Harsh Judgments2
I seem to find the same hastiness and something of the same note of harshness that strike me in the cases of MacQueen and Gorky in America's treatment of her colored population. I am aware how intricate, how multitudinous, the aspects of this enormous question have become, but looking at it in the broad and transitory manner I have proposed for myself in these papers, it does seem to present many parallel elements. There is the same disposition3 towards an indiscriminating verdict, the same disregard of proportion as between small evils and great ones, the same indifference4 to the fact that the question does not stand alone, but is a part, and this time a by no means small part, in the working out of America's destinies.
In regard to the colored population, just as in regard to the great and growing accumulations of unassimilated and increasingly unpopular Jews, and to the great and growing multitudes of Roman[Pg 186] Catholics whose special education contradicts at so many points those conceptions of individual judgment1 and responsibility upon which America relies, I have attempted time after time to get some answer from the Americans I have met to what is to me the most obvious of questions. "Your grandchildren and the grandchildren of these people will have to live in this country side by side; do you propose, do you believe it possible, that under the increasing pressure of population and competition they should be living then in just the same relations that you and these people are living now; if you do not, then what relations do you propose shall exist between them?"
It is not too much to say that I have never once had the beginnings of an answer to this question. Usually one is told with great gravity that the problem of color is one of the most difficult that we have to consider, and the conversation then breaks up into discursive6 anecdotes7 and statements about black people. One man will dwell upon the uncontrollable violence of a black man's evil passions (in Jamaica and Barbadoes colored people form an overwhelming proportion of the population, and they have behaved in an exemplary fashion for the last thirty years); another will dilate8 upon the incredible stupidity of the full-blooded negro (during my stay in New York the prize for oratory9 at Columbia University, oratory which was the one redeeming11 charm of Daniel Webster, was awarded to a Zulu of unmitigated blackness); a third will[Pg 187] speak of his physical offensiveness, his peculiar12 smell which necessitates13 his social isolation14 (most well-to-do Southerners are brought up by negro "mammies"); others, again, will enter upon the painful history of the years that followed the war, though it seems a foolish thing to let those wrongs of the past dominate the outlook for the future. And one charming Southern lady expressed the attitude of mind of a whole class very completely, I think, when she said, "You have to be one of us to feel this question at all as it ought to be felt."
There, I think, I got something tangible15. These emotions are a cult5.
My globe-trotting impudence16 will seem, no doubt, to mount to its zenith when I declare that hardly any Americans at all seem to be in possession of the elementary facts in relation to this question. These broad facts are not taught, as of course they ought to be taught, in school; and what each man knows is picked up by the accidents of his own untrained observation, by conversation always tinctured by personal prejudice, by hastily read newspapers and magazine articles and the like. The quality of this discussion is very variable, but on the whole pretty low. While I was in New York opinion was greatly swayed by an article in, if I remember rightly, the Century Magazine, by a gentleman who had deduced from a few weeks' observation in the slums of Khartoum the entire incapacity of the negro to establish a civilization of his own. He never had,[Pg 188] therefore he never could; a discouraging ratiocination17. We English, a century or so ago, said all these things of the native Irish. If there is any trend of opinion at all in this matter at present, it lies in the direction of a generous decision on the part of the North and West to leave the black more and more to the judgment and mercy of the white people with whom he is locally associated. This judgment and mercy points, on the whole, to an accentuation of the colored man's natural inferiority, to the cessation of any other educational attempts than those that increase his industrial usefulness (it is already illegal in Louisiana to educate him above a contemptible18 level), to his industrial exploitation through usury19 and legal chicanery20, and to a systematic21 strengthening of the social barriers between colored people of whatever shade and the whites.
Meanwhile, in this state of general confusion, in the absence of any determining rules or assumptions, all sorts of things are happening—according to the accidents of local feeling. In Massachusetts you have people with, I am afraid, an increasing sense of sacrifice to principle, lunching and dining with people of color. They do it less than they did, I was told. Massachusetts stands, I believe, at the top of the scale of tolerant humanity. One seems to reach the bottom at Springfield, Missouri, which is a county seat with a college, an academy, a high school, and a zoological garden. There the exemplary method reaches the nadir22. Last April three[Pg 189] unfortunate negroes were burned to death, apparently23 because they were negroes, and as a general corrective of impertinence. They seem to have been innocent of any particular offence. It was a sort of racial sacrament. The edified24 Sunday-school children hurried from their gospel-teaching to search for souvenirs among the ashes, and competed with great spirit for a fragment of charred25 skull26.
It is true that in this latter case Governor Folk acted with vigor27 and justice, and that the better element of Springfield society was evidently shocked when it was found that quite innocent negroes had been used in these instructive pyrotechnics; but the fact remains28 that a large and numerically important section of the American public does think that fierce and cruel reprisals29 are a necessary part of the system of relationships between white and colored man. In our dispersed30 British community we have almost exactly the same range between our better attitudes and our worse—I'm making no claim of national superiority. In London, perhaps, we out-do Massachusetts in liberality; in the National Liberal Club or the Reform a black man meets all the courtesies of humanity—as though there was no such thing as color. But, on the other hand, the Cape32 won't bear looking into for a moment. The same conditions give the same results; a half-educated white population of British or Dutch or German ingredients greedy for gain, ill controlled and feebly influenced, in contact with a black population,[Pg 190] is bound to reproduce the same brutal33 and stupid aggressions, the same half-honest prejudices to justify34 those aggressions, the same ugly, mean excuses. "Things are better in Jamaica and Barbadoes," said I, in a moment of patriotic35 weakness, to Mr. Booker T. Washington.
"Eh!" said he, and thought in that long silent way he has.... "They're worse in South Africa—much. Here we've got a sort of light. We know generally what we've got to stand. There—"
His words sent my memory back to some conversations I had quite recently with a man from a dry-goods store in Johannesburg. He gave me clearly enough the attitude of the common white out there; the dull prejudice; the readiness to take advantage of the "boy"; the utter disrespect for colored womankind; the savage36, intolerant resentment37, dashed dangerously with fear, which the native arouses in him. (Think of all that must have happened in wrongful practice and wrongful law and neglected educational possibilities before our Zulus in Natal38 were goaded39 to face massacre40, spear against rifle!) The rare and culminating result of education and experience is to enable men to grasp facts, to balance justly among their fluctuating and innumerable aspects, and only a small minority in our world is educated to that pitch. Ignorant people can think only in types and abstractions, can achieve only emphatic41 absolute decisions, and when the commonplace American or the commonplace colonial[Pg 191] Briton sets to work to "think over" the negro problem, he instantly banishes42 most of the material evidence from his mind—clears for action, as it were. He forgets the genial43 carriage of the ordinary colored man, his beaming face, his kindly44 eye, his rich, jolly voice, his touching45 and trusted friendliness46, his amiable47, unprejudiced readiness to serve and follow a white man who seems to know what he is doing. He forgets—perhaps he has never seen—the dear humanity of these people, their slightly exaggerated vanity, their innocent and delightful48 love of color and song, their immense capacity for affection, the warm romantic touch in their imaginations. He ignores the real fineness of the indolence that despises servile toil49, of the carelessness that disdains50 the watchful52 aggressive economies, day by day, now a wretched little gain here and now a wretched little gain there, that make the dirty fortune of the Russian Jews who prey53 upon color in the Carolinas. No; in the place of all these tolerable every-day experiences he lets his imagination go to work upon a monster, the "real nigger."
"Ah! You don't know the real nigger," said one American to me when I praised the colored people I had seen. "You should see the buck54 nigger down South, Congo brand. Then you'd understand, sir."
His voice, his face had a gleam of passionate55 animosity.
One could see he had been brooding himself out of all relations to reality in this matter. He was a[Pg 192] man beyond reason or pity. He was obsessed56. Hatred57 of that imaginary diabolical58 "buck nigger" blackened his soul. It was no good to talk to him of the "buck American, Packingtown brand," or the "buck Englishman, suburban59 race-meeting type," and to ask him if these intensely disagreeable persons justified60 outrages61 on Senator Lodge62, let us say, or Mrs. Longworth. No reply would have come from him. "You don't understand the question," he would have answered. "You don't know how we Southerners feel."
Well, one can make a tolerable guess.
II
The White Strain
I certainly did not begin to realize one most important aspect of this question until I reached America. I thought of those eight millions as of men, black as ink. But when I met Mr. Booker T. Washington, for example, I met a man certainly as white in appearance as our Admiral Fisher, who is, as a matter of fact, quite white. A very large proportion of these colored people, indeed, is more than half white. One hears a good deal about the high social origins of the Southern planters, very many derive63 indisputably from the first families of England. It is the same blood flows in these mixed colored people's veins64. Just think of the sublime65 absurdity66, therefore, of the ban. There are gentlemen of education[Pg 193] and refinement67, qualified68 lawyers and doctors, whose ancestors assisted in the Norman Conquest, and they dare not enter a car marked "white" and intrude69 upon the dignity of the rising loan-monger from Esthonia. For them the "Jim Crow" car....
One tries to put that aspect to the American in vain. "These people," you say, "are nearer your blood, nearer your temper, than any of those bright-eyed, ringleted immigrants on the East Side. Are you ashamed of your poor relations? Even if you don't like the half, or the quarter of negro blood, you might deal civilly with the three-quarters white. It doesn't say much for your faith in your own racial prepotency, anyhow."...
The answer to that is usually in terms of mania70.
"Let me tell you a little story just to illustrate71," said one deponent to me in an impressive undertone—"just to illustrate, you know.... A few years ago a young fellow came to Boston from New Orleans. Looked all right. Dark—but he explained that by an Italian grandmother. Touch of French in him, too. Popular. Well, he made advances to a Boston girl—good family. Gave a fairly straight account of himself. Married."
He paused. "Course of time—offspring. Little son."
His eye made me feel what was coming.
"Was it by any chance very, very black?" I whispered.
"Yes, sir. Black! Black as your hat. Abso[Pg 194]lutely negroid. Projecting jaw72, thick lips, frizzy hair, flat nose—everything....
"But consider the mother's feelings, sir, consider that! A pure-minded, pure white woman!"
What can one say to a story of this sort, when the taint73 in the blood surges up so powerfully as to blacken the child at birth beyond even the habit of the pure-blooded negro? What can you do with a public opinion made of this class of ingredient? And this story of the lamentable74 results of intermarriage was used, not as an argument against intermarriage, but as an argument against the extension of quite rudimentary civilities to the men of color. "If you eat with them, you've got to marry them," he said, an entirely75 fabulous76 post-prandial responsibility.
It is to the tainted77 whites my sympathies go out. The black or mainly black people seem to be fairly content with their inferiority; one sees them all about the States as waiters, cab-drivers, railway porters, car attendants, laborers78 of various sorts, a pleasant, smiling, acquiescent79 folk. But consider the case of a man with a broader brain than such small uses need, conscious, perhaps, of exceptional gifts, capable of wide interests and sustained attempts, who is perhaps as English as you or I, with just a touch of color in his eyes, in his lips, in his fingernails, and in his imagination. Think of the accumulating sense of injustice80 he must bear with him through life, the perpetual slight and insult he must undergo from all that is vulgar and brutal among the[Pg 195] whites! Something of that one may read in the sorrowful pages of Du Bois's The Souls of Black Folk. They would have made Alexandre Dumas travel in the Jim Crow car if he had come to Virginia. But I can imagine some sort of protest on the part of that admirable but extravagant81 man.... They even talk of "Jim Crow elevators" now in Southern hotels.
At Hull82 House, in Chicago, I was present at a conference of colored people—Miss Jane Addams efficiently83 in control—to consider the coming of a vexatious play, "The Clansman," which seems to have been written and produced entirely to exacerbate84 racial feeling. Both men and women were present, business people, professional men, and their wives; the speaking was clear, temperate85, and wonderfully to the point, high above the level of any British town council I have ever attended. One lady would have stood out as capable and charming in any sort of public discussion in England—though we are not wanting in good women speakers—and she was at least three-quarters black....
And while I was in Chicago, too, I went to the Peking Theatre—a "coon" music-hall—and saw something of a lower level of colored life. The common white, I must explain, delights in calling colored people "coons," and the negro, so far as I could learn, uses no retaliatory86 word. It was a "variety" entertainment, with one turn, at least, of quite distinguished87 merit, good-humored and brisk throughout. I watched keenly, and I could[Pg 196] detect nothing of that trail of base suggestion one would find as a matter of course in a music-hall in such English towns as Brighton and Portsmouth. What one heard of kissing and love-making was quite artless and simple indeed. The negro, it seemed to me, did this sort of thing with a better grace and a better temper than a Londoner, and shows, I think, a finer self-respect. He thinks more of deportment, he bears himself more elegantly by far than the white at the same social level. The audience reminded me of the sort of gathering88 one would find in a theatre in Camden Town or Hoxton. There were a number of family groups, the girls brightly dressed, and young couples quite of the London music-hall type. Clothing ran "smart," but not smarter than it would be among fairly prosperous north London Jews. There was no gallery—socially—no collection of orange-eating, interrupting hooligans at all. Nobody seemed cross, nobody seemed present for vicious purposes, and everybody was sober. Indeed, there and elsewhere I took and confirmed a mighty89 liking90 to these gentle, human, dark-skinned people.
III
Mr. Booker T. Washington
But whatever aspect I recall of this great taboo91 that shows no signs of lifting, of this great problem of the future that America in her haste, her indiscriminat[Pg 197]ing prejudice, her lack of any sustained study and teaching of the broad issues she must decide, complicates92 and intensifies93, and makes threatening, there presently comes back to mind the browned face of Mr. Booker T. Washington, as he talked to me over our lunch in Boston.
He has a face rather Irish in type, and the soft slow negro voice. He met my regard with the brown sorrowful eyes of his race. He wanted very much that I should hear him make a speech, because then his words came better; he talked, he implied, with a certain difficulty. But I preferred to have his talking, and get not the orator10—every one tells me he is an altogether great orator in this country where oratory is still esteemed—but the man.
He answered my questions meditatively94. I wanted to know with an active pertinacity95. What struck me most was the way in which his sense of the overpowering forces of race prejudice weighs upon him. It is a thing he accepts; in our time and conditions it is not to be fought about. He makes one feel with an exaggerated intensity96 (though I could not even draw him to admit) its monstrous97 injustice. He makes no accusations98. He is for taking it as a part of the present fate of his "people," and for doing all that can be done for them within the limit it sets.
Therein he differs from Du Bois, the other great spokesman color has found in our time. Du Bois, is more of the artist, less of the statesman; he con[Pg 198]ceals his passionate resentment all too thinly. He batters99 himself into rhetoric100 against these walls. He will not repudiate101 the clear right of the black man to every educational facility, to equal citizenship102, and equal respect. But Mr. Washington has statecraft. He looks before and after, and plans and keeps his counsel with the scope and range of a statesman. I use "statesman" in its highest sense; his is a mind that can grasp the situation and destinies of a people. After I had talked to him I went back to my club, and found there an English newspaper with a report of the opening debate upon Mr. Birrell's Education Bill. It was like turning from the discussion of life and death to a dispute about the dregs in the bottom of a tea-cup somebody had neglected to wash up in Victorian times.
I argued strongly against the view he seems to hold that black and white might live without mingling103 and without injustice, side by side. That I do not believe. Racial differences seem to me always to exasperate104 intercourse105 unless people have been elaborately trained to ignore them. Uneducated men are as bad as cattle in persecuting106 all that is different among themselves. The most miserable107 and disorderly countries of the world are the countries where two races, two inadequate108 cultures, keep a jarring, continuous separation. "You must repudiate separation," I said. "No peoples have ever yet endured the tension of intermingled distinctness."
[Pg 199]
"May we not become a peculiar people—like the Jews?" he suggested. "Isn't that possible?"
But there I could not agree with him. I thought of the dreadful history of the Jews and Armenians. And the negro cannot do what the Jews and Armenians have done. The colored people of America are of a different quality from the Jew altogether, more genial, more careless, more sympathetic, franker, less intellectual, less acquisitive, less wary109 and restrained—in a word, more Occidental. They have no common religion and culture, no conceit110 of race to hold them together. The Jews make a ghetto111 for themselves wherever they go; no law but their own solidarity112 has given America the East Side. The colored people are ready to disperse31 and inter-breed, are not a community at all in the Jewish sense, but outcasts from a community. They are the victims of a prejudice that has to be destroyed. These things I urged, but it was, I think, empty speech to my hearer. I could talk lightly of destroying that prejudice, but he knew better. It is the central fact of his life, a law of his being. He has shaped all his projects and policy upon that. Exclusion113 is inevitable114. So he dreams of a colored race of decent and inaggressive men silently giving the lie to all the legend of their degradation115. They will have their own doctors, their own lawyers, their own capitalists, their own banks—because the whites desire it so. But will the uneducated whites endure even so submissive a vindication116 as that? Will they[Pg 200] suffer the horrid117 spectacle of free and self-satisfied negroes in decent clothing on any terms without resentment?
He explained how at the Tuskegee Institute they make useful men, skilled engineers, skilled agriculturalists, men to live down the charge of practical incompetence118, of ignorant and slovenly119 farming and house management....
"I wish you would tell me," I said, abruptly120, "just what you think of the attitude of white America towards you. Do you think it is generous?"
He regarded me for a moment. "No end of people help us," he said.
"Yes," I said; "but the ordinary man. Is he fair?"
"Some things are not fair," he said, leaving the general question alone. "It isn't fair to refuse a colored man a berth121 on a sleeping-car. I?—I happen to be a privileged person, they make an exception for me; but the ordinary educated colored man isn't admitted to a sleeping-car at all. If he has to go a long journey, he has to sit up all night. His white competitor sleeps. Then in some places, in the hotels and restaurants—It's all right here in Boston—but southwardly he can't get proper refreshments122. All that's a handicap....
"The remedy lies in education," he said; "ours—and theirs.
"The real thing," he told me, "isn't to be done by talking and agitation123. It's a matter of lives. The[Pg 201] only answer to it all is for colored men to be patient, to make themselves competent, to do good work, to live well, to give no occasion against us. We feel that. In a way it's an inspiration....
"There is a man here in Boston, a negro, who owns and runs some big stores, employs all sorts of people, deals justly. That man has done more good for our people than all the eloquence124 or argument in the world.... That is what we have to do—it is all we can do."...
Whatever America has to show in heroic living to-day, I doubt if she can show anything finer than the quality of the resolve, the steadfast125 effort hundreds of black and colored men are making to-day to live blamelessly, honorably, and patiently, getting for themselves what scraps126 of refinement, learning, and beauty they may, keeping their hold on a civilization they are grudged127 and denied. They do it not for themselves only, but for all their race. Each educated colored man is an ambassador to civilization. They know they have a handicap, that they are not exceptionally brilliant nor clever people. Yet every such man stands, one likes to think, aware of his representative and vicarious character, fighting against foul128 imaginations, misrepresentations, injustice, insult, and the na?ve unspeakable meannesses of base antagonists129. Every one of them who keeps decent and honorable does a little to beat that opposition130 down.
But the patience the negro needs! He may not[Pg 202] even look contempt. He must admit superiority in those whose daily conduct to him is the clearest evidence of moral inferiority. We sympathetic whites, indeed, may claim honor for him; if he is wise he will be silent under our advocacy. He must go to and fro self-controlled, bereft131 of all the equalities that the great flag of America proclaims—that flag for whose united empire his people fought and died, giving place and precedence to the strangers who pour in to share its beneficence, strangers ignorant even of its tongue. That he must do—and wait. The Welsh, the Irish, the Poles, the white South, the indefatigable132 Jews may cherish grievances133 and rail aloud. He must keep still. They may be hysterical134, revengeful, threatening, and perverse135; their wrongs excuse them. For him there is no excuse. And of all the races upon earth, which has suffered such wrongs as this negro blood that is still imputed136 to him as a sin? These people who disdain51 him, who have no sense of reparation towards him, have sinned against him beyond all measure....
No, I can't help idealizing the dark submissive figure of the negro in this spectacle of America. He, too, seems to me to sit waiting—and waiting with a marvellous and simple-minded patience—for finer understandings and a nobler time.
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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discursive
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anecdotes
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dilate
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| vt.使膨胀，使扩大 | |
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oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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redeeming
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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isolation
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tangible
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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ratiocination
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| n.推理；推断 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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usury
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chicanery
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systematic
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nadir
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apparently
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edified
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charred
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skull
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vigor
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remains
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reprisals
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dispersed
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disperse
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cape
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brutal
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justify
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patriotic
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savage
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resentment
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natal
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goaded
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40
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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41
emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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42
banishes
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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45
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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46
friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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47
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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48
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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49
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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50
disdains
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| 鄙视，轻蔑( disdain的名词复数 ) | |
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51
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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52
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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53
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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54
buck
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| n.雄鹿，雄兔；v.马离地跳跃 | |
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55
passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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56
obsessed
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| adj.心神不宁的,鬼迷心窍的,沉迷的 | |
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57
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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58
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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59
suburban
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| adj.城郊的，在郊区的 | |
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60
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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61
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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62
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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63
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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64
veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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65
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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66
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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67
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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68
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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69
intrude
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| vi.闯入；侵入；打扰，侵扰 | |
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70
mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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71
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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72
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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73
taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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74
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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75
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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76
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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77
tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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78
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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79
acquiescent
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| adj.默许的，默认的 | |
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80
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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81
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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82
hull
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| n.船身；(果、实等的)外壳；vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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83
efficiently
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| adv.高效率地，有能力地 | |
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84
exacerbate
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| v.恶化，增剧，激怒，使加剧 | |
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85
temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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86
retaliatory
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| adj.报复的 | |
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87
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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88
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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89
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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90
liking
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| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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91
taboo
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| n.禁忌，禁止接近，禁止使用；adj.禁忌的；v.禁忌，禁制，禁止 | |
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92
complicates
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| 使复杂化( complicate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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93
intensifies
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| n.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的名词复数 )v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的第三人称单数 ) | |
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94
meditatively
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| adv.冥想地 | |
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95
pertinacity
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| n.执拗，顽固 | |
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96
intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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97
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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98
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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99
batters
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| n.面糊（煎料）( batter的名词复数 )；面糊（用于做糕饼）；（ 棒球） 正在击球的球员；击球员v.连续猛击( batter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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100
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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101
repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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102
citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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103
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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104
exasperate
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| v.激怒，使（疾病）加剧，使恶化 | |
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105
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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106
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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107
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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108
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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109
wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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110
conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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111
ghetto
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| n.少数民族聚居区，贫民区 | |
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112
solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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113
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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114
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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115
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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116
vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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117
horrid
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| adj.可怕的；令人惊恐的；恐怖的；极讨厌的 | |
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118
incompetence
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| n.不胜任，不称职 | |
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119
slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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120
abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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121
berth
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| n.卧铺，停泊地，锚位；v.使停泊 | |
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122
refreshments
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| n.点心,便餐;(会议后的)简单茶点招 待 | |
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123
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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124
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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125
steadfast
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| adj.固定的，不变的，不动摇的；忠实的；坚贞不移的 | |
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126
scraps
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| 油渣 | |
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127
grudged
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| 怀恨（grudge的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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128
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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129
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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130
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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131
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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132
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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133
grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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134
hysterical
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| adj.情绪异常激动的，歇斯底里般的 | |
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135
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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136
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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