Till near its close the campaign of 1760 seemed to be merely the natural sequel to that of 1759. In spite of all the chances of high politics, the same combatants took the field on either side. France, beaten by land and sea, had tempted12 England with the offer of a separate peace. But Pitt displayed anew the loyalty13 to his ally which was the consolation14 of Frederick’s darkest hours. The English minister recognised that his country’s triumphs over France off Lagos, in the bay of Quiberon, and before the walls of Quebec in the glorious campaign of 1759, had been due to the Prussian alliance almost as directly as the victory of Minden. He braved the taunt15 that he was more Prussian than the King of Prussia and inflexibly16 refused to desert him in his hour of misfortune. The Russians, on the other hand, consented to serve Maria Theresa anew, but at a high price. Ost-Preussen, which they had conquered, was to be theirs for ever. Thus the Hapsburg, though guardian17 and head of Germany, was compelled to promise that if Prussia were crushed the Muscovite should advance to the Vistula.
The labours of the diplomatists, from which Frederick283 looked for great gains, had done nothing to change the military situation in his favour. The campaign of 1760 saw once more Ferdinand confronting the French in the West, the Swedes paralysed by their own incompetence18 in Pomerania, Daun striving to reconquer Saxony, Laudon striving to reconquer Silesia, and the Russians, as usual, advancing towards the Oder. But, whereas in 1759 Frederick’s own presence had more than once caused disaster to his armies, in 1760 he became again the hero of the strife19. He was always most formidable when the odds20 against him were heavy, and in 1760 none could doubt that the Prussians were at an overwhelming disadvantage. Even the King regarded the campaign as a gambler’s last throw. Failing extraordinary good fortune, he predicted the collapse21 of Prussia before the autumn.
For the first time in the war the enemy began a campaign on Prussian soil. Laudon invaded Silesia, and the King’s friend, Fouqué, believing himself too weak to hold Landshut, fell back on Breslau. The Silesians protested that they were being abandoned to the mercy of the enemy and Frederick complained that his generals did more mischief22 to him than to the enemy. Under-estimating Laudon’s talent for war, he ordered Fouqué to recover Landshut at once, and promised to come to the rescue in person as soon as he had beaten the enemy in Saxony. Fouqué obeyed, but in Laudon he had an opponent far more active than Daun. His force of less than 11,000 men was soon in as hopeless a plight23 as that of Finck at Maxen. He, too, avenged25 the insults of284 the King by following his orders to the letter, for the more considerate counter-orders which Frederick despatched never reached him. On June 23, 1760, near Landshut, the Prussians maintained a hopeless struggle for seven hours. It is believed that the killed and wounded numbered more than 5000 men. It is certain that only some 1500 cavalry26, perhaps one-seventh of Fouqué’s whole force, succeeded in cutting their way through the enemy.
At Landshut the Prussian regiments27 regained28 by their valour the repute which they had lost at Maxen, where they laid down their arms without a blow. But the fruits of Laudon’s victory were great. Silesia now lay defenceless before the Austrians, and only Prince Henry’s weak force screened it from the advancing Russians. Frederick, though balked29 of a battle, was compelled to leave his work in Saxony undone30 and to transfer the bulk of the Prussian army to the eastern theatre of war. His going was a proof of weakness, but the manner of it paid a signal tribute to his fame. None dared to stand in his way. The Austrians under Lacy were so determined31 to be on the safe side that they left Dresden bare, and Frederick was tempted by the opportunity of a brilliant triumph to turn aside.
He hoped to take the Saxon capital in two or three days, but the defenders32 were stout-hearted beyond his calculation. After he had wasted more than a fortnight before the walls, the news that Glatz had fallen and that Breslau was in danger compelled him to resume the dreary33 tramp towards Silesia. His prestige and his position had suffered alike, and his285 mood was more dejected than ever. Philosophy, he professed34, was his only consolation. Since nothing worse could happen to him than what he looked for, he could have no occasion for disappointment. He was determined to hold fast to duty during the brief space that might still separate him from the abyss. It was no great matter, he told Finckenstein, whether they were crushed a month sooner or a month later. The death of his old servant, Podewils, affected35 him little, for it seemed but a small item in the general ruin of the State.
Thus began the month of August, 1760, in which Frederick and his army dispelled36 by their own valiant37 deeds some of the darkest clouds that hung over Prussia. They were escorted into Silesia, where Soltykoff’s Russians and Laudon’s Austrians awaited them, by the armies of Daun and Lacy, which marched, said the King, like the vanguard and rear-guard of their own force. Thanks to the stout-heartedness of the Prussian general Tauentzien, Laudon had summoned Breslau in vain. Now, however, he effected a junction38 with Daun, and the united Austrian forces outnumbered Frederick by three to one.
At no moment of his long career, not even when he galloped39 from the field of Mollwitz nor when he gathered round him the wreckage40 after Kunersdorf, had the King’s plight seemed so desperate as now. He himself upon whom all depended was in the depths of dejection. He had with him only some 30,000 men, and Kay, Kunersdorf, Maxen, Landshut, Dresden formed an unbroken series of286 disasters. Against him were some 90,000 Austrians, commanded by Daun, to whom his royal mistress had sent the most unequivocal instructions to fight, and by Laudon, to whom military instinct no less clearly dictated41 battle. They barred Frederick’s path both to Breslau and to Schweidnitz, and brought his force to the verge of starvation. Across the Oder the Russians were masters of the land, waiting only for the tidings of victory to pour a new host over bridges which they had already built. To retreat was to abandon Silesia, to stand still was to be starved or crushed, to attack was beyond the imagination even of a Frederick. Prussian officers talked of a new and greater Maxen, and the British ambassador, Mitchell, burned his papers.
PLAN OF LIEGNITZ, AUGUST 15, 1760.
At last Frederick moved. Having learned from a drunken deserter that Daun was planning a surprise, he resolved to march towards the Oder, preferring the neighbourhood of the Russians on the right bank to a situation which had plainly become untenable. On the evening of August 14, 1760, the Prussians stole away from their camp and occupied a strong position to the north-east of Liegnitz. On the western side, where Daun’s attack might be looked for, the ground was admirable for defence. Behind the stream of the Schwarzwasser rises a steep and sudden bank, shaped like a natural bastion. This was manned by the right wing, encamped on a champaign so level that it forms the Liegnitz drill-ground to this day. Further north-east a gentle slope descended42 from the lines of the Prussian left to the little village of Panten and so to the river287 Katzbach. There through the moonlit night the men lay under arms, forbidden to cheer themselves with song, but filled with an expectancy43 that banished44 sleep. The King, who shared all their privations, wrapped himself in his cloak and snatched a brief rest by a watch-fire after satisfying himself that all was ordered aright.
Till dawn the stillness was unbroken. Then in a moment blazed up one of the shortest and most brilliant fights of the whole war. A breathless messenger cried that the enemy—Laudon—was attacking in force on the extreme left. Frederick hurried off to oppose him. Had the attack been made fifteen minutes earlier, he declared, the issue would have been far different. But the Prussians profited much by their stealthy change of camp. Laudon’s march was a part of Daun’s concerted attack upon the position that they had quitted seven hours before. The result of their movement was that Daun hardly reached them, while Laudon, who expected to surprise their baggage, was himself surprised. Marching without a vanguard, he found himself committed to an uphill fight without support from Daun. None the less he attacked with such swing and dash that the Prussian left was well-nigh cut in two, It was saved by the infantry45, who first valiantly46 held Panten and then set it on fire. This checked the Austrian advance and enabled the Prussians to make good use of their position. About an hour and a half after the first onset47 Laudon retired48 across the Katzbach unpursued. The Prussians claimed to have killed or wounded 6000 men288 and captured 4000—a total loss thrice as great as their own. They had thus annihilated49 nearly one-third of Laudon’s force, and—what was even more important—they had rent the net that was closing round them. Daun had appeared in sight of the Prussians only to learn of Laudon’s disaster and to retire. Henceforward it was beyond the power of the Empress to induce her favoured field-marshal to attack.
The moral gain was perhaps the greatest of all the advantages that Frederick derived50 from Liegnitz. “A second edition of Rossbach,” as he called the battle, was the best proof that Prussian valour and leadership and luck had none of them vanished from the earth. The King, who had his coat torn by one ball and his horse wounded by another, ascribed the victory to the favour of fortune and the bravery of his men. No other judge, whether Prussian, Austrian, or Russian, could fail to ascribe a great share in it to the King. The value of this renewal51 of prestige was apparent almost every day that the war had yet to run. However huge the masses of Austrians and Russians might be, they were usually content to watch Frederick at a respectful distance. The initiative was thus often abandoned to the weaker side and the value of Frederick’s army enhanced threefold.
Yet nothing could demonstrate more clearly than their movements after Liegnitz how weak the Prussians were. Frederick’s departure from the field of victory was in truth a flight, but a flight which covered the fugitives52 with glory. Young Lieutenant289 Archenholtz, who was among the victors, tells the astounding53 tale of how
“this army, spent with bloody toil54 and girt by mighty55 hosts, must press on without rest and without delay, and yet must bear with it every gun and man that had been taken and all the wounded as well. These last were packed into meal-wagons and bread-wagons, into carriages and carts, no matter whose they might be. Even the King gave up his. King and generals gave up their led horses to carry the wounded who could ride. The empty meal-wagons were broken up and their horses harnessed to the captured guns. Every horseman and driver must take with him one of the enemy’s muskets56. Nothing was left behind, not a single wounded man, Prussian or Austrian, and at nine o’clock, four hours after the end of the battle, the army with its enormous load was in full march.”
Twelve good miles were covered that day under the August sun. Frederick was still between two armies, each larger than his own. Neither Russians nor Austrians, however, dared attack him and he joined Prince Henry at Breslau without another stroke of sword.
Of his brother Henry, Frederick said at a later date, “There is but one of us that never made a mistake in war.” But the King continually rejected his counsel, though the event proved it to have been wise, and his relations with the Prince often became strained. A brilliant strategist, Henry wished to husband Prussian powder and Prussian blood by man?uvring more and fighting less. The victor of Leuthen, on the other hand, was ready to290 take great risks if he believed that his success would be fatal to the chief army either of the Russians or of the Austrians. “If you engage in small affairs only,” he maintained, “you will always remain mediocre57, but if you engage in ten great undertakings58 and are lucky in no more than two you make your name immortal60.”
Frederick’s habitual61 inclination62 to throw for high stakes was increased by the events of September and October, 1760. His task was to guard the Silesian fortresses64 against Daun, but while he—like the court of Vienna—yearned for a decisive action Berlin fell into the hands of 40,000 Russians and Austrians. The raiders occupied the city for four days and exacted a contribution of two million thalers, but the rumour65 of the King’s approach sufficed to drive them off. Winter was drawing nigh and the Russians vanished as was their wont66. There was thus less need to fear for Silesia, but the enemy still held Saxony, and Saxony was to Frederick a recruiting-ground, a treasure-house, and a home. With added reasons for a battle, but with little assurance of success, he therefore transferred thither67 the seat of war.
“The close of my days is poisoned,” he wrote, “and the evening of my life as hideous68 as its morning. Never will I endure the moment that must force me to make a dishonourable peace. No persuasion69, no eloquence70 can bring me to sign my shame. Either I will bury myself under the ruins of my fatherland, or if this consolation seem too sweet to the Misfortune that pursues me, I will myself put an end to my woes71.... After having291 sacrificed my youth to my Father, and my ripe years to my fatherland, I think I have acquired the right to dispose of my old age as I please.... And so I will finish this campaign, resolved to hazard all and to try the most desperate measures, to conquer or to find a glorious end.”
We who have seen Frederick resign his crown after Kunersdorf are free to believe that he would have taken his life after a new Kolin. His words are in any event highly significant of the view which he took of the limits of his duty to the State, whose course he had steered72 according to his own will for twenty years. Five days after they were written, on November 3, 1760, he did in truth hazard all, and try the most desperate measures. Daun, who had followed him into Saxony, was encamped near Torgau in a position reputed impregnable. He had 50,000 men with an enormous park of artillery73, and whatever his shortcomings in attack, none could impugn74 his talent for defence. Yet Frederick, with 44,000 men, determined to attack, and to attack by one of the most difficult operations in war, a simultaneous onslaught on opposite sides of the enemy’s position. The King himself proposed to lead half the army through the forest, right round the Austrian camp, so as to assail75 it from the north. The other half was to attack from the south under Zieten, the bravest of hussars but the youngest of generals, who had commanded a wing at Liegnitz, but had never handled an army, and who did not know the ground.
It is hardly surprising, with such a plan as this,292 that Torgau, like many battles, was fought not as was designed but as best it might be. The history of the day proved beyond dispute that Frederick had ventured much. The weather, their own errors, and the enemy’s guns ruined the Prussian simultaneous attack. The King’s contingent76 fought a desperate battle. Few of his attendants escaped without a wound. His own life was saved as if by miracle. Three horses were killed under him. A spent ball struck him senseless, but his pelisse saved him from serious hurt. He rallied both himself and his men, but when evening came the Austrians had the advantage. Daun felt that he might safely leave the field to dress a wound and send news of victory to Vienna.
Then, in the last hour of the fight, something like a simultaneous attack was carried out and it succeeded. After long indecision, Zieten stormed the southern heights with desperate courage and the confused struggle was taken up a third time by the King’s forces on the north. By eight o’clock, thirteen hours after the Prussians had left camp, the Austrian resistance was at an end. Ere midnight Daun was fleeing across the Elbe, while Frederick, seated on the altar-step of a village church, scribbled77 a note to Finckenstein, promising78 to send details of the victory next day.
PLAN OF TORGAU, NOVEMBER 3, 1760.
Before dawn, he was once more among his troops riding through the lines and embracing Zieten. At Torgau he had frustrated79 the Austrian reconquest of Saxony and reduced their forces by some 16,000 men. But when his own loss came to be counted293 he strictly80 forbade his adjutants to reveal the sum. Torgau was the bloodiest81 battle of the war and the Prussians had suffered most. Their casualties exceeded by nearly one thousand those of the beaten side.
In spite of Liegnitz and Torgau the campaign of 1760 seemed to have changed Frederick’s situation but little. Dresden was still beyond his reach, but he was able to spend a pleasant winter at Leipzig, surrounded by books and men of letters. Diplomacy82, as before, promised much and performed little, but drilling and recruiting went on without pause. Although the quality of the Prussian army could not but deteriorate83, the numbers were astonishingly maintained. Commissions were given to mere11 lads, freebooters were welcomed, and the lands of the lesser84 German princes were scoured85 for men, till in the spring of 1761 a hundred thousand soldiers were ready to take the field. To furnish the necessary funds no new taxes were laid upon the Prussians, but Frederick issued great quantities of base coin and Saxony, where the Austrians might otherwise have found support, was harried86 to the verge of devastation87.
It was believed at Vienna that Frederick would resort to his plan of the preceding year by pitting himself against the army which covered Dresden. The Empress therefore implored88 Daun once more to take command. He consented, but only on the astounding condition that he should not be expected to make conquests. Then the King of Prussia transferred himself to Silesia, which became the principal294 scene of the events of 1761, perhaps the dreariest89 of all campaigns.
For the third year in succession it was beyond the power of the Prussians to prevent the armies of the Empress and Czarina from joining hands in Silesia. The King would have risked a battle against either, but battle was not vouchsafed90 him. Yet in face of an enemy who outnumbered his 55,000 men by more than two to one he had still a weapon at his disposal and it proved effectual. The bold offensive of his earlier campaigns had perforce given place to defensive91 action only. Although Ferdinand still gloriously held his own against the French, Frederick knew that he himself was too weak to meet the combined Austrian and Russian army in the field. He therefore entrenched92 himself and defied the allies either to destroy him where he stood or to make lasting93 conquests while his army remained undestroyed.
For five weeks, till near the end of September, he thus inhabited the famous camp of Bunzelwitz, resting upon Schweidnitz, the key of Lower Silesia. Then, deeming the danger past, he moved southward to seek fresh supplies. His absence woke the foe94 to life and the campaign closed with disaster. On October 1, 1761, Laudon astonished Europe by storming Schweidnitz. A second reverse followed. Before the year was out the Russians were masters of Colberg, the Baltic gate of Prussian Pomerania. For the first time, therefore, the armies of the enemy could winter on Prussian soil. A huge crescent of foes95, French, Imperialists, Austrians, Russians,295 Swedes, was at last enfolding Prussia. When spring came would they not surely stifle96 her?
Frederick, moping through the winter at Breslau, declared once more that Fortune alone could save him. He likened himself to a fiddler from whose instrument men tore away the strings97 one by one till all were gone and still demanded music. Once more he declared that philosophy alone could console him in his “pilgrimage through this hell called the world.” “I save myself,” he wrote, “by viewing the world as though from a distant planet. Then everything seems infinitely98 small, and I pity my enemies for giving themselves so much trouble about such a trifle.” Yet he never ceased to recruit, to drill, and to make plans for the glorious offensive campaign that he hoped to engage in with the aid of the Tartars and the Turks.
In December, 1761, he professed indifference99 to the course of events in England, though two months earlier his champion Pitt had given place to men who preferred the Austrian alliance to the Prussian, and who desired that separate peace with France which Pitt had rejected in 1758. The treaty then made between England and Prussia forbade either to make peace without the other till April 11th of the following year. In 1759, 1760, and 1761 this compact had been renewed. Now, however, Newcastle and Bute began to clamour for what Pitt had ventured only to suggest—that Frederick should purchase peace by some concession100 conformable to the course of the Continental101 war. The Prussian envoys102 in London dared to advise their sovereign296 to comply. He answered that they were in nowise permitted to give him such foolish and impertinent counsel. “Your father,” he wrote to one of them, though the charge was baseless, “took bribes105 from France and England; has he bequeathed the habit to you?”
Frederick’s inflexible106 resolve to make no concession was by no means the same as a resolve to make no bargain. He often played with the fancy that Saxony or a part of it might be left in his hands at the peace. For this he would gladly surrender any or all of his outlying provinces. But he would rather forfeit107 the English subsidy108 and jeopardise the very existence of the Prussian State than sue for the peace which Kaunitz was more than willing to conclude on terms of moderate profit for the allies. Two weighty reasons of policy increased his determination. The labours of the winter once again filled the ranks and the war-chest of Prussia. And Fortune, of whom the King said that she alone could extricate109 him, now gave with one hand more than she took away with the other. At the moment when England left him, Russia ranged herself at his side.
The cause of this marvellous revolution was the accident that the Czarina died early in January, 1762, and that her nephew and successor, Peter III., was a worshipper of the King of Prussia. Elizabeth had lived in debauchery and left upwards110 of 15,000 dresses to bear witness to her luxurious111 tastes. It is possible that her chief motive112 in attacking Frederick was a desire to chastise113 the man who had297 spoken ill of her. But there can be no doubt that her policy was suited to the interests of the State. It was argued at a later date that her alliance with the Queen had cost Russia countless114 lives and sixty millions of money. But in 1762 it had already procured115 Ost-Preussen and part of Pomerania, and there seemed to be good hope that Prussia, the only Power which could prevent a vast extension of Russian influence in Poland, would be permanently116 crippled. If the allies dared not attack the King of Prussia, they were at least in a fair way to exhaust his strength.
In a moment, however, the rash young Holsteiner who now wielded117 the sceptre of his great namesake, Peter, flung away all that his troops had purchased with their blood in five campaigns—at Gross-J?gersdorf, Zorndorf, Kay, Kunersdorf, and Colberg. In the first hours of his reign104 he ordered his army to take no step in advance. Before January was over, Frederick knew that peace with Russia was assured. The Czar’s one desire seemed to be to gratify his brother of Prussia. He craved118 investiture with the order of the Black Eagle, and declared that he would stand by while Turks and Tartars attacked the Austrian dominions119. He resigned the Russian conquests without indemnity120, undertook to promote peace with Sweden, and even offered Frederick his alliance. Influenced by his withdrawal121, the Swedes came to terms of their own accord and concluded the Peace of Hamburg (May 22, 1762), which re-established the conditions of 1720. Frederick could therefore face the remnants of the coalition without anxiety298 for his rear. From Ost-Preussen he now drew 15,000 men. By undertaking59 to assist Peter in his schemes for winning back the lands which the House of Holstein had lost to Denmark forty years before, he secured the immediate122 help of 20,000 Russians.
The situation was so completely transformed since the days when Frederick lay motionless at Bunzelwitz that in 1762 he determined once more to take the aggressive. His first aim must be the recovery of Schweidnitz. This could only be accomplished123 by inducing Daun to give battle, for his army, which had encamped near the fortress63, was now playing the part that had fallen to the Prussians in the previous year. While the man?uvres were pursuing their tedious course the news arrived that Peter III. had been deposed124. His wife, the German princess Catherine II., who was thus placed in power, at once recalled the 20,000 Russians from Silesia. Frederick, however, calculating on the influence which their presence would exercise upon the mind of Daun, persuaded their commander to conceal125 the order and to remain a few days longer as a spectator of the war. Then on July 21, 1762, the Prussians surprised Daun’s right wing and gained a clever victory at Burkersdorf. At a sacrifice of some 1600 men they reduced the enemy’s force by nearly 10,000, and the retreat of the Austrians enabled them to begin the siege of Schweidnitz.
Thenceforward it was plain that the dragging war would lead to no decisive issue. Frederick was so sure of his cause that he had already sent a commissioner126 to examine the civil needs of Pomerania. But299 he could only undertake formidable aggressive movements if the Turks and Tartars rose, and once again they disappointed his hopes. Instead of new combatants joining in the fray127 the old ones were quitting it. Bute was eager to take the step which Pitt had scorned to take in 1760. Before the year was out France and England signed the preliminaries which were embodied128 in the Peace of Paris in February, 1763. Immediately after Burkersdorf, the Russians withdrew and it was not to be expected that the Austrians and Imperialists could accomplish by themselves a task which had baffled the unbroken coalition. Daun, indeed, attempted to avenge24 Burkersdorf by a counter-surprise. He failed and in October, 1762, Schweidnitz fell. Before the month was over Prince Henry, who was conducting the campaign in Saxony, gained a great victory over the Imperialist army at Freiberg. The campaign closed with an armistice129 between Frederick and the Austrians and a series of Prussian forays against the hostile princes of the Empire.
At last the Queen realised that she had failed. She promptly130 determined not to prolong a struggle which could only add to the misery131 of mankind. So vast a legacy132 of hate had, however, been left by the war that it was difficult to find a single Power whose good offices both sides could accept with a view to peace. The Queen therefore brought herself to approach “the wicked man” direct and sent an envoy103 to the King of Prussia. For nearly seven weeks negotiations133 went on at Hubertusburg, a castle of the unfortunate Saxon monarch134. Frederick300 showed himself pliant135 in matters of etiquette136 and unbending where any practical advantage was at stake. He was willing to gratify Hapsburg pride by sending his envoy more than half-way to meet the envoy of the Queen, by allowing her name to precede his in the documents, and by promising to further the election of her son Joseph as Emperor. But he insisted on the restoration of Glatz by the Austrians, and on the payment by the Saxons of his grinding taxes up to the very eve of peace.
On February 15, 1763, the Peace of Hubertusburg was signed. After seven campaigns and an incalculable loss of blood and treasure, Austria and Prussia agreed to return to their situation before the outbreak of the war.
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braced
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| adj.拉牢的v.支住( brace的过去式和过去分词 )；撑牢；使自己站稳；振作起来 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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adroitness
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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flinched
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| v.（因危险和痛苦）退缩，畏惧( flinch的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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taunt
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| n.辱骂，嘲弄；v.嘲弄 | |
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inflexibly
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| adv.不屈曲地，不屈地 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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29
balked
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| v.畏缩不前，犹豫( balk的过去式和过去分词 )；（指马）不肯跑 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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33
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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36
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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38
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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39
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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40
wreckage
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| n.（失事飞机等的）残骸，破坏，毁坏 | |
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41
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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42
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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43
expectancy
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| n.期望，预期，（根据概率统计求得）预期数额 | |
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44
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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46
valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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47
onset
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| n.进攻，袭击，开始，突然开始 | |
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48
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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49
annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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50
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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51
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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52
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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53
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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54
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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56
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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57
mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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58
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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59
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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60
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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61
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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62
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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63
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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64
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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65
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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66
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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67
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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68
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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69
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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70
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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71
woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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72
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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73
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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74
impugn
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| v.指责，对…表示怀疑 | |
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75
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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76
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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77
scribbled
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| v.潦草的书写( scribble的过去式和过去分词 )；乱画；草草地写；匆匆记下 | |
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78
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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79
frustrated
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| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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80
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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81
bloodiest
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| adj.血污的( bloody的最高级 )；流血的；屠杀的；残忍的 | |
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82
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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83
deteriorate
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| v.变坏；恶化；退化 | |
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84
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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85
scoured
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| 走遍（某地）搜寻（人或物）( scour的过去式和过去分词 )； （用力）刷； 擦净； 擦亮 | |
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86
harried
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| v.使苦恼( harry的过去式和过去分词 )；不断烦扰；一再袭击；侵扰 | |
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87
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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88
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89
dreariest
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| 使人闷闷不乐或沮丧的( dreary的最高级 )； 阴沉的； 令人厌烦的； 单调的 | |
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90
vouchsafed
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 )；允诺 | |
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91
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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92
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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93
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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94
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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95
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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96
stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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97
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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98
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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99
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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100
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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101
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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102
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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103
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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104
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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105
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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106
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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107
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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108
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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109
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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110
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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111
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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112
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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113
chastise
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| vt.责骂，严惩 | |
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114
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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115
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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116
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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117
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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118
craved
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| 渴望，热望( crave的过去式 )； 恳求，请求 | |
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119
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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120
indemnity
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| n.赔偿，赔款，补偿金 | |
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121
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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122
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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123
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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124
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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125
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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126
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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127
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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128
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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129
armistice
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| n.休战，停战协定 | |
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130
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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131
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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132
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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133
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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134
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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135
pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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136
etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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