But there is another side to this picture of feudal inefficiency12. Moral not less than physical force is a mighty13 factor in war; and it was precisely14 the military defects of the English feudal system that first made her a military power. Though the growth of a caste of warriors15 was checked, it was to make room for that which was worthy16 to overshadow it, a fighting nation. For in England there was not, as in other countries, any denial of civil rights to the commons of the realm. Below the ranks of the peerage all freemen enjoyed equality before the law; nay17, the peerage itself conferred no privilege except on those who actually possessed18 it, the sons of peers being commoners, not as elsewhere noble through the mere19 fact of their birth. In England there were and are nobility and gentry20: in other countries nobility and gentry were merged21 in a single haughty22 exclusive caste, and between them and other freemen was fixed a great and impassable gulf23. Thus the highest and the lowest of the freemen were in touch with each other in England as nowhere else in Europe. More than two centuries later than Cre?y, so great and gallant24 a gentleman as Bayard could refuse with disdain25 to fight by the side of infantry26. In England, whatever the pride of race, the son of the noblest peer in the land stood shoulder to shoulder with his equal when the archer27 fell in by his side, and where the son stood the[23] father could feel it no shame to stand. No other nation as yet could imitate this; no other could recall a Hastings where all classes had stood afoot in one battalion28. Other nations could indeed, when taught by experience, dismount their knights29 and align31 cross-bowmen with them, just as at this day they can erect32 an upper and lower chamber33 and speak of a constitution on the English model; but then as now it was the form only, not the substance, that was English.
So far for the commercial and political influence that helped to mould our military system; there remains34 yet another great moral force to be reckoned with. Chivalry35, which had been growing slowly in England since the Third Crusade, burst in the fourteenth century into late but magnificent blossom. The nation woke to the beauty of a service which gave dignity to man's fighting instincts, which taught that it was not enough for him to be without fear if he were not also without reproach, and that though the government of the world must always rest upon force, yet mercy and justice may go hand in hand with it. The girding on of the sword was no longer a social but a religious act; it marked not merely the young man's entrance into public life, but his ordination36 to a great and noble function. Concurrently37 there had arisen a sense of the charm of glory and adventure. Hitherto the English knights had gained no repute in Europe. Hatred38 and jealousy39 had held the Saxon aloof40 from his Norman master; now there was no more Saxon and Norman, but the English, united and strong, a fighting people that thirsted for military fame.
Let us now briefly41 consider the composition and organisation of the armies that were to work such havoc42 in France. The cavalry43 was drawn44 for the most part from the wealthier classes, though, as has been seen, there was one division of the freemen under the statute45 of Winchester which was called upon to do mounted service. The more important branch, the men-at-arms, was composed of two elements, knights and squires47.[24] From the first institution of the feudal system, the number of men required from the greater vassals48 had forced them to equip their sons and serving-men, who after many changes were finally in the thirteenth century merged together under the generic49 name of servientes, a term which was soon corrupted50 into its present form of sergeants51. In the year 1294 these servientes were dignified52 by the higher title of servientes equites, mounted sergeants, which was six years later abandoned for the familiar name of squires. These squires must not, however, be confounded with a different class of the same appellation53, namely, the apprentices who were the personal attendants of the knights. The squire46 of which I now speak was rather a knight30 of inferior order corresponding to the bachelier (bas chevalier) of France. The word knight itself gives us a hint of this inferiority, being the same as the German knecht, whereas ritter is the German term that expresses what is generally understood as a knight in English. The inner history of chivalry is the story of the struggle of the sergeants to rise to an equality with the knights of the first order, and in the fourteenth century they were not far from their goal. Even now they were considered the backbone54 of the English army, and were equipped in all points like the class above them.
Men-at-arms, an expression derived55 from the French, were so called because they were covered with defensive56 armour57 from top to toe; but as the middle of the fourteenth century is a period of transition in the development of armour, it is difficult to describe their equipment with any certainty. Their offensive arms were the lance, sword, dagger59, and shield. Trained from very early youth in the handling of weapons they were doubtless proficient60 enough with them; but they do not seem to have been great horsemen, and indeed it is recorded that they were sometimes tied to the saddle. Monstrelet, writing in the year 1416, tells us of the astonishment61 which certain Italians created among the French because they could actually turn their horses at[25] the gallop62. It is probable that the bits employed were too weak, and that the cumbrousness of the saddle and the weight carried by each man were sad obstacles to good horsemanship; but it is worth remembering in any case that, as this passage plainly shows, men-at-arms in the saddle were reduced to one of two alternatives, to move slowly and retain control of their horses, or to gallop for an indefinite period wherever the animals might choose to carry them.
The favourite horses, alike for speed, endurance, and courage, were the Spanish, which, as they could only reach England by the journey overland through France, were not always very easily obtained. Philip the Bold in 1282 refused to allow one batch63 of eighty such horses to be transhipped to England; but from a contract still extant, of the year 1333, it appears that Edward the Third still counted on Spain to provide him with remounts. These horses, however, were only bestridden for action, being committed on the march to the care of the shield-bearers or squires, who led them, as was natural, on their right-hand side, and thus procured64 for them the curious name of dextrarii.[16] The usual allowance of horses for a knight was three, besides a packhorse for his baggage, the smallest of which, named the palfrey, was that which he rode on ordinary occasions; in fact, to put the matter into modern language, a knight started on a campaign with a first charger, a second charger, and a pony65. The first charger was always a stallion; the rest might be geldings or mares. From the year 1298 the practice of covering horses with defensive armour was introduced into England, an equipment which soon came to be regarded as so essential that one branch of the cavalry, and that the most important, was reckoned by the number of barded horses.
The personal retinue66 of the knights was made up of apprentices or aspirants67 to the rank which they held. The squire or shield-bearer took charge of the knight's armour on the march, and was responsible for maintaining[26] it in proper order; and it is worth remarking that the English squire took a pride in burnishing68 the metal to the highest pitch of brilliancy, thus early establishing those traditions of smartness which are still so strong in our cavalry. It was also the squire's duty, among many others, to help his master to don his harness when the time for action came, beginning with his iron shoes or sollerets, and working upwards69 till the fabric70 was crowned by the iron headpiece, and the finishing touch added by the assumption of the shield. The reader will readily understand that a really efficient squire must have been invaluable71, for if an engagement came in any way as a surprise there was an immediate72 rush for the baggage, and a scene of confusion that must have beggared description. Fortunately, the fact that both sides were generally alike unready, and the punctiliousness73 of chivalric74 courtesy, permitted as a rule ample time not only for the equipment of all ranks, but for the marshalling of the host.
In the matter of administrative75 organisation the men-at-arms were distributed into constabularies, being commanded by officers called constables76. The strength of a constabulary seems to have varied78 from five-and-twenty to eighty; and this variety, together with the absence of any tactical unit of fixed strength, makes it impossible to state how many constabularies were included in the next tactical division. This was called the banner, and was commanded by a banneret, a rank originally conferred only upon such as could bring a certain number of followers79 into the field. Promotion80 to the degree of banneret was marked by cutting off the forked tail of the pennon which was carried by the ordinary knight, and leaving the remnant square. So at the present day, the pennons of lances are forked, the square being reserved for the standards of squadrons and regiments81.
The independent employment of small bodies in action was almost unknown, the rule being to pack an indefinite number of men-at-arms, hundreds or even thousands, into a close and solid mass, its depth almost[27] if not quite as great as its frontage. The haye, or thin line, is of much later date. Ordinarily some modification82 of the wedge was the formation preferred; that is to say, that the frontage of the front rank was somewhat less than that of the rear; the mass of that particular shape being judged to be less liable to disorder83 and better adapted for breaking into a hostile phalanx. The relative strength of the front and rear ranks depended entirely84 on the numbers that were packed in between them, and it may readily be supposed that the evolutions which so unwieldly a body could execute were very few. Probably, until the moment of action came, sufficient space was maintained to permit every horse to turn on his own ground, after the Roman fashion, to right, left, or about; but for the attack ranks and files were closed up as tightly as possible, and all other considerations were sacrificed to the maintenance of a compact array. It was said of the French knights who marched with Richard the Lion-Heart that an apple thrown into the midst of them would not have fallen to the ground. We must therefore rid ourselves of the popular notion of the knight as a headlong galloping85 cavalier. The attack of men-at-arms could not be very rapid unless it were made in disorder; and though it comes strictly86 under the head of shock-action, the shock was rather that of a ponderous87 column moving at a moderate pace than of a light line charging at high speed. By bearing these facts in mind it will be easier to understand the failure of mounted men-at-arms to break a passive square of infantry.
Next after the men-at-arms came a species of cavalry called by the name of pauncenars,[17] which was less fully88 equipped with defensive armour, but wore the habergeon[18] and was armed with the lance.
Lastly came the light cavalry of the fyrd, originally established to patrol the English coast. These were called hobelars, from the hobbies or ponies89 which they [28]rode, and were equipped with an iron helmet, a heavily padded doublet (aketon), iron gloves, and a sword.
Turning next to the infantry, there were Welsh spearmen, carrying the weapon which gave them their name, but without defensive armour. Indeed it should seem that they were not overburdened with clothes of any kind, for they were every one provided at the King's expense with a tunic90 and a mantle91, which were by express direction made of the same material and colour for all. These Welsh spearmen therefore were the first troops in the English service who were dressed in uniform, and they received it first in the year 1337.[19] The colour of their clothing unfortunately remains unknown to us.
Next we come to the peculiar92 strength of England, the archers93. Though a certain number of them seem generally to have been mounted, yet, like the dragoons of a later day, these rode for the sake of swifter mobility94 only, and may rightly be reckoned as infantry. As has been already stated, the archers wore no defensive armour except an iron cap, relying on their bows alone. These bows were six feet four inches long; the arrows, of varying length but generally described as cloth-yard shafts95, were fitted with barb96 and point of iron and fledged with the feathers of goose or peacock. But the weapon itself would have gone for little without the special training in its use wherein the English excelled. "My father," says Bishop97 Latimer (and we may reasonably assume that in such matters there had been little change in a hundred and fifty years), "My father was diligent98 in teaching me to shoot with the bow; he taught me to draw, to lay my body to the bow, not to draw with strength of arm as other nations do, but with the strength of the body. I had my bows bought[20] [29]me according to my age and strength; as I increased in these my bows were made bigger and bigger." The principle was in fact analogous99 to that which is taught to young oarsmen at the present day. The results of this training were astonishing. The range of the long-bow in the hands of the old archers is said to have been fully two hundred and forty yards, and the force of the arrow to have been such as to pierce at a fair distance an inch of stout100 timber. Moreover, the shooting was both rapid and accurate. Indeed the long-bow was in the fourteenth century a more formidable weapon than the cross-bow, which had been condemned101 by Pope Innocent the Second as too deadly for Christian102 warfare so far back as 1139. It was at no disadvantage in the matter of range, while it could be discharged far more quickly; and further, since it was held not horizontally but perpendicularly103 to the ground, the archers could stand closer together, and their volleys could be better concentrated. Thus the long-bow, though the cross-bow was not unknown to the English, was not only the national but the better weapon. In action the archers were ranked as deep as was consistent with the delivery of effective volleys, the rear ranks being able to do good execution by aiming over the heads of the men before them. It may be imagined from the muscular training undergone by the archers that they were physically104 a magnificent body of men.
Strictly speaking the archers were the artillery105 of the army, according to the terminology106 of the time,[21] the word artillator being used in the time of Edward the Second to signify the officer in charge of what we now call the ordnance-stores. But to avoid confusion we must use the word in its modern sense, the more so since we find among the stores of the custodian[22] of the King's artillery in 1344 the items of saltpetre and [30]sulphur for the manufacture of powder, and among his men six "gonners." Gun, it should be added, was the English, cannon107 the French name for these weapons from the beginning. It will presently be necessary to notice their first appearance in the field.
As to the general organisation of the army, the whole was divided into thousands under an officer called a millenar, subdivided108 into hundreds, each under a centenar, and further subdivided into twenties, each under a vintenar. The commander-in-chief was usually the King in person, aided by two principal officers, the High Constable77 and the Marshal, whose duties were, roughly speaking, those of Adjutant and Quartermaster-General. For tactical purposes the army was distributed into three divisions, called the vanguard, battle and rearguard, which kept those names whatever their position in the field or on the march, whether the host was drawn up, as most commonly, in three lines, or in one. Trumpets109 were used for purposes of signalling, though so far as can be gathered they sounded no distinct calls, and were dependent for their significance on orders previously110 issued. The failing in this respect is the more remarkable111, inasmuch as the signals of the chase with the horn were already very numerous and very clearly and accurately112 defined.
The pay of all ranks can fortunately be supplied from the muster113-roll of Calais in 1346, and although I shall not again encumber114 these pages with a pay-list I shall for once print it entire:
The Prince of Wales 20s. a day.
The Bishop of Durham 6s. 8d. " "
Earls 6s. 8d. " "
Barons115 and Bannerets 4s. " "
Knights 2s. " "
Esquires, Constables, Captains, and Leaders 1s. " "
Vintenars 6d. " "
Mounted Archers 6d. " "
Pauncenars 6d. " "
[31] Hobelars 6d. " "
Foot-Archers 3d. " "
Welsh Spearmen 2d. " "
" Vintenars 4d. " "
Masons, Carpenters, Smiths, Engineers, Miners, Gunners, 10d., 6d., and 3d.
It is melancholy116 to have to record that even so early as in 1342 corruption117 and fraudulent dealing118 had begun in the army. The marshals were ordered to muster the men-at-arms once a month, and to refuse pay for men who were absent or inadequately119 armed or indifferently mounted. We shall see the practice of drawing pay for imaginary men and the tricks played on muster-masters increase and multiply, till they demand a special vocabulary and a certain measure of official recognition. A favourite abuse among men-at-arms was the claim of extortionate compensation for horses lost on active service, leading to an order in this same year that all horses should be valued on admission to the corps120, and marked to prevent deception121. Thus early was the road opened that leads to the broad arrow. The taint58 of corruption, indeed, clings strongly to every army, with the possible exception of the Prussian, in Europe. War is a time of urgency and stress, which does not admit of strict audits122 or careful inspections123, and poor human nature is too weak not to turn such an opportunity to its profit. It is an unpleasant thought that dishonesty and peculation124 should be inseparably associated with so much that is noble and heroic in human history, but the fact is indisputable, and must not be lightly passed over. Moreover the days when English cavalry shall go to war on their own horses may not yet be numbered; and it may be useful to remember that the medi?val man-at-arms would mount himself on his worst animal in order to break him down the quicker, and claim for him the price of his best. It is only by constant wariness125 against such evils that there can be built up a sound system of military administration.
Authorities.—As for previous chapter.
点击收听单词发音
1 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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2 indents | |
v.切割…使呈锯齿状( indent的第三人称单数 );缩进排版 | |
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3 apprentices | |
学徒,徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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4 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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5 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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6 contractors | |
n.(建筑、监造中的)承包人( contractor的名词复数 ) | |
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7 contractor | |
n.订约人,承包人,收缩肌 | |
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8 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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9 enlisted | |
adj.应募入伍的v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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10 bidder | |
n.(拍卖时的)出价人,报价人,投标人 | |
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11 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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12 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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13 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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14 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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15 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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16 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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17 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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18 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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19 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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20 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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21 merged | |
(使)混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 ); 相融; 融入; 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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22 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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23 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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24 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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25 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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26 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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27 archer | |
n.射手,弓箭手 | |
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28 battalion | |
n.营;部队;大队(的人) | |
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29 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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30 knight | |
n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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31 align | |
vt.使成一线,结盟,调节;vi.成一线,结盟 | |
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32 erect | |
n./v.树立,建立,使竖立;adj.直立的,垂直的 | |
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33 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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34 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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35 chivalry | |
n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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36 ordination | |
n.授任圣职 | |
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37 concurrently | |
adv.同时地 | |
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38 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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39 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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40 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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41 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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42 havoc | |
n.大破坏,浩劫,大混乱,大杂乱 | |
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43 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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44 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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45 statute | |
n.成文法,法令,法规;章程,规则,条例 | |
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46 squire | |
n.护卫, 侍从, 乡绅 | |
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47 squires | |
n.地主,乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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48 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
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49 generic | |
adj.一般的,普通的,共有的 | |
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50 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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51 sergeants | |
警官( sergeant的名词复数 ); (美国警察)警佐; (英国警察)巡佐; 陆军(或空军)中士 | |
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52 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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53 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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54 backbone | |
n.脊骨,脊柱,骨干;刚毅,骨气 | |
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55 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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56 defensive | |
adj.防御的;防卫的;防守的 | |
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57 armour | |
(=armor)n.盔甲;装甲部队 | |
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58 taint | |
n.污点;感染;腐坏;v.使感染;污染 | |
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59 dagger | |
n.匕首,短剑,剑号 | |
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60 proficient | |
adj.熟练的,精通的;n.能手,专家 | |
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61 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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62 gallop | |
v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔;飞速发展 | |
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63 batch | |
n.一批(组,群);一批生产量 | |
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64 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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65 pony | |
adj.小型的;n.小马 | |
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66 retinue | |
n.侍从;随员 | |
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67 aspirants | |
n.有志向或渴望获得…的人( aspirant的名词复数 )v.渴望的,有抱负的,追求名誉或地位的( aspirant的第三人称单数 );有志向或渴望获得…的人 | |
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68 burnishing | |
n.磨光,抛光,擦亮v.擦亮(金属等),磨光( burnish的现在分词 );被擦亮,磨光 | |
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69 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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70 fabric | |
n.织物,织品,布;构造,结构,组织 | |
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71 invaluable | |
adj.无价的,非常宝贵的,极为贵重的 | |
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72 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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73 punctiliousness | |
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74 chivalric | |
有武士气概的,有武士风范的 | |
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75 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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76 constables | |
n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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77 constable | |
n.(英国)警察,警官 | |
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78 varied | |
adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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79 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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80 promotion | |
n.提升,晋级;促销,宣传 | |
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81 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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82 modification | |
n.修改,改进,缓和,减轻 | |
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83 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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84 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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85 galloping | |
adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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86 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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87 ponderous | |
adj.沉重的,笨重的,(文章)冗长的 | |
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88 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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89 ponies | |
矮种马,小型马( pony的名词复数 ); £25 25 英镑 | |
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90 tunic | |
n.束腰外衣 | |
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91 mantle | |
n.斗篷,覆罩之物,罩子;v.罩住,覆盖,脸红 | |
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92 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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93 archers | |
n.弓箭手,射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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94 mobility | |
n.可动性,变动性,情感不定 | |
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95 shafts | |
n.轴( shaft的名词复数 );(箭、高尔夫球棒等的)杆;通风井;一阵(疼痛、害怕等) | |
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96 barb | |
n.(鱼钩等的)倒钩,倒刺 | |
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97 bishop | |
n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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98 diligent | |
adj.勤勉的,勤奋的 | |
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99 analogous | |
adj.相似的;类似的 | |
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101 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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102 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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103 perpendicularly | |
adv. 垂直地, 笔直地, 纵向地 | |
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104 physically | |
adj.物质上,体格上,身体上,按自然规律 | |
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105 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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106 terminology | |
n.术语;专有名词 | |
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107 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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108 subdivided | |
再分,细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109 trumpets | |
喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 ); 小号; 喇叭形物; (尤指)绽开的水仙花 | |
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110 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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111 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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112 accurately | |
adv.准确地,精确地 | |
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113 muster | |
v.集合,收集,鼓起,激起;n.集合,检阅,集合人员,点名册 | |
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114 encumber | |
v.阻碍行动,妨碍,堆满 | |
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115 barons | |
男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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116 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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117 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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118 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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119 inadequately | |
ad.不够地;不够好地 | |
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120 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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121 deception | |
n.欺骗,欺诈;骗局,诡计 | |
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122 audits | |
n.审计,查账( audit的名词复数 )v.审计,查账( audit的第三人称单数 ) | |
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123 inspections | |
n.检查( inspection的名词复数 );检验;视察;检阅 | |
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124 peculation | |
n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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125 wariness | |
n. 注意,小心 | |
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