His first desire was to get rid of those helpers whose services he had accepted only because of pressing need. Twenty-one free battalions11 had been raised and had proved immensely serviceable. Now the King bade two-thirds of them go their ways without reward. His learned friend and servant, Colonel Guichard, upon whom in consequence of a dispute about the battle of Pharsalia he had inflicted12 the name Quintus Icilius, appealed to him to repay to his officers part at least of the money which they had spent from their own pockets in enlisting13 their men. “Thy officers have stolen like ravens,” replied the King; “they shall not have a farthing.” Still more ungenerous was his treatment of a section of his army whose only fault was their lack of noble birth. During the long war many students and schoolboys of the citizen class entered the army as volunteers and received commissions. In the hour of triumph they were ruthlessly sacrificed to Frederick’s principle that his officers, save perhaps among the garrison14 regiments16, must belong to the caste of nobles. Prussians who had served him in his extremity17 must submit to be cashiered, while foreigners of rank were enlisted19 to atone20 for the dearth21 of natives whose pedigrees satisfied his requirements.
At the same time the army as a whole was303 wounded by harsh criticism and harsh reforms. This, like much of Frederick’s conduct, may be ascribed to the contempt for mankind which experience only increased, and to the almost inevitable22 effect upon himself of the unbridled absolutism described in the sixth chapter of this book. “Dogs, would ye live for ever?” he shrieked23 at his men in the crisis of one of his fights. He was forced to confess that, as his strength became less and the number of his subjects greater, he could not hope to look into all affairs of government with his own eyes. Yet he shrank more and more from creating an official or a system in anywise independent of his own immediate24 control. In 1763 he therefore appointed inspectors25 of cavalry26 and of infantry27 in every province and endowed them with wide powers of supervision28 of the officers and all that they did. This measure, it need hardly be said, roused the utmost bitterness among the regimental staff, which had hitherto enjoyed a great measure of independence on the sole condition that the King was satisfied with the results of its work. It was the more distasteful for the very reason which made it acceptable to Frederick—that the new inspectors were appointed at the royal pleasure without regard to seniority. The chief officer of a regiment15, who had been wont29 to rule it like a patriarch, was now subjected to the control of a rival, perhaps his junior, who did not resign his own command and could favour it as he pleased.
The captains, too, suffered in pocket from another unpopular reform. They had hitherto received from the treasury30 the full wages of every man on the304 muster-roll of their company. In time of peace, however, the native-born soldiers spent nine or ten months of the year on furlough without pay. Each captain defrayed the cost of recruiting foreigners for his company out of what he received and pocketed the balance. Now, at the moment when war ceased, Frederick cut off this source of income. By retaining regiments of special merit on the old footing he insulted the rest, and by graduating according to his opinion of the regiment’s efficiency the trifling allowances paid by way of compensation he cast a slur31 upon the professional honour of officers and men alike. The King paid his officers ten thalers a month and their pensions depended entirely32 upon his caprice. Many captains were thenceforward unable to resist the temptation to falsify the muster-rolls so as to receive pay for soldiers who did not exist.
The King’s despotic power, however, enabled him to make light of military discontent in time of peace. He resolved to keep up an army of 150,000 men, to drill it as it had never been drilled before, to educate the officers, to review all the troops every year, to build new fortresses33, and to establish stores of money and munitions34 sufficient to enable Prussia to enter at a moment’s notice upon a war of eight campaigns. It is a highly significant fact that in Frederick’s secret estimates for the future struggle the annual contribution of Prussia was set down at 4,700,000 thalers and the sum to be extorted35 from Saxony at 5,000,000. The balance of the 12,000,000 thalers, which was the price of a campaign, must come from the royal accumulations. Frederick’s own expenses305 were only 220,000 thalers a year. At the close of his reign18, when the total revenue of the State was not quite 22,000,000 thalers, the treasure amounted to more than 51,000,000, a sum fully36 five times as great as that which he had inherited from his father.
Frederick was compelled by his past to stand to arms all his life through. With advancing years he became more lonely and more subject to disease. In 1765 he lost his sister, the Margravine of Schwedt, and next year the aged37 Madame de Camas, whom he always called Mamma. His old friends died one by one and the French wits had vanished. His brothers, Henry and Ferdinand, were often estranged38 from him by his bitter words. Yet to the end of his life he prided himself on his cheerfulness between the attacks of gout and he permitted no disease to interrupt his labours. These were devoted39 first, as we have seen, to making the land secure from attack by means of the army, and also to guarding it from famine by methods which may next be considered. Close on the heels of these essential duties came tasks of fresh development and reform, the acquisition of West-Preussen in 1772, and new endeavours to uphold Prussian prestige against the House of Hapsburg.
It is of course impossible to calculate exactly the damage which a country suffers in time of war. Moral gains and losses count in the long run for more than material, and no statistics even of material losses are truly satisfactory. As between one Prussian province and another, however, a rough comparison may be made by means of the growth or306 decline of the population. Silesia and the lands east of the Oder had naturally suffered most, since, in addition to their quota40 of soldiers slain41, they had long endured the presence of invading armies. In Silesia the numbers fell by 50,000, about one in twenty-three, but further north, in the districts in which the Russians had encamped, the proportion was nearly five times as heavy. Frederick’s own estimate was that one-ninth of his subjects had perished.
The loss of property had undoubtedly42 been very great. The conscience of the age forbade massacre43, but was lenient44 towards pillage45 and devastation46. But the King surpassed himself by what Carlyle terms “the instantaneous practical alacrity47 with which he set about repairing that immense miscellany of ruin.” So far as the material losses sustained by individual Prussians could be ascertained48, they were set down by the careful hands of royal commissioners49 and mitigated50 by royal gifts. The King had at his disposal depreciated51 coin to the amount of nearly 30,000,000 thalers, the sum which had been accumulated to pay for the eighth and ninth campaigns. This more than sufficed for the needs of the army and the repayment52 of the trifling loans, less than five and a half million thalers in all, that Frederick had contracted during the war. With the residue53 and with the surplus revenues of the State the King set to work to prevent a single one of his subjects from falling into absolute ruin. His doles54 were graduated not by any standard of abstract justice, but by the rule that the minimum amount of307 help should be given that would serve the purpose of the State. Many towns had paid ransoms55 to the enemy to avoid being sacked. That of Berlin, two million thalers, was repaid out of the treasury, but Halle received less than one-sixth of what it claimed, and in the majority of cases the burghers were left to bear the loss themselves.
In the country districts, however, there was less power of recuperation than among the comparatively wealthy towns. According to Frederick’s opinion, it was therefore necessary that the State should make it possible for nobles and peasants alike to resume their normal duties. The spare horses from the army, to the number of 35,000, and many rations6 for man and beast from the magazines were at once distributed to the most needy56. Officials allotted57 to the peasants wood to rebuild their houses and sums of money to assist the work. Their rents were remitted58 for a time, and oxen, cows, sheep, meal, and seed-corn were supplied to them free of charge. The State reaped its reward in the rents and taxes which speedily flowed into the royal coffers, as well as in the rapid growth of population.
While the King was thus doling59 out relief to a great part of his subjects, he indulged in a singular extravagance which has been the subject of much criticism and conjecture60. Though he inequitably threw upon the people the expense of restoring the coinage, though his subjects were sending him sheaves of petitions for aid, though he was of all monarchs61 the least addicted62 to pomp, none the less, three months after peace had been signed he began308 to build a third palace at Potsdam. The astonished Prussians believed that the cost was 22,000,000 thalers. If no more than one-tenth of this was actually expended63, the King lavished64 on a superfluity more than one-third of the sum that he assigned to the restoration of the land.
Those who insist that he did nothing without a motive65 of State may find it in his desire to convince foreign Powers that it was dangerous to attack a nation which could afford luxuries while its enemies were deep in debt. Other conjectures66 are possible. Frederick loved to indulge the hope that the Sciences, which had visited Greece and Italy, France and England, in turn, might settle for a while in Prussia, and the new palace, like the salary paid to Voltaire, might be regarded as a sacrifice at their altar. The claims of the new Prussian industries, especially the manufacture of silk, which was largely used in adorning67 the interior, may have induced the King to provide an artificial market in this way. Frederick’s Versailles, however, remains68 to this day both a monument to his absolutism and an enigma69.
THE NEW PALACE AT POTSDAM.
Absolutism and diligence are still the hall-marks of all his measures. The military reforms, the work of restoration, and the attention paid to the arts taxed him but lightly when compared with his labours for the development of the agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and finance of his dominions70. No sooner was the war at an end and the work of restoration set on foot than Frederick began to pour forth71 a flood of edicts for the regulation and advance of every department of national life, and to309 engage in incessant72 labours of inspection73 to see that they were carried out.
In promoting agriculture he was guided by principles with which we are already familiar. His prime rule was still to increase the number of tillers of the soil and to make them safe against starvation. He therefore continued to bring in colonists74 from far and near, to drain marshes75, to reclaim76 wastes, and to build new habitations. It is computed77 that at the close of his reign one-fifth or one-sixth of his subjects were immigrants or the descendants of immigrants. Besides a knowledge of husbandry and handicraft which in many cases surpassed that of the Prussians, the aliens brought with them substantial additions to the material wealth of the land. The official inventory78 of their belongings79, though incomplete, shows that 6392 horses, 7875 head of cattle, 20,548 sheep, 3227 pigs, and upwards80 of 2,000,000 thalers in money were thus added to the capital of the nation.
To provide for the accommodation of the recruits to his army of agriculture, the King applied81 every art of government to bring new land under cultivation82 and to increase the fertility of the old. The superior enlightenment of Prussia was attested83 by the curt84 refusal of Brunswick and Hanover to co-operate in works of drainage. No site for a farmstead was to be left vacant and in the forests—so ran the decree—“no place where a tree can stand, unplanted.” The sterile85 nature of the soil challenged the unwearied industry of the King. Many centuries before blotting-paper came to be known,310 Brandenburg was nicknamed “the sand-box of the Holy Roman Empire.” Thousands of acres had to be set with bushes to prevent its surface from being blown over the neighbouring fields.
“I confess,” wrote Frederick to Voltaire, “that with the exception of Libya few states can boast that they equal us in the matter of sand. Yet we are bringing 76,000 acres under cultivation this year as pasture. This pasture feeds 7,000 cows, whose dung will manure86 and improve the land, and the crops will be of more value.”
The spectacle of the royal philosopher writing to Voltaire about manure and walking almost daily from Sans Souci to his turnip-field is a visible proof of Frederick’s devotion to this branch of his stewardship87. He was wont to speak with authority as the leading agriculturist of the realm. Here, as elsewhere, his breadth of view often enabled him to discern the best product or practice in other lands, and his command of resources to transport it to his own. Having once attained88 his object by teaching his subjects to produce an article at home, he imperatively89 forbade them to import it from abroad. The full reward of his policy would be reaped when Prussia began to supply it to other countries in exchange for gold and silver.
A single instance of the minuteness and imperiousness with which the King applied this policy to agriculture may be cited from Professor Koser’s history of the reign. The Berlin egg-market was still dependent on foreign supply. In 1780 a royal hen-census showed that there were 324,175 hens in the311 Electoral Mark and that 36,300 more were required to meet the demand for eggs. “What will it matter,” asked the King, “if every peasant keep ten or twelve more hens? Their food does not cost much; they can pick up most of it in the straw and dung of the farmyard.” Prohibition90 of the import of foreign eggs followed. This caused the market price to rise and the ministers expressed the fear that the supply would not be sufficient. The King rejoined:
“It is all the fault of the farmers and peasants for not setting about it. I have laboured forty years to introduce things of this kind. If the ministers want to eat eggs, let them take more trouble with the Chambers91 to carry it through. The prohibition of foreign eggs remains as before.”
Only a six months’ interval92 was allowed later to give the new establishments time to develop.
All through his reign Frederick set his face firmly against any attempt to bridge over the gulf93 which divided the country from the town. The tobacco and sugar with which the peasant solaced94 himself, the clothes he wore, the plough and hoe which served him to till the fields were all made more costly95 in order that the towns might thrive. The vast majority of handicrafts might be practised only within their walls. On the other hand, the King’s ordinances96 against artisans who meddled97 with farming were so severe that they could not be strictly98 carried out. He also tried many measures with a view to conferring upon the peasant a secure position on the soil. He was successful in preventing the nobles from buying up312 the holdings of the class below them. He established some three hundred new villages by breaking up outlying farms. But in other directions even his autocratic power failed to overcome the passive resistance of the rural population.
In theory, Frederick was a champion of human freedom. He condemned99 slavery in strong terms and viewed askance the legal position of the Prussian countryfolk whom their lords regarded as so many head of labour. But he dared not shake the pillars of his army and of his treasury by giving the peasant leave to quit the soil. He desired to retain serfdom, but only in its mildest form. He set his heart on making every serf a hereditary100 tenant101 at a money rent. This was, however, repugnant both to the nobles, who feared that they would not be able to secure labourers for hire, and to the peasants, who feared that they would in future be obliged to bear the loss when their cattle died and to pay their arrears102 of taxation103 themselves. The proposed reform, as well as an attempt to assign limits to the labour that the lords might lawfully104 exact, had therefore to be given up.
A change of still more unquestionable benefit, of which England had enjoyed the fruits for fully two centuries, likewise proved impracticable in Prussia, even on the domains105 of the Crown. Each holder106, whether noble or peasant, had a number of scattered107 strips of land in huge fields which were unenclosed and were ploughed and sown in common by the labour of the whole village. The abuses of such a system were manifold. It stereotyped108 the succession313 of crops, checked individual enterprise, prevented the high cultivation which depended on the aid of walls or hedges, and exposed the strips of the industrious109 to the spreading tares110 of his slothful neighbour. Frederick, once more guided by his loftier outlook on affairs, ordered commissioners to remedy this unprofitable system by a rearrangement of all the holdings. Peasants, bailiffs, ministers, all protested in vain, but Frederick in his turn commanded in vain. All that he could accomplish in his lifetime was the severance111 of noble from peasant land. He was compelled to content himself with abolishing practical slavery as distinguished112 from serfdom, with codifying113 the services due from the peasants, and with other minor114 reforms.
Whatever may have been its effect in the long run, however, there can be little doubt that it was Frederick’s deeds rather than his laws which conferred the greatest immediate benefit upon Prussian agriculture. His subjects were assured, as were those of no other great monarch in Europe, that there would be a market for their produce in years of plenty, relief of their necessities in years of dearth, and succour from the State where fire or flood or pest would otherwise have ruined them. This sense of security against starvation, though now so common that it is difficult to appreciate it, was then so rare that thousands of freemen left their native lands for the despotism and sterile soil of Prussia.
In the sphere of industry Frederick was less hampered115 than in that of agriculture by the inertia116 of his people. He found Prussia making few commodities314 save the simplest and exporting only three,—wool, linen117, and wood. Before he died his minister, Hertzberg, could boast that every conceivable manufacture found a home in his dominions.
The record of the steps by which the transformation118 was effected is simply a further series of illustrations of the autocracy119 and diligence of the King. He strove with might and main to reanimate and develop the old industries and to establish new ones. This involved incessant contrivance and inspection on his part, the free use of subsidies120 by the State, and the constant imposition of vexatious restrictions121 upon every form of trade.
One of the most conspicuous122 examples of Frederick’s methods is the development of the porcelain123 industry of Berlin. During the Prussian occupation of Saxony the secret of the far-famed Dresden ware124 was extorted from the employees of Augustus. The King spared no effort to make the most of his prize. He bought up the manufactory at Berlin, forbade all purchase of rival goods from abroad, installed porcelain at his own table in place of the gold and silver associated with royal state, used porcelain snuffboxes, and bestowed125 samples of the finest products when convention prescribed a regal gift. To promote the welfare of Prussia, Jews who wished to marry were compelled to purchase a service of porcelain and to dispose of it abroad.
With the same unflinching resolution the King pursued his design of making Berlin a great industrial centre, of establishing manufactures in all his towns, and of forcing Prussia to provide for all her own315 needs and for many of the needs of foreign lands. Every industry, silk and satin, cloth and linen, shipbuilding and mining, alike received the royal stimulus126 and was compelled to submit to the royal interference. Frederick’s success varied127, for in some cases it was more apparent than in others that precepts128, prohibitions129, and subsidies could not make good deficiencies of climate, skill, and enterprise. While the production of porcelain was firmly established, that of tobacco by no means fulfilled the expectations of the King. He commissioned a Prussian chemist to find out a sauce which would make the home-grown leaf at least comparable with the Virginian. The experiment, which occupied more than two and a half years, was furthered by all the resources of Government. No less than 1180 samples were tested. The report of the General Tobacco Administration, however, stated that only 34 of these were in any way better for the treatment, and that these 34, “notwithstanding they made a brave show to outward seeming,” were too unsavoury even to be mixed with the products of Virginia.
Twice a year the King with the aid of his ministers was wont to take stock of his kingdom, and to measure the progress of all his schemes. In the interval he travelled through his provinces and issued instructions for the amendment130 of all that he found amiss. “Schweidnitz and Neisse are still very short of tiled roofs, N. B., someone will have to look to it” is one of fourteen points that he noted131 down in the course of a visit to Silesia. No detail was too trifling for his attention. At the time when a paper316 manufactory was determined132 on, doubt was expressed whether sufficient raw material in the shape of fine rags would be forthcoming.
“The ill custom prevails among us,” rejoined the King, “that both in town and country the servant-girls make the best rags into tinder to light the fire. We must try to break people of it, and therefore the rag-collectors must be provided with touch-wood, which is just as good as tinder for lighting133 a fire, to give to the girls in exchange for rags.”
A king who took upon his own shoulders so vast a share as did Frederick in regulating the agriculture and industry of his subjects could not avoid concerning himself also with their foreign trade. The general principles of commercial policy which he followed were simple. He was determined to see that Prussian subjects sold as much as possible to foreigners and bought as little as possible from them in return. The latter part of his task could be, and was, accomplished134 by prohibiting the importation of certain commodities, such as salt, porcelain, and steel, and by appointing a host of customs-officers to make the prohibition effective. But to sell to foreigners goods which were produced in Prussia chiefly because the King willed that his subjects should forego the convenience of buying them from foreigners was a feat135 which taxed Frederick’s statecraft to the utmost.
In general it may be said that Prussian commerce did not thrive. Thanks to the strenuous136 efforts of King and ministers, who imported foreign artisans, endowed them with implements137 and homes, compelled317 natives to learn crafts, bought sheep in Spain, forbade the export of raw material or the import of finished goods, forced the monasteries138 to support unprofitable industries, vetoed profitable industries that threatened in any way to prejudice their favourites, in short, exhausted139 the arts of government to foster production,—thanks to all this the Silesian export of cloth and linen rose to between five and six million thalers a year.
This result was not achieved by domestic interference only. The King did not shrink from tariff140 wars with Austria and Saxony, nor from much toil141 to procure142 commercial treaties. It often appeared, however, that there were spheres in which statecraft, even when practised by a Frederick, could accomplish little.
“When at that time a new republic arose across the ocean,” writes Professor Koser, “King Frederick made haste to enter into commercial relations with it, in order to exchange cloth, woollen stuffs, and linen, iron goods and porcelain, for rice, indigo143, and Virginian tobacco. The ‘most favoured nation’ treaty of 10 September, 1785, between Prussia and the United States of America fulfilled, it is true, few of the expectations which both parties formed of it, for the English, who from a seafaring and capitalist point of view were more competent, long continued to be the commercial intermediaries between those renegade colonies and the Old World.”
In the course of his efforts the King endeavoured at different times to supplant144 Hamburg, to ruin Danzig, and to make Silesia an impenetrable barrier318 between Polish wool-growers and their customers in Saxony. It was a peculiar145 feature of Prussia that her straggling frontiers were crossed by many roads and rivers which connected foreign states. The Hohenzollern laboured to turn this fact to account and to favour Prussian merchants by hampering146 foreigners with enormous tolls147. The result was that commerce was compelled to avoid the borders of his dominions.
Frederick was indefatigable148 in inciting149 his subjects to take up new enterprises as well as in striving to procure for them advantages abroad. As a rule, however, the commercial companies which he formed either decayed or relapsed into the position of State undertakings150. It may be surmised151 that what might have been possible to the Frederick and the Prussia of 1740 had been rendered well-nigh impossible by the changes in both which a generation of militarism had produced. The system of despotic command and automatic obedience152 was fatal to the growth of a class of self-reliant merchants, and the King complained bitterly that neither individuals nor corporations would act with enlightened patriotism153 in developing the commerce of Prussia. Able advisers154 of the Crown, indeed, did something to atone for this lack of initiative. Thanks to the talent of Hagen, the Bank, which was established in 1765, survived its early perils155 and became serviceable to Prussian trade. The Marine156 Commercial Company also outlived many of Frederick’s semi-official creations.
It is perhaps in the sphere of taxation that Frederick’s unflinching autocracy is most remarkably319 displayed. He claimed not only to regulate the consumption of his people according to his own standard of propriety157, but also to select agents to enforce his rules without the smallest consideration for their feelings. Frederick wished to make existence easier for the poor, especially for the soldier. He therefore abolished the tax on grain, but subjected meat, beer, and wine to progressive imposts. Every Prussian was forced to buy from the State a fixed158 quantity of inferior salt at a price equal to four times its cost of production. The King’s delight in coffee did not make him blind to the fact that the State would gain more profit if his subjects were forced to abandon it in favour of Prussian beer. Accordingly in 1781 coffee became, like salt and tobacco, a monopoly of State and a tax of 250 per cent. upon its value was imposed. Frederick strove to refute the remonstrances159 of the Pomeranian gentry160 with the words: “His Majesty’s high person was reared in youth on beer-soup, therefore the people in that part can equally well be reared on beer-soup; it is much more wholesome161 than coffee.” The people, however, seem to have mitigated the inconvenience to which they were put by their King in part by brewing162 decoctions of herbs, but chiefly by smuggling163. It has been estimated that no less than two-thirds of the coffee which they used was contraband164. It boded165 ill for the State when to knock one of the King’s spies on the head excited none of the odium of murder.
The measure which most of all estranged the hearts of the Prussians from their King dates,320 however, from the year 1766, when Frederick resolved to introduce the French system of farming out the indirect taxes, or Regie. Not the system alone, but also the chief agents who carried it into effect, were brought from France. The lessee-in-chief, de Launay, exercised great influence over the King, who accepted his opinion as to the possibilities of taxation in preference to that of his Prussian commissioners.
The people, as was natural, detested166 an innovation which both wounded their Teutonic sensibilities and raised the price of food. De Launay and his assistants were caricatured as marching behind beasts laden167 with rackets, foils, and fiddles168, to avenge169 the shame of Rossbach on the inhabitants of Berlin. Patriots170 might well chafe171 at the thought that a new and foreign department was introduced into the General Directory itself, and that whereas a Prussian minister was paid only 4000 thalers a year, each of the four chief Frenchmen received 15,000. Less than ten per cent. of the 2000 tax-gatherers were foreigners, but the Germans were insulted at being deemed fit for the lower grades alone.
Their murmurs172, however, were powerless to alter the purpose of the King. The innovation, indeed, was not recommended by conspicuous success. Though it simplified the fiscal173 administration, a large proportion of the returns was still swallowed up by expenses of collection. On a review of the twenty years, 1766–1786, the proceeds of the Regie seem to have been in no wise augmented174 by de Launay’s hated invasion. Yet Frederick adhered to his plan, kept the taxes high, administered the funds of the321 State in secret, and crowned all by bringing coffee under the control of the French. To his fiscal measures more than to all else was it due that the State which he had exalted175 drew a deep breath of relief when he died.
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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shrieked
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| v.尖叫( shriek的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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25
inspectors
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| n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 )；（英国公共汽车或火车上的）查票员；（警察）巡官；检阅官 | |
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26
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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27
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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28
supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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29
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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30
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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31
slur
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| v.含糊地说；诋毁；连唱；n.诋毁；含糊的发音 | |
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32
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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33
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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34
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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35
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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36
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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37
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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38
estranged
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| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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39
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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40
quota
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| n.（生产、进出口等的）配额，（移民的）限额 | |
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41
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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42
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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43
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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44
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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45
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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46
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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47
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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48
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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49
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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50
mitigated
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|
| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
depreciated
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|
| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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52
repayment
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|
| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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53
residue
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|
| n.残余，剩余，残渣 | |
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54
doles
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| 救济物( dole的名词复数 )； 失业救济金 | |
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55
ransoms
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| 付赎金救人，赎金( ransom的名词复数 ) | |
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56
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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57
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58
remitted
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| v.免除（债务），宽恕( remit的过去式和过去分词 )；使某事缓和；寄回，传送 | |
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59
doling
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| 救济物( dole的现在分词 )； 失业救济金 | |
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60
conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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61
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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62
addicted
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|
| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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63
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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64
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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65
motive
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|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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66
conjectures
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| 推测，猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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67
adorning
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| 修饰，装饰物 | |
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68
remains
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|
| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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69
enigma
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| n.谜，谜一样的人或事 | |
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70
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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71
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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72
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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73
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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74
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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75
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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76
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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77
computed
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|
| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
inventory
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|
| n.详细目录，存货清单 | |
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79
belongings
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|
| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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80
upwards
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|
| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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81
applied
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|
| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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82
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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83
attested
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|
| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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84
curt
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|
| adj.简短的，草率的 | |
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85
sterile
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|
| adj.不毛的，不孕的，无菌的，枯燥的，贫瘠的 | |
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86
manure
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|
| n.粪，肥，肥粒；vt.施肥 | |
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87
stewardship
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|
| n. n. 管理工作；管事人的职位及职责 | |
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88
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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89
imperatively
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|
| adv.命令式地 | |
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90
prohibition
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|
| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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91
chambers
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|
| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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92
interval
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|
| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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93
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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94
solaced
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|
| v.安慰，慰藉( solace的过去分词 ) | |
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95
costly
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|
| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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96
ordinances
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|
| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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97
meddled
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
strictly
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|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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99
condemned
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|
| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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100
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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101
tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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102
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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103
taxation
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|
| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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104
lawfully
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|
| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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105
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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106
holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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107
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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108
stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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109
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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110
tares
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| 荑；稂莠；稗 | |
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111
severance
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| n.离职金；切断 | |
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112
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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113
codifying
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| v.把（法律）编成法典( codify的现在分词 ) | |
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114
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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115
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
inertia
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| adj.惰性，惯性，懒惰，迟钝 | |
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117
linen
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| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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118
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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119
autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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120
subsidies
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| n.补贴，津贴，补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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121
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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122
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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123
porcelain
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| n.瓷；adj.瓷的，瓷制的 | |
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124
ware
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| n.(常用复数)商品，货物 | |
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125
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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127
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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128
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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129
prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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130
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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131
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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132
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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133
lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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134
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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135
feat
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| n.功绩；武艺，技艺；adj.灵巧的，漂亮的，合适的 | |
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136
strenuous
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|
| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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137
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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138
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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139
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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140
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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141
toil
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|
| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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142
procure
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|
| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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143
indigo
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| n.靛青，靛蓝 | |
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144
supplant
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| vt.排挤；取代 | |
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145
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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146
hampering
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的现在分词 ) | |
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147
tolls
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|
| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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148
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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149
inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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150
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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151
surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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152
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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153
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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154
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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155
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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156
marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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157
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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158
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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159
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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160
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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161
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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162
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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163
smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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164
contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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165
boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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166
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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167
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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168
fiddles
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| n.小提琴( fiddle的名词复数 )；欺诈；（需要运用手指功夫的）细巧活动；当第二把手v.伪造( fiddle的第三人称单数 )；篡改；骗取；修理或稍作改动 | |
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169
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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170
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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171
chafe
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| v.擦伤；冲洗；惹怒 | |
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172
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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173
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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174
Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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175
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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