But about the eastern feet of the Carpathians was a little northern people, the Slavs, which may one day fill the earth’s chronicle when Teuton has followed Greek and Roman into the inevitable5 tomb of warriors6. Where these Slavs came from, and what was their precise kinship to the other northerners and to the Asiatic peoples, we do not confidently know. Some tens of thousands of years before the Christian7 Era the last spell of the Ice-Age had locked the north of Europe. It seems that a branch of the human family followed the retreating ice-sheet and, in the bracing8 winds which blew off the frozen regions, shed its weaklings and became the vigorous “northern race.” From this came the successive waves of Greeks and Romans, Goths and Vandals, English and Norman and German. From these northern forests seem also to have come the Slavs, who split at the barrier of the Carpathians into two great streams: Bohemians and Serbs to the west, and Russians (as they were later called) to the east.
We have not much information about this people which settled across the limit of civilisation. To the Romans they were part of the medley9 of barbarism which got a rude living out of the bleak10 north. A few later Greek writers had some acquaintance with them, and an early Russian monk11, Nestor, gathered their traditions, into a chronicle, and described them as they were before the development of autocracy12 obliterated13 their native features. From these sources we learn that the Slavs were singularly democratic for a people at their stage of evolution.
We know to-day the real origin of kingships and princedoms, which was hidden from our fathers by legends of “divine right.” The right of a man to rule his fellows came of his possession of a stronger arm or a wiser head, or a combination of the two: a plausible14 enough theory until kings began to insist on leaving the power to their sons, whether or no they left them the strong arm and the wise head. As a rule the hunt and the battle gave the strong man his opportunity, and in every other nation at the level of the Slavs we find chiefs, who dispense15 justice and direct warfare16, and exact a reward proportionate to their services.
It is a common and surprised observation of the early writers who notice the Slavs that they had no chiefs. The monk Nestor, who wrote in their midst at the beginning of the twelfth century, says that they had “chiefs,” but would not tolerate “tyranny.” The primitive17 life of the Slavs had then been modified, as we shall see, but the reports may be reconciled. The Slavs had no hereditary18 families of chiefs, no rulers of tribes who exacted tribute. Nestor gives a very different character to the various tribes of the Slav family. Being a monk, he is unable to give any of them a good character in their pagan days, but we may make a genial19 allowance for this natural prejudice. Perhaps some of the tribes, who were in closer touch with the fierce Finns and Scythians, had chiefs. Warfare is the great king-maker. Clearly the primitive and normal condition of a Slav community was exceptionally democratic.
The one definite institution of those early days that is known to us is the village-council; the institution that, being most deeply rooted in the heart of the Slav, has survived all autocracies20 by divine right and is familiar to-day to the whole world as the Mir. In ancient Slavdom the family was not the basis of the state. It was the state, or there was no state. An enlarged family—for the Slavs were a social and peaceful folk, and the young, founding a new family, clung to the home until it grew too small and some must wander afield—with cousins and children and grand-children, was the unit. The father had patriarchal power in his little colony, and when he departed the next oldest and wisest, a brother generally, took up the mild sway. Such families grew into villages or settlements in a few generations: not too large, for they lived on the land, yet compact, for there were plenty of human wolves east of the Carpathians. The Finns and other Asiatic tribes then filled, or roamed over, the vast area we now call Russia, and their code did not forbid the plunder21 of peaceful argriculturists. New colonies would be founded near the old and form villages. Out of this grew the Mir, the council in which the heads of the various households met to discuss and decide their common affairs.
No doubt some kind of chairman, some sage22 elder, would be chosen to preside, but it is clear from later practice and early comment that the council only acted upon a unanimous decision. That form of democracy had inconveniences, and, when Russia begins to have chroniclers, we find that unanimity23 was often secured, in a struggle, by pitching the minority into the river. That, at all events, was the original Slav custom. In theory even a majority could not tyrannise over a minority, much less a minority over a majority.
There would be frequent calls for these village-councils, as the land, on which most of them worked, was held in common. The head of a family owned only his house and enclosure, and was entitled to the harvest of his own labour. Then there were the rights of hunting in the forest and fishing in the rivers, the constant need to send out new colonies into the eastern wilderness24, and especially the need to protect these new colonies from the wandering Asiatics. Flanked by the Carpathians, up which they could not spread, the tribes had to push steadily25 eastward26, and the land was full of Asiatics, for the most part swift and ruthless horsemen. Co-operative defence was as necessary as co-operative counsel. The elders of many neighbouring villages met together in a larger council. There was a rough organisation27 of villages into a canton or Volost. Again there would probably be a president, and some think that a temporary chief or leader might be appointed in an emergency. But the Slavs had no hereditary rulers, no heads of the various tribes.
It also helped to sustain their democratic and communistic life that they had no priests. When priests later come upon the scene we shall find them very easily becoming the instruments of autocracy. We shall find, as is usual, the autocrat28 enriching the clergy29, and the clergy discovering very impressive legends upon which he may establish his title to rule. In the pagan days of the Slavs there were no priests. The religion was the kind of primitive interpretation30 of nature which we always find at that level of mental development. The fire of the sun, the roar of the storm, the mysterious fertility of the earth, and the awful solemnity of the forest filled the child-like mind with wonder and dread31. These things were felt to have life, a greater life than the puny32 and limited life of man; and the Slavs learned to bow down to the mighty33 spirits of the sun and the river and the wind and the earth. In particular they mourned the death of the sun, and celebrated34 joyously35 its annual re-birth and restoration to full glory. But they had no priests. The heads of the family or the village performed the invocations and the sacrifices.
We must remember that even in these primitive and patriarchal arrangements there was the germ of autocracy. The eldest36 male was an autocrat. So absolute was his power that it is said that, when he died, wife and servants and horse had to follow him into the nether37 world. There seems here to be some confusion between different tribes, and there is evidence that, as among the Teutons, woman was generally respected; although there were ancient marriage-rites which suggest that at one time brides were stolen, and there was some practice of polygamy. However that may have been, the father of the household was an autocrat. We may plead only that he does not seem to have had, as in ancient Rome, power of life and death over his mate.
Such was the Slav people when we first discover them about the feet of the Carpathians. We have next to see how they became the Russian people, and how contact with civilisation and the growth of commerce modified their primitive communism.
The towering masses of the mountains checked the western expansion of the growing tribes. The Danube and the outposts of the Roman Empire—the fathers of the Rumans—shut them from the south. They were, as their number increased, bound to travel eastward, and their pioneers would discover that the central part of this mighty waste of eastern Europe was a particularly fertile region. From the foot of the Carpathians the land spreads in one of the largest plains of the world until it begins to rise toward the Ural mountains. Between the forests and bleak deserts of the north and the arid38 prairies of the south there are about a hundred and fifty million acres of “black earth,” as rich and fertile as any to be found, and south of these a hundred and fifty million acres of ordinary arable39 land. At the beginning of the Christian Era this great area would be for the most part forest and morass40, chequered by vast spaces of grassy41 plain, furrowed42 by broad rivers. The advancing colonies of the Slavs would discover the fertility of the soil and clear the ground for their corn and flax. The rivers gave them abundant fish. The forests swarmed43 with animals which afforded fur and meat, and the innumerable wild bees gave them stores of honey and wax for the long winters. Timber for the vapour-bath, which the Slav family seems already to have held in affection, lay on every side.
We find the Slavs especially spreading over this fertile heart of Russia about the eighth century of the present era. The land had long been held by the Finns and other Asiatic tribes when, in the third century, the Goths from the north fell upon them and drove them eastward. In the next century began that more formidable invasion from Asia which flung the Finns westward44 once more, and cast the Teutons upon the crumbling45 barrier of the Roman Empire. In the seventh century a new semi-civilised race, the Khazars, created an empire in south-eastern Russia, and drove the Asiatic Finns definitely to the north. It was at the close of these great movements that the Slavs moved rapidly over the fertile regions, between the land of the Finns and the southern kingdom of the Khazars, By the end of the eighth century the various Slav tribes had overrun the central part of western Russia.
The chief change which this migration46 caused in the life of the Slavs was the development of commerce. The great rivers of the land at once became the highways. Fishers as well as tillers of the soil, the Slavs would spread along the river-valleys, and the junctions48 of the rivers would naturally become the chief stations for what intercourse49 there was between the scattered50 villages. It is probable that in those days, when four-fifths of Russia was marsh51 and forest, the rivers were deeper than they are to-day. In our time they are for the most part shallow throughout the summer. Only in the spring, when the melting snows and rains flush the broad channels, can large boats ascend52 them; and in the winter their frozen waters make good passage for the sledge53. They became the high-roads of the new commonwealth54, as the site of the older cities indicates when one glances at the map.
The Slavs had at that time probably little or no commerce. Some exchange, in kind, of fish, fur, honey, or corn might take place, but the resources were much the same for each village. In a short time after the settlement, however, a busy commercial system was inaugurated. Further north than the Finns were the Scandinavians, whose skill in metal-working was early developed. The Slavs traded with them for swords and spears and axes.
To the south, beyond the land of the Khazars, was the chief representative of civilisation in the west, the Byzantine (or Constantinopolitan) Empire. The northern tribes had now shattered Roman civilisation. The solid roads, the ample schools, the courts of law and municipal institutions established by the Romans in southern Europe were in complete decay, and four-fifths of the city of Rome was a charred55 and desolate56 wilderness. But the city which Constantine had founded on the Bosphorus, on the site of ancient Byzantium, lay out of the path of most of the barbarians57, and the glory of Constantinople penetrated58 feebly into the distant forests of Russia. Its soldiers give us our first direct knowledge of the Slavs. Its merchants crossed the Black Sea, ascended59 the rivers of Russia, and spread before the eager eyes of the Slavs the silks and damasks and velvets, the shining metal-work and imitation-jewels, of the great “Tsargrad,” or City of the Emperors. For these the Slavs could offer choice furs, for an enormous variety of fur-clad animals roamed their forests, as well as honey for the table and wax for the myriad60 tapers61 of the Byzantine churches.
Vladimir, Grande Duke of Kieff, 980-1015 From an Ancient Banner
This busy commerce increased the importance of the settlements at the junction47 of the rivers. The evenness of the Russian plains, the great depth of soil or clay or glacial rubbish which uniformly covers the level strata62 below, make stone scarce in the greater part of the country then occupied by the Slavs. The ordinary village was a cluster of rude huts made of timber, with roofs of straw and mud. The towns also were of timber, and the accumulation of merchandise in them for traffic or fairs attracted the Asiatic marauders and increased the need of defence. The Véché, or democratic council of the district, grew in importance. Stockades63 of timber were erected64. The Slavs, preferring peace as an agricultural people always does, were compelled to acquire some skill in the art of war.
Up to this point, the ninth century, the democracy of the Slavs was unaltered. The villagers were still free and independent men, while the peasantry over the rest of Europe were slaves or serfs. They regulated their own affairs in their Mir, recognised no central government, and paid tribute to neither chiefs nor priests. There was plenty of timber to heat their stoves during the long winter, and in the summer the song and dance cheered the leisure from their labours. The plot of corn and the nests of the wild bees fed them; the plot of flax clothed them; and the winter harvest of furs, taken to the nearest town or fair, gave them many a tawdry luxury from the great cities of the south. Even in the towns they had still no money or currency. It was not until long afterwards that they cut disks of leather to serve the purpose of coinage. And even in the largest settlements or towns, such as Novgorod in the north and Kieff in the south, the democratic council, with unanimous decision, ruled their little affairs.
The defect of a primitive democracy of this nature soon became apparent. When the less peaceful neighbours who surrounded them on every side made an attack in force the isolated65 towns or communities could not defend themselves. The Khazars of the south overspread the nearest Slav districts and virtually enslaved them. The Scandinavian pirates of the Baltic pushed southward from the coast and wrung66 tribute from them. Either they must establish a compact military organisation, which their loose social texture67 did not easily permit, or they must hire defenders68. They chose the latter course, not knowing, as we do, the ultimate price of engaging military chiefs.
The Scandinavians or Norsemen were as little pacific as any people of Europe, and their large frames and mighty weapons made of them formidable warriors. The Slavs were well acquainted with them. Somehow they had found the way across Russia to Constantinople, where their services were richly paid. From the southern shores of the Baltic they descended69 the northern rivers, and, crossing short stretches of country from river to river, they sailed down the broad waterways to the Black Sea. In the ninth century the Slavs were familiar with the tall, blue-eyed, blond-haired giants, with heavy spears and formidable axes. The Greeks of the south, who called them Varangians, clothed them in rich armour70 and made of them a special imperial guard. The Slavs called them Rus, or “sea-farers” (if not “pirates”), a name they seem to have borrowed from the Finns.
This, at least, is what modern scholars make of the ancient legend, given in Nestor, that the men of Rus were foreign warriors invited by the Slavs to come and settle and undertake military service. The story runs that the Slavs of the north, wearied by invasion and pillage71, invited these soldiers to defend them and share their goods. Some historians suspect that the legend may be invented by the vanity of the Slavs, who did not care to confess that the northerners had subdued72 them, but it is not unlikely that they were invited to defend the Slavs as they were invited to defend the Emperors of Constantinople. They had already shown the Slavs that those who did not pay voluntarily might have to pay involuntarily. As the democratic institutions of the Slavs survived most strongly in the city where the Norsemen first settled, Novgorod, it does not seem as if they settled in virtue73 of conquest. In western Europe the northerners, wherever they settled, established the feudal74 system, which never existed in Russia.
The story handed down in Russia—as the land of the Slavs soon came to be called—was that three brothers, Rurik, Sineus, and Truvor, answered the call of the Slavs, and, with their kinsmen75 and followers76, settled on the Baltic coast. This is assigned to the year 862. From those seats they cannot have defended, or raised taxes from, much of Russia, but when Sineus and Truvor died Rurik went to settle in Novgorod. That city, about a hundred and twenty miles south of Petrograd, was the chief town in the northern part of the route from north to south. Rurik seems to have built a stone fort overlooking the timber settlement and been content with a kind of tribute for his military services. Novgorod remained until centuries afterwards a jealously democratic community.
The chief Slav town in the south was Kieff, and to this two of the unruly officers of Rurik’s troop, Askold and Dir, led a company of the northerners. As is well known, these northern barbarians, once their barriers were broken down, wandered from end to end of Europe, and even to Carthage and Alexandria, terrifying the natives everywhere with their gigantic frames, their immense axes and swords, their guttural grunts77, and their infinite capacity for liquor. The Slavs of Kieff, voluntarily or involuntarily, received the warriors, and a fresh colony of men of Rus was planted. They seem to have infected even some of the Slavs with their piratical spirit, for we read of them leading an expedition down the river and across the Black Sea against Constantinople itself.
The next step was to unite the towns of Novgorod and Kieff, and bring the remainder of the Slavs under the vague lordship of the Norsemen. This was done by Rurik’s brother and successor, Oleg. The Teutonic rule of hereditary succession came in with the northerners, and the men of Novgorod seem to have had no further choice. Oleg assumed command, and he marched his troop against the smaller body of his countrymen in the south. Askold and Dir had, he said, acted without orders, and had usurped78 a lordship which belonged to his brother. Kieff had no more choice than Novgorod. Oleg found it a finer town than the settlement among the marshes79 of the north. He set up there his court of brawling80, drunken warriors, and gradually induced all the tribes of the Slavs to pay him tribute and furnish soldiers. He was so successful that one year he embarked81 his men on two thousand boats, led them against the imperial city, and forced the Greeks themselves to add to his treasury82.
The land of Rus was in those days not the spacious83 Russia of our time. It spread little eastward beyond Novgorod and Kieff, and it was bounded by the Khazars to the south and the Finns and Lithuanians to the north. But it was now Russia, a group of Slav tribes dominated by a military caste. It was, however, not yet a nation, certainly not a monarchy84. Tax-gathering and defence were the sole duties of the military chief, and as the Slavs had demanded the one they were not unprepared for the other. But the germ of autocracy was now planted in the soil, and the terrible events of the next few centuries would foster its baleful development.
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1
sprawling
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| adj.蔓生的，不规则地伸展的v.伸开四肢坐[躺]( sprawl的现在分词 )；蔓延；杂乱无序地拓展；四肢伸展坐着（或躺着） | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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horde
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| n.群众，一大群 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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bracing
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| adj.令人振奋的 | |
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medley
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| n.混合 | |
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bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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autocracies
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| n.独裁( autocracy的名词复数 )；独裁统治；独裁政体；独裁政府 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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puny
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| adj.微不足道的，弱小的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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joyously
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| ad.快乐地, 高兴地 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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nether
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| adj.下部的，下面的；n.阴间；下层社会 | |
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arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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arable
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| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
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40
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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41
grassy
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| adj.盖满草的；长满草的 | |
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42
furrowed
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| v.犁田，开沟( furrow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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45
crumbling
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| adj.摇摇欲坠的 | |
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46
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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47
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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48
junctions
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| 联结点( junction的名词复数 )； 会合点； （公路或铁路的）交叉路口； （电缆等的）主结点 | |
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49
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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50
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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51
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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52
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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53
sledge
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| n.雪橇，大锤；v.用雪橇搬运，坐雪橇往 | |
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54
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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55
charred
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| v.把…烧成炭( char的过去式)；烧焦 | |
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56
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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58
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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myriad
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| adj.无数的；n.无数，极大数量 | |
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61
tapers
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| （长形物体的）逐渐变窄( taper的名词复数 )； 微弱的光； 极细的蜡烛 | |
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62
strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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64
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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67
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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71
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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72
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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73
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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grunts
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| （猪等）作呼噜声( grunt的第三人称单数 )； （指人）发出类似的哼声； 咕哝着说； 石鲈 | |
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usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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brawling
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| n.争吵，喧嚷 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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82
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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83
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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84
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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