulty in refuting such nonsense as this. But King Stanislaus was convinced that true patriotism83 dictated84 obedience85 in order to save what remained. France and England were too intent on their own affairs to interfere86 by force. Hence a mixture of persuasion87, bribery88, and the presence of 30,000 soldiers was sufficient to procure89 the unanimous acquiescence90 of the Diet after six months’ negotiation91 (September 30, 1773). The Austrian ambassador was astonished at the trifling92 sums for which the nobles sold their votes. His Saxon colleague lamented93 that they shamelessly laid upon the gaming-tables the foreign gold with which they had just been bribed94.
Frederick’s share of the spoil amounted to more330 than sixteen thousand square miles, and in 1774 he was able quietly to filch95 two hundred additional villages from Poland. Long before the Diet consented to the cession96 he had inaugurated Prussian rule. In June, 1772, he made a triumphal entry into his new province. He gave out to all and sundry97 that no one could envy his good fortune, for as he came he had seen nothing but sand, pines, heath, and Jews. “It is a very good and very profitable acquisition,” he wrote to Prince Henry, “both for the political situation of the State and for its finances.” Men said that without Danzig, which along with Thorn remained Polish, West-Preussen was but a trunk without a head, but the King was full of schemes for partitioning the trade of Danzig among his own ports. Voltaire, finding him deaf to his exhortations98 to free the Greeks, lamented that the harbour of Danzig lay nearer his heart than the Pir?us.
Soon the poverty-stricken land echoed to the untiring march of Hohenzollern progress. The contempt which the King openly expressed for “this perfectly99 imbecile set with names ending in ki” was apparent in all his dealings with the privileged classes. His treatment of private estates as well as of provinces seemed to warrant the Poles who added the word Rapuit to the Suum Cuique which they saw inscribed100 beneath the Prussian eagle. The local officials were simply dismissed from office, and their lands appropriated at the cost of a trifling compensation. Though Frederick bound himself to respect the existing rights and property of the Roman331 Catholics, the bishops101 and abbots likewise lost their lands, but in their case an allowance amounting to nearly half of their previous incomes was conceded. Upon the nobles a tax of one-quarter of their net revenues was imposed, but Protestants were entitled to a discount of twenty per cent. In the hope of cleansing103 West-Preussen of its Polish inhabitants, the King went so far as to favour the purchase of noble lands by German peasants. Strict watch was kept on the frontier for Polish immigrants who might try to enter the country.
The common people, however, could not but gain from the introduction of that policy of developing all the resources of the land which formed the Hohenzollern ideal of domestic government. Slavery was abolished and serfdom regulated. New waterways were dug. Colonists104 were brought in by thousands. Prussian soldiers scoured105 the country in search of gipsies, tramps, and begging Jews. Toleration, justice, and education were established where all three had been far to seek. The peasants and townsmen were subjected to the Prussian system of taxation106, which laid upon their shoulders a burden heavy indeed, but steady and not beyond their strength. Soon the royal revenue from West-Preussen amounted to more than two million thalers a year.
But for a timely revival107 of energy in her royal House, it is not impossible that Sweden, like Poland, would have been the poorer for the Russo-Prussian alliance. In 1769 Catherine and Frederick had pledged themselves to maintain anarchy in Stockholm as well as in Warsaw. Should the existing332 constitution be modified, Russia would take up arms and Frederick’s contribution to the war was to be the invasion of Swedish Pomerania. It is easy to imagine that with Russia and Prussia in cordial agreement and France and England embroiled108 or apathetic109, a war with Sweden might have resulted in the annexation110 of Finland and the remainder of Pomerania by the allies. In 1772, however, young Gustavus III., the son of Frederick’s sister Ulrica, delivered Sweden from the trammels of her constitution by an unlooked-for coup111 d’état. Russia, which was still hampered112 by the Turkish war, was unable to wage war against the revolution, and Frederick, who for once was taken by surprise, grudgingly113 accepted the apologies of his nephew.
The remainder of Frederick’s life was dedicated114 to the defence of the position that he had already attained115. He was determined to do nothing that could prejudice his cause in a future struggle with Austria. He therefore looked on while Russia and Austria despoiled116 the Turk in 1774, while England and her Colonies fell to blows in the next year, and while France joined in the fray117 in 1778. His private opinion, indeed, was that the country which could commit its destinies to a Bute could hardly fail to be in the wrong. He blamed the English both for political and military folly—for beginning a terrible civil war with no settled plans or adequate preparations, for underestimating the enemy’s force, for dividing her own and for trampling118 upon the rights of neutrals. But he avoided with the most scrupulous119 care any action that could give offence to either333 combatant, and declared to his ministers that he intended to await the issue quietly and to throw in his lot with the side which fortune favoured.
In the very year in which France allied120 herself with the Colonies against England (1778) Frederick’s long-expected struggle with Austria came to pass. Joseph II., whose restless desire to imitate the achievements of the King of Prussia was not satisfied by his gains from Poland and the Turk, thought that the moment had arrived for acquiring a portion of Bavaria, the great geographical121 obstacle to the consolidation122 of the Hapsburg lands. At the close of the year 1777 the Elector of Bavaria died, and his lands passed by right to the aged74 and childless Elector Palatine. Austria, however, furbished up a claim to a considerable portion of eastern Bavaria, and on January 14, 1778, the Elector was half bribed, half frightened into acquiescence. Two days later 10,000 Austrian troops occupied the ceded102 districts. Joseph’s triumph seemed to be assured.
Frederick, however, had still to be reckoned with. Though his health was indifferent and his desire was all for peace, he took up the challenge without an hour’s delay. Determined, as he said, “once for all to humble123 Austrian ambition,” he assumed his ancient pose as champion of the German princes against an Emperor who was trampling upon their constitutional rights. “I know very well,” he owned to Prince Henry, “that it is only our own interest which makes it our duty to act at this moment, but we must be very careful not to say so.” Few volunteers, however, declared themselves on his side.334 The Elector’s cousin and heir, Duke Charles of Zweibrücken, became a pawn81 in Frederick’s hands, and the Elector of Saxony, who had claims on the estate of the dead prince, promised 21,000 men. But his only other ally was Bavarian public opinion, which was shocked at the idea of partition. The Bavarians, according to the current jest, left off their pious124 invocation of “Jesu, Mary, Joseph,” and cried to “Jesu, Mary, Frederick” to deliver them.
The Austrian statesmen were willing enough to negotiate, but they clung to the gains which they had made. Their preparations for war were not complete, but they did not believe that Prussia meant to fight. Both sides, indeed, hoped more from negotiation than from battle. It became evident, too, that Frederick was no longer the general whose delight was in swift and resolute125 movements. Not till April 6, 1778, did he march from Berlin, and then he drew rein126 in southern Silesia, and spent three months more in fruitless haggling127. At last, on July 3rd, he made a declaration of war, and two days later completed his march across the mountains into Bohemia. Even then the Queen brought herself to beg for peace, so that, although hostilities128 continued, August was half gone before the diplomatists finally dispersed129.
The War of the Bavarian Succession formally began, however, when Frederick set out for Bohemia, on July 3, 1778. He was attacking with two armies, each about 80,000 strong. Earlier in the year he had hoped that the main Austrian force would assemble in Moravia. In that case his plan was to335 lead his own army from Silesia against it, to win a great victory, and thus to compel the enemy to call back their troops from Bohemia. This would make it easy for Prince Henry with a combined host of Prussians and Saxons to advance on Prague while the King made progress in Moravia. The two armies, if all continued to go well, would then press forward towards the Danube.
The plan was spoiled, however, because the Austrians were bold enough to choose north-eastern Bohemia for their place of concentration. There they were indeed further from Vienna, but they secured greater possibilities of offensive action. If Frederick invaded Moravia they could overrun Silesia behind his back or fall upon Prince Henry and Saxony in overwhelming force. The King, therefore, reluctantly turned aside into Bohemia by way of Nachod in order to engage the enemy’s attention until his brother, marching from Dresden, should have established himself firmly in the north.
On his arrival in Bohemia, Frederick found the Austrians some 250,000 strong. Joseph and Lacy with the bulk of the troops confronted him in a position on the Elbe nearly fifty miles in length and as strong as water, earthworks, and cannon130 could make it. Judging it impregnable, Frederick waited impatiently for his brother to get the better of Laudon, who was guarding the northern gate into Bohemia. The army chafed131 at the enforced inaction, but the King still hoped by sending repeated detachments to Moravia to compel the enemy to meet him there in the field.
336 Prince Henry, after hesitating for some time between different routes, performed his task to perfection. Early in August he led his army over the mountains to the east of the Elbe by ways hitherto reputed impassable. Laudon was at his wits’ end. He fell back upon the line of the Iser, but on August 14th, Joseph himself admitted that he was too weak to hold it. If Laudon were driven off, the great position on the Elbe would be untenable, but Prince Henry lacked the hardihood to venture the decisive move. Dissensions between the royal brothers and the failure of their efforts to effect a junction132 justified133 the policy of their opponents, who, Frederick sneered, seemed to be turned into stone. Soon the movements of the Prussians were dictated largely by hunger and the conflict earned its nickname of the Potato War. Heavy rains completed their discomfiture134. By the middle of October the exultant135 Austrians had seen the last of the invaders136.
The campaign of 1778 cost the combatants some 20,000 men and 29,000,000 thalers in money. Frederick had shown himself captious137 and irresolute138. His brother declared that he was more on his guard against the treachery of the King than against the enterprises of the enemy. The army had become dejected, ill-disciplined, and disaffected139. Frederick, though he prepared to invade Moravia in the spring, spent the winter in working his hardest for peace. France and Russia lent their aid. In March, 1779, a congress of the four Powers met at Teschen, and on May 13th peace was signed.
The Peace of Teschen was in some degree a337 triumph for Frederick. The chief points for which he had taken up arms were secured at no great cost. The Austrian acquisitions were limited to the Quarter of the Inn, a strip of territory bounded on the west by that river, while Bavaria was obliged to pay 4,000,000 thalers in settlement of the Saxon claims. Prussia seemed thus to have maintained the rights of two great German princes from motives140 of pure patriotism. Her military prestige, on the other hand, had suffered. She had not derived141 prompt support from her intimacy142 with Russia and she had failed to disturb the connexion between Austria and France. No less than four royal marriages now linked the Bourbons to their secular143 foes the Hapsburgs. By accepting the guarantee of France and Russia to a treaty in which the Peace of Westphalia was once more confirmed, Prussia had moreover paved the way for unwelcome foreign intrusions into German affairs.
Frederick saw good reason to fear that the danger from Austria would be renewed so soon as Joseph should be emancipated144 from the restraining influence of the aged Queen. For the time being, however, he was free to resume his round of toil145, to mourn the loss of Voltaire, to correspond with the philosopher d’Alembert, and to pursue reforms in law and education. The Prussian judges were now empowered to interrogate146 the parties to suits and compelled to hear what they had to say. A codification147 of the law and a Book of Rights which should stereotype148 the existing feudal149 system of society in Prussia were set on foot. And at the338 moment when Romanist sovereigns drove out the Jesuits, Frederick welcomed the fugitives150 as harmless individuals, who could help to supply one of the most pressing needs of the State by instructing the common people.
The lack of qualified151 elementary teachers in Frederick’s dominions152 was attested153 by the fact that in 1763 an edict of educational reform in Silesia permitted them to continue such employments as tailoring, but forbade them to eke154 out their incomes by peddling155, by selling beer or brandy, or by fiddling156 in public-houses. A counsel of despair had been to set the worn-out sergeants157 to keep school. Out of 3443 of them, however, only 79 were reported by the military officials as possibly fit to serve, and investigation158 by the civil authorities still further reduced the number. Under such conditions as these the influx159 of members of an order which had long been famous for its schools was regarded by the King as a boon160 to Prussia. To grant them an asylum161 gratified his real love of toleration, without in his opinion involving the smallest peril162 to the allegiance of his subjects.
From time to time, however, Frederick was unpleasantly reminded of his insecurity. In the summer of 1780, Austria secured a portion of the Bavarian inheritance which it was beyond his power to take away. In spite of all his diplomacy, the mighty163 sees of Cologne and Münster fell into Hapsburg hands. At this moment of triumph, Maria Theresa died (November 29, 1780). “She has done honour to her throne and to her sex,” wrote339 the King to d’Alembert. “I have made war against her, but I have never been her enemy.”
Though Frederick regarded his great antagonist164 as bigoted165 and hypocritical, he mourned her sincerely, for her death removed the most potent166 check upon her son. Joseph seemed to have inherited his mother’s energy, without her reverence167 for existing institutions. He now plunged168 into a medley169 of hasty and sweeping170 reforms, treating the inhabitants of his miscellaneous provinces as cavalierly as though he were a Frederick and they submissive Prussians. The King could afford to look on while Joseph and Kaunitz embroiled themselves with the landowners, the Hungarians, and the Church. It was not long, however, before their foreign policy compelled him to active interference.
Since 1780 the Russian alliance had failed him. He valued it as a means of preserving peace, but the policy which now prevailed at St. Petersburg looked towards war. Frederick, who was strangely blind to this, declared in response to the blandishments of the Czarina that the time was not ripe to seize more of Poland (1779). He proposed the admission of the Turk into the league at the moment when Catherine was dreaming of a new crusade. In Joseph, on the other hand, the Czarina found a willing partner in a policy of adventure. From the time when he visited her in the summer of 1780, the alliance between Russia and Prussia was practically dead. Frederick sacrificed to it in May, 1781, by joining the Armed Neutrality which340 Russia had organised in order to check the high-handed treatment of neutral vessels171 by Great Britain. But in the same month Catherine and Joseph made a defensive172 alliance for eight years. Frederick rightly divined that the ambitious Czarina had won the Emperor’s countenance173 to the scheme of a revival by Russia of the old Eastern Empire. Her eldest grandson was destined174 to be Czar of all the Russias. Her second was named after the founder175 of Constantinople and suckled by six Greek nurses. The third, sneered the King, when another was expected, would presumably become Great Mogul.
But though Frederick regarded Catherine as pretentious176, saying that if she were corresponding with God the Father she would claim at least equal rank, none knew better than he the value of her alliance. In 1762 Russia had turned the scale, and had she been favourable177 to the plan, Joseph’s bold throw for Bavaria might have been successful. It was no light matter for Frederick that in his old age his State was threatened by an Emperor whose thoughts were still running on Silesia and who had succeeded in seducing178 his sole ally. France and England were beyond the range of his overtures179, and when the Russian armies moved in 1783 Europe believed that the Turk was about to be finally expelled. Frederick, it seemed, was doomed180 to perilous181 isolation182.
UNTER DEN8 LINDEN IN 1780.
FROM AN ETCHING BY ROSENTAG.
One force indeed remained—a force difficult to marshal, but as Charles V. had found, formidable when marshalled—which Frederick might hope to rally to his side. The tilted183 balance of Europe341 might still be redressed184 in Germany. By his conduct in the affair of the Bavarian Succession Frederick had proved that it was not impossible for Germans to trust him, and since that time Austria by fresh aggressions had alienated from herself the general body of Romanist opinion among them. It appeared that the Empire which was a corporation for the preservation185 of rights had acquired in Joseph a head who set at naught186 all rights save those of Austria. The inevitable187 result was that the princes began to think of uniting in self-defence.
From the beginning of the year 1784, Frederick devoted188 himself to the task of organising a confederacy of German States to defend the existing constitution. This was a far more arduous189 undertaking190 than any negotiation with a single Great Power. It was always difficult to induce a number of naturally jealous neighbours to combine. In 1784 the difficulty was increased threefold. The danger from Austria was general and prospective, rather than specific and imminent191. It might be averted192, indeed, by maintaining an equality of strength between Prussia and Austria, but the princes would beware of embarking193 upon a course which might make Prussia the stronger of the two. Frederick, moreover, was compelled to entrust194 a great share in the negotiations195 to his ministers. His chief agent, Hertzberg, had dared to form political ideas of his own. In the hope that a rapprochement with Austria would lead to further gains in Poland, he quietly obstructed196 the measures of the aged King.
The inactivity of the Prussian ministers might342 have delayed the confederation indefinitely had not all Germany been shocked by the sudden revival of the Emperor’s designs upon Bavaria. Again, just as seven years earlier, Austria corrupted197 the Elector Palatine without the privity of his heir and again her acquisition of the Electorate198 was paraded before the world as an accomplished fact. In the first days of January, 1785, Rumianzow, the Russian agent at the German Diet, suddenly presented to the Duke of Zweibrücken a joint demand of Austria and Russia for his acceptance of a bargain to which the Elector Palatine had already consented. The substance of this was that Bavaria was assigned to the Emperor in return for the Austrian Netherlands, the title of King, and handsome rewards in money.
“I, who am already more than half beyond this world,” complained Frederick to his brother, “am forced to double my wisdom and activity, and continually keep in my head the detestable plans that this curséd Joseph begets199 afresh with every fresh day. I am condemned to enjoy no rest before my bones are covered with a little earth.” His energy, none the less, was as great as the crisis demanded. Austria was always hampered in time of war because the distant Netherlands were hers as much as because the adjacent Bavaria was not. The exchange was therefore most alluring200, but the opposition201 of Prussia to the scheme was so stout202 as to evoke203 disclaimers from all the parties to it. Catherine protested that she would countenance no violation204 of the Peace of Teschen. Louis XVI., whom Frederick believed to have been bribed by the offer of343 Luxemburg, stated in answer to his protests that the Emperor renounced the scheme. Before the end of February, 1785, the danger was past.
To guard against its recurrence205 Frederick none the less completed the Fürstenbund or League of Princes. On July 23, Prussia, Saxony, and Hanover entered into an alliance, with the object of safeguarding the lands and rights of every member of the Empire. By separate articles the three Electors bound themselves to act together in Imperial business. The accession of the Archbishop of Mainz, who as president of the Electoral College had a casting vote, both gave the League a majority at the election of the Emperor, and prevented it from being regarded as a mere clique206 of Protestants. Frederick’s triumph was complete when, in spite of the diplomatic opposition of the Emperor, a host of German princes accepted the result of his work. The rulers of Zweibrücken, Hesse-Cassel, Gotha, Weimar, Brunswick, Ansbach, Baden, Anhalt, Mecklenburg, and Osnabrück formed with the four protagonists207 a great body of organised German conservatism led by the King of Prussia. Frederick in his old age had improvised208 with marvellous success a temporary insurance against the greatest danger that visibly threatened his State.
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1 renounced | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的过去式和过去分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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2 arrogated | |
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3 ordeal | |
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16 incurable | |
adj.不能医治的,不能矫正的,无救的;n.不治的病人,无救的人 | |
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17 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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18 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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19 surmount | |
vt.克服;置于…顶上 | |
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20 shun | |
vt.避开,回避,避免 | |
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21 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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22 anarchy | |
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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23 coveted | |
adj.令人垂涎的;垂涎的,梦寐以求的v.贪求,觊觎(covet的过去分词);垂涎;贪图 | |
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24 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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25 undue | |
adj.过分的;不适当的;未到期的 | |
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26 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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27 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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28 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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29 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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30 subsidy | |
n.补助金,津贴 | |
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31 incompetence | |
n.不胜任,不称职 | |
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32 purblind | |
adj.半盲的;愚笨的 | |
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33 kindle | |
v.点燃,着火 | |
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34 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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35 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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36 longing | |
n.(for)渴望 | |
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37 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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38 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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39 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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40 mania | |
n.疯狂;躁狂症,狂热,癖好 | |
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41 extolled | |
v.赞颂,赞扬,赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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43 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
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44 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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45 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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46 monologue | |
n.长篇大论,(戏剧等中的)独白 | |
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47 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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48 mediation | |
n.调解 | |
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49 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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50 irreconcilable | |
adj.(指人)难和解的,势不两立的 | |
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51 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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52 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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53 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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54 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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55 promulgated | |
v.宣扬(某事物)( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 );传播;公布;颁布(法令、新法律等) | |
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56 alias | |
n.化名;别名;adv.又名 | |
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57 indemnity | |
n.赔偿,赔款,补偿金 | |
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58 eastward | |
adv.向东;adj.向东的;n.东方,东部 | |
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59 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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60 professing | |
声称( profess的现在分词 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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61 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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62 upbraiding | |
adj.& n.谴责(的)v.责备,申斥,谴责( upbraid的现在分词 ) | |
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63 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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64 semblance | |
n.外貌,外表 | |
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65 prospective | |
adj.预期的,未来的,前瞻性的 | |
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66 domains | |
n.范围( domain的名词复数 );领域;版图;地产 | |
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67 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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68 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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69 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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70 sneered | |
讥笑,冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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72 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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73 conserved | |
v.保护,保藏,保存( conserve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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75 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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76 desolating | |
毁坏( desolate的现在分词 ); 极大地破坏; 使沮丧; 使痛苦 | |
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77 formulated | |
v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 );规划;确切地阐述;用公式表示 | |
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78 alleging | |
断言,宣称,辩解( allege的现在分词 ) | |
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79 alienated | |
adj.感到孤独的,不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 );使不友好;转让;让渡(财产等) | |
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80 pawned | |
v.典当,抵押( pawn的过去式和过去分词 );以(某事物)担保 | |
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81 pawn | |
n.典当,抵押,小人物,走卒;v.典当,抵押 | |
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82 wrested | |
(用力)拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 ); 费力取得; (从…)攫取; ( 从… ) 强行取去… | |
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83 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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84 dictated | |
v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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85 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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86 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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87 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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88 bribery | |
n.贿络行为,行贿,受贿 | |
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89 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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90 acquiescence | |
n.默许;顺从 | |
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91 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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92 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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93 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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94 bribed | |
v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 );向(某人)行贿,贿赂 | |
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95 filch | |
v.偷窃 | |
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96 cession | |
n.割让,转让 | |
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97 sundry | |
adj.各式各样的,种种的 | |
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98 exhortations | |
n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 );极力推荐;(正式的)演讲;(宗教仪式中的)劝诫 | |
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99 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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100 inscribed | |
v.写,刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 );内接 | |
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101 bishops | |
(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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102 ceded | |
v.让给,割让,放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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103 cleansing | |
n. 净化(垃圾) adj. 清洁用的 动词cleanse的现在分词 | |
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104 colonists | |
n.殖民地开拓者,移民,殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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105 scoured | |
走遍(某地)搜寻(人或物)( scour的过去式和过去分词 ); (用力)刷; 擦净; 擦亮 | |
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106 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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107 revival | |
n.复兴,复苏,(精力、活力等的)重振 | |
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108 embroiled | |
adj.卷入的;纠缠不清的 | |
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109 apathetic | |
adj.冷漠的,无动于衷的 | |
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110 annexation | |
n.吞并,合并 | |
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111 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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112 hampered | |
妨碍,束缚,限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113 grudgingly | |
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114 dedicated | |
adj.一心一意的;献身的;热诚的 | |
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115 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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116 despoiled | |
v.掠夺,抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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117 fray | |
v.争吵;打斗;磨损,磨破;n.吵架;打斗 | |
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118 trampling | |
踩( trample的现在分词 ); 践踏; 无视; 侵犯 | |
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119 scrupulous | |
adj.审慎的,小心翼翼的,完全的,纯粹的 | |
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120 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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121 geographical | |
adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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122 consolidation | |
n.合并,巩固 | |
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123 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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124 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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125 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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126 rein | |
n.疆绳,统治,支配;vt.以僵绳控制,统治 | |
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127 haggling | |
v.讨价还价( haggle的现在分词 ) | |
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128 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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129 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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130 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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131 chafed | |
v.擦热(尤指皮肤)( chafe的过去式 );擦痛;发怒;惹怒 | |
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132 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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133 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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134 discomfiture | |
n.崩溃;大败;挫败;困惑 | |
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135 exultant | |
adj.欢腾的,狂欢的,大喜的 | |
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136 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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137 captious | |
adj.难讨好的,吹毛求疵的 | |
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138 irresolute | |
adj.无决断的,优柔寡断的,踌躇不定的 | |
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139 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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140 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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141 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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142 intimacy | |
n.熟悉,亲密,密切关系,亲昵的言行 | |
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143 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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144 emancipated | |
adj.被解放的,不受约束的v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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145 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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146 interrogate | |
vt.讯问,审问,盘问 | |
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147 codification | |
n.法典编纂,法律成文化;法规汇编 | |
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148 stereotype | |
n.固定的形象,陈规,老套,旧框框 | |
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149 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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150 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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151 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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152 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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153 attested | |
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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154 eke | |
v.勉强度日,节约使用 | |
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155 peddling | |
忙于琐事的,无关紧要的 | |
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156 fiddling | |
微小的 | |
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157 sergeants | |
警官( sergeant的名词复数 ); (美国警察)警佐; (英国警察)巡佐; 陆军(或空军)中士 | |
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158 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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159 influx | |
n.流入,注入 | |
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160 boon | |
n.恩赐,恩物,恩惠 | |
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161 asylum | |
n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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162 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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163 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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164 antagonist | |
n.敌人,对抗者,对手 | |
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165 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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166 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
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167 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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168 plunged | |
v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 );暴跌;骤降;突降 | |
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169 medley | |
n.混合 | |
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170 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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171 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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172 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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173 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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174 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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175 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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176 pretentious | |
adj.自命不凡的,自负的,炫耀的 | |
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177 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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178 seducing | |
诱奸( seduce的现在分词 ); 勾引; 诱使堕落; 使入迷 | |
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179 overtures | |
n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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180 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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181 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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182 isolation | |
n.隔离,孤立,分解,分离 | |
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183 tilted | |
v. 倾斜的 | |
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184 redressed | |
v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 );重加权衡;恢复平衡 | |
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185 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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186 naught | |
n.无,零 [=nought] | |
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187 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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188 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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189 arduous | |
adj.艰苦的,费力的,陡峭的 | |
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190 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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191 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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192 averted | |
防止,避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 ); 转移 | |
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193 embarking | |
乘船( embark的现在分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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194 entrust | |
v.信赖,信托,交托 | |
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195 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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196 obstructed | |
阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 ); 堵塞; 阻碍; 阻止 | |
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197 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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198 electorate | |
n.全体选民;选区 | |
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199 begets | |
v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 );产生,引起 | |
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200 alluring | |
adj.吸引人的,迷人的 | |
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201 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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203 evoke | |
vt.唤起,引起,使人想起 | |
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204 violation | |
n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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205 recurrence | |
n.复发,反复,重现 | |
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206 clique | |
n.朋党派系,小集团 | |
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207 protagonists | |
n.(戏剧的)主角( protagonist的名词复数 );(故事的)主人公;现实事件(尤指冲突和争端的)主要参与者;领导者 | |
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208 improvised | |
a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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