Or wise, but with the passion Self obscures;
Through that old devil of the thousand lures1,
Through that dense2 hood3:
Through terror, through distrust;
The greed to touch, to view, to have, to live:
Through all that makes of him a sensitive
Abhorring4 dust.”
George Meredith.
In the last chapter the question was put whether women are intellectually and morally inferior to men, and the conclusion was that this was a question incapable5 of solution, certainly now, and probably always; furthermore, that, even if it were answered in the affirmative, this would be no reason for denying to women opportunities for their fullest development. We now come to another sort of superiority, which is capable of proof, which has been proved to demonstration6 and which of itself accounts perfectly7 for the subjection of women during the ages of human development in the past. This is, of course, the superiority of men as a whole, over women as a whole, in size, weight and muscle.[32] It seems doubtful whether, among races where women have the same physical discipline as men, they are any less enduring of fatigue8, and there are some hardships, such as shortage of food, broken nights and severe pain, which women seem better adapted to bear than men. Again, of men and women engaged in the same employment, such as the teaching profession—in which no one can say that women have the lighter9 task, for which women are much less highly paid, and which very rarely represents the whole of the work the woman teacher is expected to get through in the day—the women live longer than the men. The superiority of the male over the female in size, weight and muscle seems the only one established beyond doubt, and as this superiority is seen in most of the animals, there is a strong presumption10 that it is not entirely11 due to artificial conditions of feeding, exercise and so forth12. The extraordinary increase in the average size of British girls during the last hundred or even fifty years shows, however, that semi-starvation, lack of exercise and of the nervous energy which comes from hope and a purpose in life, were the purely13 artificial causes of the extreme weakness of the weaker sex during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The experiments that have been made in the reaction-time and relative sensibility of boys and girls, suffer from the circumstance that the subjects experimented upon could not be scientifically treated, and all that the experiments prove is that boys, often fed and always reared[33] differently from girls, showed slightly quicker reaction-time, and, in a few cases, slightly more developed sensibility. Anyone who has begun to realise the extremely complex causes of good and bad nutrition and its close dependence14 on mental states will put himself the question whether the confined, thwarted15, and monotonous16 lives of girls have not counted for very much in the imperfect nutrition of their nerves and therefore in their lack of initiative and response.
But now, of this undoubted muscular superiority of men. What has it led to? In early stages of civilisation17, Might was Right. A man took what he could and kept it if he could. Nations and governments were founded on the same principle of self-protection and self-aggrandisement, and empires followed. Women did not escape this law of the strongest. In addition to what seems a congenital muscular inferiority, women had the enormous handicap (for fighting purposes) of motherhood. The nine months of gestation18 and the succeeding period of nourishing and cherishing the infant were, and are, and always will be sufficient reason why women cannot successfully resist men by force. Not infrequently have I heard women, and much more frequently men, say on public platforms that it is not true that women cannot fight; that some women are stronger than some men, and that women are only prevented by men from enrolling19 in the army and defending their country. This always seems to me the silliest stuff. How could men prevent[34] women from fighting if women wanted to fight and were as strong as men? If women were as strong as men and as fond of using their strength in fight, and if they desired their enfranchisement20, how is it that they have not fought for it and won it long ago? But the women’s battle is a far harder one: it is to induce men to give up the primary impulses of animal nature at the command of reason and knowledge; to refrain from taking what they can take, from commanding where they can enforce obedience21. And this is a battle which was begun ages ago, and in every age has had its victories,—victories due, not to the pitting of physical force against physical force, but, first, to man’s deep need of woman, which prevented him from destroying her, as he destroyed all other weaker creatures when he had no use for them, and, second, to the mutual22 love of man and woman and their common bond in the child. Physical force is a great and vastly important part of the forces wielded23 by man, but it never has been the only one, and it is increasingly being brought under the dominion24 and guidance of other forces. Women, too, have their physical force, without which the race would be extinguished; and, in the last resort, if we could imagine the brutality25 of man contemplating26 a war à outrance against women, their strength would be found to lie, not in the fact that they could conquer men in a physical conflict, but that they could die. For those who can only read what is explicit27, I hasten to add that I do not believe such a state[35] of things could ever arise, although, in a state of war, men show themselves by no means incapable of exterminating28 the enemy’s women.
If we find some of the women’s champions a little hazy29 on this matter, their confusion is as nothing, however, to the muddle-headedness of some of the reactionaries30. I have heard one and the same champion of anti-suffragism (calling himself a Churchman, too) speak of the dominance of physical force as a “regrettable fact,” do lip-service to the gospel of Jesus, and add that he feared the world was not ready for it yet and probably never would be, and follow this up by the much more fervent31 and heartfelt declaration that it was “only just and right that men, who alone can enforce the law, should make the law.” Now, if it is right and just that physical force should rule, undirected by moral force, it is not a regrettable fact, and we need not seek to alter it. But this is not what anyone really means. Everyone admits that laws should be based upon justice and equity32, and that they have no stability if this moral sanction is entirely lacking. Anti-suffragists say that suffragists deny the dominance, sometimes even the very existence of physical force. This is not so. We think, on the contrary, that it is too dominant33 and that man is sufficiently34 reasonable to see this, when, as is now happening all over the world, women show that they are not consenting parties to such domination. Mr. Norman Angell has pointed35 out that the modern pacifist does not deny that nations can wage wars;[36] what he says is that war, at the present time, and between civilised countries, is “bad business.” I do not deny that most men could knock most women down; I say it would be bad business to use this power, and I believe that most civilised men would agree that it would be bad business, that they have no desire to rule women in this way, and that society will be much healthier and happier when men as a whole abandon the practice altogether. And the anti-suffragists who make such statements about men have so low an opinion of them that I am ashamed for them.
Another frequent absurdity36 of anti-suffrage argument is the assertion that we wish to destroy physical force, and that if we succeed, we shall become the easy prey37 of other less foolish nations. Now, to wish that physical force shall be controlled by knowledge, intelligence and right is not to desire its destruction; on the contrary. There is no enemy of health and vigour38 so subtle and so strong as ignorance and incontinence. It is not love and kindness, temperance, soberness and chastity which sap a nation’s strength and make its young men to fail when tested; it is ignorance, or disregard of nature’s laws, the sweating and overcrowding of millions, the slackness and self-indulgence of those whom their more fortunate conditions should have made leaders of men. It is to the interest of men that women should do their work well, and under the dominion of physical force, of fear and compulsion, women can never do their best work.
[37]
Women are making great claims: they are not only claiming that the men of their own land shall not govern them by physical force alone, but they are making what, to some quite honest people, seems an outrageous39 claim,—that they should have a right to an equal share with men in deciding foreign policy and the question of war. They claim this right, because they believe that it would be for the good of the State, and because they think the State owes it to them because they are citizens and not parasites40; because they are doing an absolutely indispensable work and making sacrifices which are at least equal to the sacrifices men make for the safety, honour and welfare of the State. Let us examine into the grounds of this plea.
At an open-air meeting a man approached the speaker with what he evidently regarded as a poser: “If you get a man’s rights, will you women fulfil a man’s responsibilities?” It was a good question to ask at an open-air meeting, where close reasoning is almost impossible, and the answer, “No,” brought a sneering41, “Ah, I thought not!” and a round of applause from the youths round the cart, who didn’t look as if they had thought much about even a lad’s responsibilities. The heckler was, of course, begging the question. By talking of “a man’s rights” he did not merely mean the rights which a man can now by law exercise; he implied that a man held these rights by virtue42 of certain services rendered by him, and that, if women claimed these same rights, they must be prepared to render these[38] same services. I will deal in a subsequent chapter with the question whether, as a matter of fact, voting rights are, in modern England, dependent upon the military service or upon the physical force of the men who exercise them. For the moment I wish to discuss the ethical43 and social consequences of asserting that only one kind of service entitles a person to liberty, and that service being the taking of life, women, whose service consists in the giving of life, are not entitled to liberty. “A man’s responsibilities!” Let us take them at their very hardest. Let us contemplate44 the ideal world of the anti-suffragist, where man goes out daily to his toil45 in the cruel world—
“commits his body
To painful labour, both by sea and land,
To watch the night in storms, the day in cold,”
while woman lies “warm at home, secure and safe.” He, if fighting is to be done, fights for home and country; she has no more arduous46 part than to weep, while he is away, and welcome home the victor. But stay! This version of affairs always assumes that the man is the victor. Have not the vanquished47 wives, too? Study the picture of any war, even the most modern and the most “civilised.” Are the women of the vanquished, the invaded country, “secure and safe”? From the tale of the Trojan women to the latest reports of Bulgarian or Servian atrocities48, we find all truthful49 records give the lie to this rosy50 picture. Men who go to war have the honour and the glory, the[39] bands and the banners, the stars and medals and monuments and maybe the glorious death. Women die, and see their babies die, but theirs is no glory; nothing but horror and shame unspeakable, the slaying51 of those for whom they willingly risked their lives, when they brought them into the world, the destruction of all that is most precious to them. When men go to war, who remain behind to administer affairs, to be father and mother in one? When the men are killed, are their “responsibilities” killed with them? When the flower of manhood is destroyed, who are worthy52 to be the mates of the women and beget53 the men of the future?
“The children are tying the sheaves, the women winnow54 the ear,
The children are plucking the grapes, the women yoking55 the steer56,
Doing men’s tasks, and thinking men’s thoughts, with no time for a tear.”
These are only some few of the questions that surge up in a woman’s mind when men talk as if war concerned men only. But after all, in a modern civilised state, is war the only thing that counts? Is soldiering the only national service? Mr. Kipling’s grandiloquent57 phrase about woman’s hindering hand on the warrior’s bridle58 rein59 makes men and women who are mentally alive smile at its ludicrous inappropriateness to the greater part of life as we live it. And if we admit that, fighting being a man’s business, the details of how best to fight are properly left to men to determine, can we[40] refuse to admit that, child-bearing and rearing being a woman’s business, the details of how to bear and rear children are properly left to women to determine? And if the amount of freedom persons possess depends on the amount of service they render to the State (a principle which, as I have shown in Chapter II., I do not admit), how can anyone say that the service of killing60 the enemy in offensive or defensive61 war is a greater service than the provision of the human material for killing or being killed by the enemy? Suffering and sacrifice are immeasurable things, and it would be a bold man who would assert that the sufferings and sacrifices of men in warfare62 were, in modern states, equal to those of women in the giving and nurture63 of life. Indeed, this discussion, like so many others raised by people finding reasons for clinging to the past, is about as futile64 as the discussion which of two millstones grinds most corn. Yet one parting recommendation I would like to offer, before leaving this particular aspect. It is to advise the reactionaries that they would be on safer ground if they shifted man’s claim to superiority from his military to his economic qualifications. For we can conceive, and an increasing number of people are contemplating with eager hope, a world in the far-off future that will not contain one soldier; but no one anticipates that this world will ever arrive at a state in which there will be no mothers.
In conclusion, I wish to disclaim65 altogether the kind of assumption that one frequently finds implicit[41] in much of the feminist66 talk of the present day—the assumption that men have been the barbarians67 who loved physical force, and that women alone were civilised and civilising. There are no signs of this in literature or history. If men have enjoyed fighting, and gloried in bloodshed, as many still do, that is because their blood was hot within them, and the women of their age and race loved them for it. The experiences of men and women have each made for civilisation, and women have not the man’s obvious temptation with fists to try conclusions, since they are for the most part foregone conclusions. If motherhood has been for much in the education of the race, so have science and the love of the arts and beauty. Agriculture, manufacture, commerce, even finance have engaged men’s hearts, and more often than not turned them from war. War is waste and the women’s movement may be taken as the type of all the great conflicts there have been between coercion68 and development, bullying69 and understanding, love and hate. What has been good in war has been the life-forces, the energy, the joy that men have put into it. They are finding other conflicts than those with their fellow-men, into which they can put these forces, and the women’s movement, in part the cause, is also in great measure the effect of the disappearance70 of barbarism.
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1
lures
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| 吸引力，魅力（lure的复数形式） | |
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2
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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3
hood
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| n.头巾，兜帽，覆盖；v.罩上，以头巾覆盖 | |
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4
abhorring
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| v.憎恶( abhor的现在分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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5
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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6
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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7
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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8
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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9
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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10
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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11
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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12
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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13
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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14
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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15
thwarted
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| 阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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16
monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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17
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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18
gestation
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| n.怀孕；酝酿 | |
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19
enrolling
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| v.招收( enrol的现在分词 )；吸收；入学；加入；[亦作enrol]( enroll的现在分词 )；登记，招收，使入伍（或入会、入学等），参加，成为成员；记入名册；卷起，包起 | |
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20
enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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21
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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22
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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23
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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24
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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25
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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26
contemplating
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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27
explicit
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| adj.详述的，明确的；坦率的；显然的 | |
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28
exterminating
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的现在分词 ) | |
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29
hazy
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| adj.有薄雾的，朦胧的；不肯定的，模糊的 | |
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30
reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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31
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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32
equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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33
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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34
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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35
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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36
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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37
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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38
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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39
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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40
parasites
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| 寄生物( parasite的名词复数 )； 靠他人为生的人； 诸虫 | |
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41
sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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42
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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43
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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44
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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45
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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46
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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47
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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48
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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49
truthful
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| adj.真实的，说实话的，诚实的 | |
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50
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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51
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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52
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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53
beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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54
winnow
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| v．把（谷物）的杂质吹掉，扬去 | |
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55
yoking
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| 配轭，矿区的分界 | |
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56
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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57
grandiloquent
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| adj.夸张的 | |
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58
bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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59
rein
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| n.疆绳，统治，支配；vt.以僵绳控制，统治 | |
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60
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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61
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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62
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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63
nurture
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| n.养育，照顾，教育；滋养，营养品；vt.养育，给与营养物，教养，扶持 | |
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64
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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65
disclaim
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| v.放弃权利，拒绝承认 | |
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66
feminist
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| adj.主张男女平等的，女权主义的 | |
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67
barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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68
coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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69
bullying
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| v.恐吓，威逼( bully的现在分词 )；豪；跋扈 | |
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disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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