Reference has been made to the half-heartedness of the school of physical force. While asserting loudly that physical force rules and always will rule the world, these people become very indignant if they are accused of immorality2, or even of unmorality. Few have the moral courage to declare themselves unmoral, and the physical force apologists for the domination of man over woman always proceed to argue that this domination is not merely a “regrettable fact,” but is all for the best. They argue that men as well as women possess a moral nature (which is undeniable), and that they will direct their physical force in accordance with their moral nature, which is, in public affairs, superior to that of women. I[43] have already touched upon the lack of foundation for this assertion of superiority. There is too little ascertained3 fact and far too much speculation4 and assertion on this point. Mr. Frederic Harrison (whose connection with Positivism has done little to modify his profoundly unscientific temperament) has published some essays on the women’s movement, in which he picks out certain ugly characteristics common to humanity and attributes them to women only. He professes5 such a respect for women, such admiration6 for their moral, spiritual and even intellectual qualities, that one really wonders how it comes that he thinks it necessary to scold them so much. He sees them acting7 in politics with “that spite and untruthfulness which is too often the failing of some good women,” showing “a rancour, an injustice8 towards persons, a bitterness of temper, which cause them to fling away common sense, fairness, truth and even decency9.” Dear, dear! How bad these good women are, and who would have supposed that this passage was written by a philosopher who holds that women are, “as a sex,” morally superior to men? One would have supposed that to have accused good women of lying, spite, folly10, injustice, rancour and indecency was not to leave much over to hurl11 at the bad ones. But he proceeds to say that it is woman’s very possession of higher qualities which makes her political judgments12 “untrustworthy and unstable14.” One seems to have heard something very like this in the course of the Dreyfus[44] case, when it became a reproach to be “intellectual.” But if these are the characteristics of women, according to Mr. Harrison, we may smile to see how he gives himself away, unintentionally, when he comes to those of men. He has just been alluding15 to the “fair, impartial16 temper” with which men “habitually weigh all sides of a question,” and declaring that “all political questions and all parliamentary elections really turn, or ought to turn, on nicely balanced judgments”; yet when he comes to anticipate what would be the effect of women’s enfranchisement17 upon the judicial20 mind, the fair impartial temper of men, he declares that it would weaken men’s respect for women’s opinion and even their respect for women: “The women’s vote would always be actually or possibly on the wrong side.” (Italics mine.) The conversation of the wolf with the lamb in La Fontaine’s fable21 is an admirable expression of this state of mind, but to call it “fair and impartial” throws a queer light on Mr. Harrison’s own particular quality of male mind. He alludes22 pathetically to the sufferings men have endured at the hands of women when men have felt it their duty to oppose something women desired. It is a pity when rancour and spite manifest themselves, but have women never suffered at the hands of men? How about the witch trials? Did men make the path of Joan of Arc, of Josephine Butler, of Doctor Jex-Blake, even of Florence Nightingale a path of roses? Are not suffragists even now having all sorts of preposterous[45] views and disastrous23 vices24 attributed to them? And is there one of us that has not been pelted25 with mud and refuse from the hands of a man (save the mark)? One murmurs26 “Marconi,” one glances at the Balkans, and wonders if women could really improve on the language that has been used by men of each other in political controversy27.
We have had enough of this irrelevant28 talk about the inferiority of women. Do we replace it by equally foolish assertions of the inferiority of men? Not a bit of it. We base the women’s demand for a share in government on precisely29 the same grounds as those on which men have based their demands. The difficulties we all find in acting for others are, broadly speaking, of two kinds. There is the difficulty of understanding the lives of others as completely as we understand our own, and there is the fact that our own affairs have a motive30 force which the affairs of others have not. Only people desperately31 driven to excuse themselves could pretend that men, any more than women, are unaffected by these difficulties, and Professor Dicey, whose unsentimental mind revolts from cant32, has frankly33 admitted as much. “Under a representative government,” he writes,[3] “any considerable body of persons who are not represented in Parliament is exposed, at best, to neglect. In a country such as England the views of the unrepresented are overlooked far less through selfishness than through the stupidity[46] or preoccupation of the voters and their representatives.… Nor can any impartial critic maintain that, even at the present day, the desires of women, about matters in which they are vitally concerned, obtain from Parliament all the attention they deserve.… Despotism is none the less trying because it may be dictated34 by philanthropy, and the benevolence35 of workmen which protects women from overwork is not quite above suspicion when it coincides with the desire of artisans to protect themselves from female competition.” No suffragist could put the argument better than this candid36 anti-suffragist.
How is it possible for a man to assert that he knows what a woman feels and wants as well as she herself? He would have to be more than man! Even women, who spend their lives in studying men, do not make the claim that they can feel a man’s passions as he can; and, in another mood, the man who claims to be the arbiter37 of a woman’s life will rail at her incomprehensible and fickle38 nature. “But women have tongues and know only too well how to use them! We may consult with women and be advised by them,” say the reactionaries39. “Yes. And also you may not,” is the reply. Professor Dicey makes much of the distinction between civil, as distinct from political, rights. He speaks of reconciling his “enthusiasm for everything which promotes the personal freedom and education of women with the strenuous40 denial to them of any share in sovereign power.” But the male electorate41 is not all so enlightened as Professor Dicey, and[47] civil rights depend upon political rights. Men less intelligent, less sympathetic than Professor Dicey are absorbed in their own affairs, and women have had to fight and are still having to fight for every miserable42 concession43 in personal freedom and education (and in such fights Professor Dicey has often been on the women’s side), and they have no security that they will be allowed to hold what they have won. Successive Local Government Acts have shown plainly how men will almost unconsciously sweep away the rights of women when their minds are concentrated on some reform for which men care. The Married Women’s Property and the Custody44 of Children Acts repealed45 cruel and unjust disabilities which had been imposed by men upon women. Are we to suppose that all injustices46 are of the past, and that from henceforth for evermore men will feel like women?
Besides the difference in relative values which men and women place upon things, and the vast gulf47 that there is between actually experiencing and only listening to an experience, there is the fact that even when people know what is right, they do not always do it without some external pressure, whether of public opinion, legal rights or political power. In truth, the reactionaries are too thin-skinned when they wail48 about the sex-antagonism of women who frankly declare this weakness in men. If we asserted it of men only they would have some right to complain. But we do not. The very existence of customs and laws and governments[48] proves that men believe humanity needs these motives49 in addition to moral ones, and, unless you are an anarchist50, you must agree that they do. When men get altogether away from women they forget women. It is natural. Therefore women, who suffer from being forgotten when their lives are at stake, require that men shall not in future be able to get altogether away from them when they are employed in governing them, as they do now in Parliament. Mr. Harrison gives us an interesting and touching51 little bit of information when he says, “To speak the truth, I only know one woman whom I would always trust to come to a right decision”; but this fact has really no general interest or value, and even if women did not, on the whole, represent the views of Mr. Harrison, this would not prevent them from representing their own, which is what matters in representative government. Mr. Harrison becomes appealing when he says, “Now I say frankly that I do not trust the average woman to decide these complex issues”; because that is just how we feel! We do not trust the average man to decide these complex issues. A fellow feeling makes us wondrous52 kind, and perhaps when Mr. Harrison has grasped this feeling of ours, he will see that the proper thing is for neither man nor woman to attempt to decide these complex issues alone.
We have only to consider the very different lives women lead, leaving out of account the debatable differences in nature, to see how impossible it is[49] for a man to look on life with a woman’s eyes. To begin with, as long as he insists on being absolute master, there is the unbridgeable gulf between those who command and those who obey, and the tendency of this “division of labour” (as the reactionaries humorously call it) to result in making men conceive it is theirs to think and act and woman’s to feel. “Men must work and women must weep” is perhaps the most fatuous53 expression in all literature of this attitude. Men are rich and women are poor. Men are employers and women are employed. Wage-earning men think mainly of wages, women are more concerned with prices. Men enjoy fighting for its own sake, women only suffer from fighting. Men’s part in parentage involves only the satisfaction of passion and appetite; women’s part may involve these, but it also involves much suffering and long care. It follows from the apportionment of men’s and women’s work and interests that in the main men will be more concerned for property and women more concerned for the person, and our laws and administration amply bear this out. It follows also that men will spend money upon the things they care most about, and starve the things they care less about. We see millions lavished54 on war and destruction, on monuments of stone and iron, on pomp and circumstance: we see health wasted, human creatures neglected, education slighted. The titles and the honours go to those who make money and take life. “Things are[50] in the saddle,” says Emerson, “and ride mankind.”
Those who defend the male franchise19 declare confidently that in England “the family is the unit,” and that the voter casts his vote after a balanced judgment13 of the interests of the family as a whole. This is, of course, entirely55 without foundation. The vote is not given to the family when the head of the family happens to be a woman; the vote is not refused to a man when he has no family; several votes are given to one man, although legally he cannot have several families. So that, even if, for the sake of argument, we allow that husband and wife are one, and that one is the husband, we still have a very large number of votes which represent men only, and those men bachelors. The evils of this in such a country as England are patent; in such a country as South Africa they are greater still. There the bachelor vote is unstable and indifferent to the permanent interests of the people, for the adventurous56 bachelor comes for what he can find, to make money, not a home; to take his pleasure where he can find it, among the women of an alien race, and leave in his track the degradation57 of sexual ethics58, the embitterment59 of racial hatred60, the burden of a fatherless race of half-breeds. All these ills fall upon the voteless women of South Africa, and are felt in their rebound61 by the English women at home.
The possession, by the people, of the parliamentary vote does not make a democracy. Many[51] other things are necessary for that. But the vote is a piece of the machinery62 of democracy without which it cannot work, and it is lamentable63 to hear men who call themselves Liberals, and who use all the old catchwords of the democratic party, refusing to apply their Liberalism to women and bringing against the enfranchisement of women all the ragged64 old arguments which used to be brought against men’s enfranchisement and which are ragged from the shot wherewith the old reformers riddled65 them. “Men know better than women what is good for women!” Yes, and the slave-owner knew what was good for his slaves; and the employer knew what was good for his employees; and the landlord knew what was good for his tenants67! But the slave and the employee and the tenant66 did not think so then, and no one dares say so now. The women’s day is coming too, and the people of the future will deride68 those Liberals of the early twentieth century who talked of the Will of the People and forgot the mothers; who boasted of their intention to enfranchise18 every person “of full age and competent understanding” and left out half the people; who declared that “citizenship” should be the basis of voting rights and denied these rights to all women, thereby69 admitting (what the women had been rebuked70 for asserting) that Britons, when they happened to be female Britons, were slaves. No external defeats could have so sapped the prestige of the political Liberal party as the fact that it failed altogether,[52] as a party, to recognise the force and the progressive idealism of the women’s movement. There is now in England no movement that can compare in vigour71, intelligence and devotion with the women’s movement. When the Liberal party acknowledges this and identifies itself with the movement, it will once more step into the line of progress; until then it is true to say that the progressive women and the Labour party which supports them are the only democrats72. Moreover, the penalty of supporting reaction in one direction is that the logic73 of events drives men into the logic of thought. Many a Liberal who hoped he could restrict his illiberalism to women, is finding himself forced into general principles of reaction which will sooner or later—horrible to contemplate74!—overwhelm men too.
On the other hand, the effect upon women of the agitation75 for the vote has been enlarging beyond even the most sanguine76 expectations. I myself have seen women of the middle class, who began by desiring the vote from a personal and quite legitimate77 sense of their own worth and claims, led, from a sense of justice, to entertain the claims of other less fortunate women, and by degrees find their desire redoubled on behalf of these women, whose needs, experience and sympathy gradually demonstrated as far exceeding their own. No less remarkable78 is the enlargement of the lives of these less fortunate women, by the growth of sympathy and understanding between the different classes[53] and by the linking up of public and private duties and aims. “Since she’s been a suffragist,” I have heard a man say, “my wife has seemed to take more interest in the home. It hasn’t taken her thoughts off; it has only made her think more.” And I have heard a middle-aged79 woman use the pathetic phrase, “Since I began to think,” meaning, “Since I joined the suffrage80 movement.”
Is it all unmixed good, then? Is the women’s movement singular in this, that it is perfect? Will women make no mistakes? By no means. Who could be so foolish as to think so? But by mistakes we learn. If you wish to learn a new language you must blunder in it first. One of the reasons of women’s slow development is that men are so afraid women will make fools of themselves. We all have a divine right to make fools of ourselves, because the force that created us decreed that only so could we learn, and the convention by which a woman is never allowed to be a fool all to herself, as an individual, but is made to sin for her whole sex, is an anti-progressive convention which must go. A woman fires a building and we are told “Woman” has disgraced herself, “She” is unfit for the vote. But men sack empires and burn cities to the ground and no one says “Man” has disgraced himself, “He” is unfit for the vote.
I think I hear the horror-stricken Anti declare, “A right to make a fool of yourself? But it is our Empire that you are asking for,—to play with! Our Empire which we made ourselves and which is[54] so complex, so delicate, so nicely poised81, that one push from a foolish woman’s little finger will send it reeling to destruction.” The Anti wants to make our flesh creep; but it refuses. We don’t for a moment admit that the Empire, with its millions of men and women, belongs to men any more than it belongs to women. We can’t believe, either, that the Empire is in so shockingly delicate a condition as the Antis make out. The cry is for safety. Only Death is safe.
“Permanence hangs by the grave;
Sits by the grave green-grassed,
On the roll of the heaved grave-mound.”
Life is never safe, yet the happy warrior82 prefers life. The Empire was certainly not made by people who chattered83 of safety and permanence, nor will it be kept by such people.
The direction in which reactionaries anticipate most trouble is one where I believe it would be last to show itself. It is in foreign affairs, in the relations with other countries, in the issues of peace and war that they see most danger, if women shared responsibility with men. I do not believe it, because for one thing these matters are exceedingly remote from the electorate, and in the vague way in which popular sentiment makes itself felt it is highly improbable that women’s sentiment would on any particular issue differ from men’s. It is difficult to conceive of Englishwomen loving Germans while Englishmen were burning to cut their throats. What is possible is that women may gradually help men to[55] see what very bad business war is, simply because it is obviously and always such bad business for women, and while undoubtedly84 some men trade in war, no women do. The idea is freely expressed that men would resent women having power to control the forces of the army and navy, when women cannot themselves serve in the army and navy. It does not seem clear why they should, for they do not seem to resent women helping85 to control the police force, although women do not serve in the police. In this latter case the matter comes much more closely home to everyday life and yet we have no trouble. Sometimes the difficulty is put in another way. We in England, it is asserted, may be willing that women should share in the control of their own lives, but if we allow this, we shall lose the respect of more “virile86” countries. But the “feminisation” of politics (to use their phrase) will not give the country one man less, nor will it make one man weaker or less virile. If really the respect of other countries depends upon the amount of our physical force, that force will still be there, undiminished, and in course of time, as we fervently87 believe, through better and humaner conditions, will be greatly increased. We do not find the Scandinavian races nor our Australian cousins to be particularly womanish, yet Norway and Australia have given all their women the vote.
My theme hitherto has been that the domination of physical force has been the cause of the subjection of women, and that it is contrary to progress and[56] civilisation88 that physical force should dominate moral and intellectual force. But, of course, physical force has never been entirely dominant89, otherwise the mind of man never would have emerged from the mind of the beast. All progress is due to the growth of mind controlling physical forces, and the anti-suffragists who assert that the vote has been and is merely the counter which represents the physical force of the voters, and that no one would dream of obeying a law if he once suspected that it were not made by those who possessed90 the preponderance of physical force, are making an assertion which not only reflects quite undeservedly on the intelligence of men, but which is patently contrary to facts. Things may be bad; they might be much better; but physical force, in this crude sense, never has entirely ruled the world since prehistoric91 times. The idea at the back of the anti-suffragist contention92 is, as far as one can make it out, that you cannot compel a man to do a thing against his will, if he feels that he has the strength to resist. We must admit that. But there are many ways of moving the will besides the crude way of physical force; there are various kinds of compulsion and various forms of resistance. The Antis at one moment declare the intellectual superiority of men over women, and the next moment involve themselves in a line of argument which presupposes man’s entire deafness to reason. Man is, however, gradually discovering that he may get more out of his fellow-man (and à fortiori out of[57] his fellow-woman) by agreement than by compulsion, and the resistance offered by out-and-out striking is only an extreme case of the moral law of diminishing returns upon increased compulsion. It has been found that slave-labour is the least productive labour; it is slowly getting to be believed that overwork means under-production. The degree of physical force used by men against women has not been sufficient at any period to destroy women, but it has crippled them; it has resulted in not getting the best out of them. Though stupid men and blackguards have not understood this, the better sort always have, and the great mass of men have never even dreamed of applying their force to its utmost against women. It is quite true that Government rests on physical force in the sense that Governments dispose of physical force; but those who form the Government are not chosen for their personal possession of physical force, nor even with any thought that they represent the physical force of the community. In a country with representative institutions the Government is supposed to represent the opinions and interests (not the physical force) of the majority of the electors. Before the modern extensions of the franchise, the country was actually ruled by the votes of men who were few relatively93 to the whole population, and, therefore, by no means represented the physical force of the community, and before the days of parliamentary government a small oligarchy94 or even an autocracy95 ruled. Democratic government[58] has, in fact, come to birth and steadily96 grown with the steady decline of the rule of physical force. And it will be seen that this must be so, when once we have grasped the fact that the unmoral use of physical force may here and there profit an individual but is always bad business for the community.
If we abandon the visions of the Antis, we shall see that, as a matter of prosaic97 fact, the vote in England is given to a man not as a reward of virtue98 (as the assertion, “woman has disgraced herself,” would seem to imply), nor as a prize for intellectual ability (as those who speak slightingly of women’s intellect would suggest), nor as the guerdon of physical prowess (as the physical force party declare), nor does it depend upon his being a husband and father. An Englishman who has, by debauchery, ruined body, mind and spirit, and who has neither wife nor child, may yet have the necessary qualifications to vote, for these are a confused and illogical jumble99 of accretions100, but, such as they are, they depend on the possession of property. It is proposed by Liberals to abolish these and to enfranchise a man in virtue of his manhood. Once you see the immorality, the waste and the stupidity of the physical force argument, there is no possible ground for refusing to enfranchise a woman in virtue of her womanhood.
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1
vistas
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| 长条形景色( vista的名词复数 )； 回顾； 展望； （未来可能发生的）一系列情景 | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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professes
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| 声称( profess的第三人称单数 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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hurl
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| vt.猛投，力掷，声叫骂 | |
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12
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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16
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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enfranchisement
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| 选举权 | |
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enfranchise
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| v.给予选举权，解放 | |
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franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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pelted
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| （连续地）投掷( pelt的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续抨击； 攻击； 剥去…的皮 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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fickle
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| adj.(爱情或友谊上)易变的，不坚定的 | |
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reactionaries
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| n.反动分子，反动派( reactionary的名词复数 ) | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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45
repealed
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| 撤销，废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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wail
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| vt./vi.大声哀号，恸哭；呼啸，尖啸 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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wondrous
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| adj.令人惊奇的，奇妙的；adv.惊人地；异乎寻常地；令人惊叹地 | |
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fatuous
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| adj.愚昧的；昏庸的 | |
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lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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embitterment
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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rebound
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| v.弹回；n.弹回，跳回 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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riddled
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| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
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tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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deride
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| v.嘲弄，愚弄 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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rebuked
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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democrats
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士( democrat的名词复数 ) | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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poised
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| a.摆好姿势不动的 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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chattered
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| （人）喋喋不休( chatter的过去式 )； 唠叨； （牙齿）打战； （机器）震颤 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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virile
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| adj.男性的；有男性生殖力的；有男子气概的；强有力的 | |
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fervently
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| adv.热烈地，热情地，强烈地 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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prehistoric
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| adj.（有记载的）历史以前的，史前的，古老的 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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jumble
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| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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accretions
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| n.堆积( accretion的名词复数 )；连生；添加生长；吸积 | |
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