Early in 1424 ten thousand Scottish men-at-arms, under Archibald, Earl of Douglas, arrived at Rochelle, and were welcomed with eagerness by the French. Douglas was created Duke of Touraine, and all went merrily until on the 17th of August French and English, with their allies, met under the walls of Verneuil. The French and Scots numbered close on twenty thousand men, the English twelve thousand, of whom eight thousand were archers19. Contrary to the hitherto accepted practice, the French formed their army into a single huge central battalion20 of dismounted men, with cavalry21 on each wing, the mounted men being designed to fall upon the English flanks and rear. Bedford, who commanded the English, imitated the enemy in forming only a single battalion, but dismounted the whole of his force, covering his front and flanks with archers, who as at Agincourt carried stakes as a defence against the attack of horse. His baggage he parked in rear, the horses being tied collar to tail that they might be the less easily driven off; and he appointed as baggage-guard no fewer than ten thousand archers.
For the whole morning the two armies stood opposite to each other in order of battle, each waiting for the other to attack; but at last, at three in the afternoon, the French advanced and were received by the English with a mighty22 shout. The French cavalry on the wings charged, broke through the archers, and sweeping23 round the English rear fell upon the baggage. They were greeted by the guard with a shower of arrows, but contrived24 none the less to carry off some quantity of spoil, with which they galloped25 away, feeling sure that the day was won.[32] But meanwhile the[66] two battalions26 of dismounted men-at-arms, those on the French side being exclusively Scots, had closed and were fighting desperately27. For a moment the English were beaten back by superior numbers; but Salisbury, John Talbot, and other tried leaders were with them, and they soon recovered themselves. The archers on the wings rallied to their aid, while those of the baggage-guard, freed from all further alarm of cavalry, hurried up with loud shouts in support. The Scots wavered, and the English pressing forward with one supreme28 effort broke through their ranks, split up the battalion, and threw the whole into helpless confusion. And then began a terrible carnage, for the Scots had told Bedford that they would neither give nor receive quarter, and they certainly received none. Five thousand men, mostly Scots, were killed on the French side, John Stewart, Earl of Buchan, the Earl of Douglas and James his son being among the slain29, and two hundred more were taken prisoners. Of the English some sixteen hundred only went down.
1428.
To France Verneuil was a disaster little less crushing than Agincourt, and indeed it seemed as though she had passed irrevocably under English dominion. All was however spoiled by Bedford's brother Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, who, having made a match with a rich heiress, Jacqueline of Holland, carried away English troops to take possession of her dower-lands, and, worst of all, gave the deepest offence to Burgundy. At home Humphrey was equally troublesome, so much so that in 1425 Bedford was compelled to return to England to set matters right. It was not until three years later that he took the field again, well reinforced with men and with a powerful train of artillery30. So far we have rarely found artillery employed except for sieges, but henceforth we see gunners regularly employed at the high wage of a man-at-arms, one shilling a day, and "hand-cannons32" and "little cannons with stone shot of two pounds weight," playing ever a more prominent part in the field.
[67]
1429.
Against his better judgment33 Bedford now resolved to carry the war across the Loire, and detached the Earl of Salisbury with ten thousand men to the siege of Orleans. The operations opened unfortunately with the death of Salisbury, who was mortally wounded by a cannon-shot while examining the enemy's works; but the investment was carried on with spirit by the Earl of Suffolk, and a little action at the opening of 1429 showed that the English superiority still held good. This, the battle of Roveray, better known as the action of the Herrings, has a peculiar34 interest, though the occasion was simple enough. Lent was approaching; and as, among the many complications of medi?val warfare35, the observance of the fast was by no means forgiven to fighting men,[33] it was necessary to send provisions of "Lenten stuff," principally herrings, to the besieging36 force round Orleans. The convoy37 being large was provided with an escort of sixteen hundred men under command of Sir John Falstolfe. The French and Scots decided38 to attack it on the march, but unfortunately could not agree as to their plan; the Scots insisting that it was best to dismount, the French preferring to remain in the saddle. Meanwhile Falstolfe with great dexterity39 drew his waggons40 into a leaguer, leaving but two narrow entrances defended by archers. It was the trap of Poitiers once more. The French and Scots after long discussion agreed to differ, and attacked each in their own fashion. The English archers shot with admirable precision; the Scots lost very heavily, the French after a short experience of the arrows rode out of range, and Falstolfe led his herrings triumphantly42 into Orleans, having killed close on six hundred of the enemy with trifling43 loss to himself. This was the last signal employment of the tactics of[68] Poitiers, the last brilliant success of the English in the Hundred Years' War, the first glimpse of a lesson learnt by England from the military genius of a foreign power. For the tactics of the waggon41 were those of John Zizka, the greatest soldier of Europe in the fifteenth century.
From this point the story is one of almost unbroken failure for the English in France. They were now about to pass through the experience which later befell the Spaniards in the Low Countries, and the French themselves in the Peninsula. The turning-point is of course the appearance in the field of Joan of Arc, a phenomenon so extraordinary that it has become the exclusive property of the votaries44 of poetry and sentiment, and is, perhaps rightly, not to be rescued from their hands. It is certain that her military talents were of the slightest; but, on the other hand, she possessed the magic of leadership and the amazing power of restoring the moral strength of her countrymen, which had been impaired45 as never before by an endless succession of defeats. The English not unnaturally46 attributed this power to witchcraft47: for by what other agency could a peasant girl have checked the ever-victorious army? and the punishment of witchcraft being the fire they burnt her to death. Any other nation would have done the same in their place then, and there are still a few folks both in France and the United Kingdom who would do so now. But the fire in the market-place of Rouen availed the English little. "The French," as Monstrelet says, believed that "God was against the English"; and the English began to believe it themselves.
1430.
For the woman's quick instinct and the pure insight of a saintly soul had guided the maid aright. The moral quality of the English force was corrupted48, and needed only to meet some loftier spirit to fall into decay. The chivalrous50 character of the war was gone. Hostile commanders no longer laid each other friendly wagers51 on the success of their next operations. The[69] army too was ceasing to be national; the English element was growing smaller and smaller in number, and fast sinking to the level of the lawless adventurers who furnished the majority in the ranks. Long contempt of the enemy had bred insolence52 and carelessness, and the old discipline was almost gone. The sight of a deer or a hare sufficed to set a whole division hallooing, sometimes, as at Patay, with disastrous53 results. On that day the French scouts54, who were feeling for the enemy, roused a stag, which ran towards the English array, and was greeted with such a storm of yells as told the French all that they wanted to know. The English force blundered on, without advanced parties of any kind, till it suddenly found itself on the verge55 of an engagement. Then the leaders wrangled56 as to the question of fighting in enclosed or open country, and, having finally in overweening confidence selected the open, were surprised and routed before the archers could plant their stakes in the ground. Worst of all, an officer in high command, Sir John Falstolfe, seeing that defeat was certain, disobeyed the order to dismount and galloped away. He was disgraced by Bedford, but was afterwards for some reason reinstated, though had Harry been king he would assuredly have lost his head.[34]
Sandacourt,
1431.
Among the French the revival58 of the military spirit soon showed itself in a remarkable development of new ideas. They had long copied, though with a bad grace, the English practice of dismounting men-at-arms and furnishing archers with a palisade of stakes, but in 1434 at Gerberoy they used the three arms, cavalry, infantry59, and artillery, in combination, with signal success. Artillery was still so far a novelty in the field that only three years before a whole army collected by the Duke of Bar had flung itself howling to the ground at the first discharge; but the English archers, though they knew better than to behave thus, were sadly dismayed when the round stone shot came bounding within their trusted[70] palisade. It was just after this, too, that two fatal blows were struck at the English by the shifting of Burgundy to the French side, and by the death of their ablest leader, John, Duke of Bedford.
Still the war, wantonly and foolishly continued by an inefficient60 Government, dragged on and on, and, though not unbroken by occasional brilliant exploits, turned steadily62 against the English. The behaviour of the soldiers was sullied more and more by shameful63 barbarity; and gradually but surely their hold on Normandy and Guienne slipped from them. Truce64 was made at last in 1444, and Charles the Seventh seized the opportunity to execute a series of long-meditated reforms in the French army. He established a national militia65 of fifteen companies of men-at-arms and archers, each six hundred strong, organised garrisons66 of trained men for the towns, took the greatest pains for the equipment, discipline, and regular payment of the troops, and formed the finest park of artillery thitherto seen. In a word, he laid the foundation of the French standing67 army, with the Scottish archers and Scottish men-at-arms at its head, two famous corps68 that remained in their old place on the army-list until the French Revolution. Thus French military organisation69, spurred by a century of misfortune, made one gigantic bound ahead of English, and may be said to have kept the lead ever since.
1440.
1449.
1450,
April 18.
In England there had been no such improvement. A feeble effort had been made to check by statute70 fraudulent enlistment71 and the still graver abuse of embezzlement72 of the soldiers' pay by the captains, but this was of little help when the enforcement of the Act[35] was entrusted73 to so corrupt49 and avaricious74 a commander as the Duke of Somerset. Throughout the truce the soldiers on the English side behaved abominably75; but, since they were robbed of their wages by their officers, it is hardly surprising that they should have repaid themselves by the plunder76 of the country. When finally the truce was broken, and the French invaded[71] Normandy, the English dominion fell before them like a house of cards. Town after town, their garrisons depleted77 to fill Somerset's pocket, surrendered to superior force, and the English as they marched forth31 had the mortification78 to see the Normans gleefully doff79 the red cross of St. George for the white cross of France. An attempt to save the province was foiled by the rout57 of the English reinforcements at Fourmigny, and Normandy was lost. Anjou and Maine had been already made over to the father of Henry the Sixth's Queen, and Guienne and Gascony, which had been English since the reign3 of Henry the Second, alone remained. Next year they too went the way of Normandy and were lost.
1453,
July 20.
Gascony, however, notwithstanding her hot southern blood, was in no such anxiety as Normandy to be quit of the English, and sent messages to England that, if an army were sent to help her, she would revolt against the French to rejoin her old mistress. England lent a willing ear, and John Talbot, the veteran Earl of Shrewsbury, was sent out to this, his last campaign. The decisive battle was fought under the walls of Chatillon. The French were strongly entrenched80, with three hundred pieces of artillery in position, a striking testimony81 to their military progress. The English fought with the weapon which for a century had won them their victories, and for the last as for the first battle of the Hundred Years' War, every man alighted from his horse. John Talbot alone, in virtue82 of his fourscore years, remained mounted on his hackney; and with the indomitable old man at their head the English hurled83 themselves upon the entrenchment84. It was a mad, desperate, hopeless venture, but they stormed forward with such impetuosity that they went near to carry the position. For a full hour they persisted, until at last, riddled85 through and through by the fire of the artillery, they fell back. Then the French sallied forth and turned the defeat into a rout. Old John Talbot's pony86 was shot under him, and being pinned to the ground under the dead animal he was killed where he lay.[72] Young John Talbot, Lord Lisle, refused to leave his father, and fell by his side. The army was dispersed87 over Aquitaine, and the ancestral domains88 of seven generations of English kings passed from them for ever. By the irony89 of fate a Scottish soldier[36] was appointed to hold for the crown of France the French provinces that had clung with such attachment90 to England. Of all the great possessions of the English in France Calais now alone was left, to break in due time the heart of an English Queen.
At home the discontent over the national disgrace was profound. The people of course cast about to find a scapegoat91, and after one or two changes finally fixed92 upon the blameless and unfortunate Henry the Sixth. Want of a strong central government was undoubtedly93 the disease from which England had suffered ever since the death of King Henry the Fifth, but for this the nation itself was principally responsible. It had chosen for its rulers the House of Lancaster because Henry of Bolingbroke had agreed to accept constitutional checks on the royal power before the country was ripe for self-government. It had thrown off the yoke94 of discipline which alone could enable it to tug95 the heavy load of English weal and English honour, and it paid the inevitable96 penalty. Numbers of republics have made the same mistake during the present century and have suffered or are suffering the same punishment. There is no surer sign of an undisciplined nation than civil war.
In the England of the fifteenth century the disease had been deeply aggravated97 by the interminable campaigns in France. All classes at home, from the highest to the lowest, were equally selfish and apathetic98 in respect of the national good: internal order was at an end, and riots and outrages99 which amounted to private war continued unceasingly and remained unrepressed. The system of indentures100 between king and subject for the supply of troops had been extended from subject to retainer and, as has been well said, the[73] clause "for the King's service" could easily be dropped out of the contract.[37] The red cross of St. George never appears in the English battlefields; red rose and white were indeed the emblems101 of contending factions, but we hear far more of the badges of great families, the ragged61 staff, the cresset and the like, and of the liveries, which, though forbidden by statute to any but the king, were conspicuous102 all through the Civil War. The loss of France furnished but too much material to the hands of violence and strife103. England was full of unemployed104 soldiers, who had been trained in the undisciplined school of French faction9 to treachery and plunder and all that is lowest and most inhuman105 in war. Hundreds of men who had held comfortable posts in French garrisons, and had turned them to purposes of brigandage106, were cast adrift upon England, barbarised, brutalised, demoralised, to recoup themselves in their own country. After the peace of Brétigny the disbanded soldiery had made France their chamber107 and swept down thence upon Italy; the like men[38] were now to be let loose upon England, and France was to be well avenged108 of her old enemy. Worst of all, the leaders of factions, in the madness of their animosity, were not ashamed to import foreign troops and set them at each other's throats.
1460.
1461.
I shall not dwell upon this miserable109 and disastrous period, marking as it does the wreck110 of our ancient military greatness. Such few military points as present themselves in the scanty111 chronicles of this time must be noted112, and no more. Of the principal figures one only is to be remarked. Warwick the "King-maker" must be passed over as rather a statesman than a soldier; Margaret of Anjou—the pestilent, indomitable woman—must be remembered only for her importation of [74]mercenaries; Edward the Fourth, full of the military genius of the Plantagenets, alone is deserving of lengthier113 mention. There was not an action at which he was present wherein he did not make that presence felt. It was he who at Northampton turned his treacherous114 admission to the left of the Lancastrian position to instant and decisive account. It was he who in the following year, still only a boy of twenty, crushed Owen Tudor at Mortimer's Cross; it was he who held supreme command at that more terrible Marston Moor115 of the fifteenth century, the battle of Towton.
March 28.
This action has a peculiar interest as an example of English tactics and tenacity116 turned upon themselves. The Lancastrians, sixty thousand strong, were formed up on a plateau eight miles to the north of Ferrybridge, facing south-their right resting on a brook117, called the Cock, their left on the Great North Road. It was a strong position, but too much cramped118 for their numbers, having a front of less than a mile in extent. They were probably drawn119 up according to the old fashion in three lines of great depth. The Yorkists numbered but five-and-thirty thousand, but they were expecting an additional thirteen thousand under the Duke of Norfolk, which, advancing from Ferrybridge, would come up on their own right and against the left flank of the enemy. Edward appears to have remedied his numerical inferiority after the pattern of his great ancestor at Cre?y by forming his army in echelon120 of three lines, refusing his right. The foremost or left line of the echelon was commanded by Lord Falconbridge, the second by Warwick, and the third by Edward in person. The Yorkists advancing northward121 to the attack had just caught sight of the enemy on a height beyond a slight dip in the ground called Towton Dale, when there came on a blinding snowstorm, which so effectually veiled both armies that it was only by their shouts that they could know each other's position. Falconbridge with great readiness[75] seized the moment to push forward his archers to the edge of the plateau, whence he bade them shoot flight-arrows, specially122 adapted to fly over a long range, into the Lancastrian columns. This done he quickly withdrew his men. The Lancastrians thereupon poured in a tremendous shower of fighting arrows, all of which fell short of their supposed mark, and maintained it till their sheaves were well-nigh exhausted123. Then Falconbridge again advanced and began to shoot in earnest; his men had not only their own stock of shafts124 but also those discharged by the enemy. The rain of missiles was too much for the Lancastrians: they broke from their position on the height and poured down across the dip to drive the Yorkists from the slope above it. Then the action became general and the whole line was soon hotly engaged.
What followed for the next few hours in the driving snow no one has told us, or, it is probable, could ever have told us. All that is certain is that the Lancastrians, though occasionally they could force the Yorkists back for a space, could never gain any permanent advantage, a fact that points to extremely judicious125 handling of the refused division by Edward. From five in the morning until noon the combat raged with unabated fury, and the pile of the dead rose so high that the living could hardly come to close quarters. At length at noon the Duke of Norfolk's column, timely as Blücher's, appeared in the Great North Road on the left flank of the Lancastrians, and began to roll them back from their position and from the line of their retreat. Slowly and sullenly126 the Lancastrians gave way; there was probably little attempt to alter their disposition127 to meet the attack in their flank; but for three long hours more they fought, disputing every inch of ground, till at last they were forced back from it upon the swollen128 waters of the Cock. Then the rout and the slaughter129 became general; thousands were drowned in the brook; and the pursuit, wherein we again see the hand of Edward, was carried to the very gates of York. Thirty-five thousand Lancastrians and[76] eight thousand Yorkists perished in the fight, an appalling130 slaughter for so miserable a cause. But this was a contest not merely of faction against faction, but of North against South; and the North never spoke131 disrespectfully of the South again. This perhaps was the principal result of what must be reckoned the most terrible battle ever fought by the English.
1471,
April 14.
The decisive battle of Barnet furnishes a still more brilliant instance of Edward's skill, and of his quickness to seize the vital point in a campaign. All turned upon his forcing his enemies to action before they could gather their full strength about them. Edward marched his men up to Warwick's position actually after dusk had fallen, a rare accomplishment132 in those days, and drew up his men as best he could in the dark. When day broke with dense133 fog he discovered that his army far out-flanked Warwick's left, and was as far out-flanked by Warwick's on his own left. The result seems to have been that the two armies edged continually round each other until their respective positions were reversed,[39] for some of Warwick's cavalry, coming back from the pursuit of Edward's left, found itself on its return not, as it supposed, in rear of Edward's army, but of its own. The cry of treason, always common in the Wars of the Roses, was quickly raised, and in the general confusion the battle was lost to Warwick. None the less the victory was due to Edward's promptness; and indeed the rapidity alike of his decisions and of his marches stamp him as a soldier of no ordinary talent, and as in many respects far in advance of his time.
1487.
For the rest the Wars of the Roses show unmistakable signs of the changes that were coming over the art of war.[40] A most important point is the ever increasing [77]employment of artillery in the field and the greater value attached to it. Richard, Duke of York, is said to have had a great train of ordnance134 and so many as three thousand gunners with him at Dartmouth in 1452. Artillerymen were becoming far more common, and as a natural consequence bade fair to command a smaller price in the wage-market. From this time also it may be said that the duel135 of artillery tends to become the regular preliminary to a general action. Still more significant is the augmented136 prominence137 of the common foot-soldier, known from his peculiar weapon as the bill-man, who now begins to supplant138 the dismounted man-at-arms in the work of infantry, and as a natural consequence restores the latter to his proper station among the cavalry. New weapons again make their appearance in the hands of the foot-soldier. Both Edward and Warwick introduced hired bands of Burgundian hand-gun men, whereby the English became acquainted with the new arm that was to drive out the famous bow. Again, on the field of Stoke there were seen two thousand tall Germans armed with halberd and pike, under the command of one Martin Schwartz, who fought on the losing side, but stood in their ranks till they were cut down to a man.[41] Lastly, the old order of battle in three lines was becoming rapidly obsolete139. At Bosworth both armies were drawn up in a single line, with the cavalry on the wings; and the cavalry itself was beginning at the same time to forsake140 the formation in column for that in line, or as it was called, en haye.
All these changes were symptoms of a great movement that was passing over all Europe. The art of war, like all the other arts, was undergoing a transformation141 so fundamental that it has received the name of a renascence. England, cut off by her expulsion out of France from[78] her former contact with continental142 nations, exhausted by her civil wars, reduced to her true position as a naval143 power, and above all wedded144 to the peculiar system which had brought her such success, lagged behind other nations in the path of military reform. The century of the Tudors' reign is for the English army a century of learning, and to understand it aright we must first look abroad to the countries that were before her in the school, and glance at the innovations that were introduced by each of them in the course of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Not without such study can we trace to their source innumerable points, great and small, that are observable in our army of to-day, nor grasp to the full the greatness of the English soldiers who, long before the renascence of the art of war, had divined its leading principles, had established for their country noble military traditions, and above all had made it a national principle that the English must always beat the French.
Authorities.—Monstrelet as before is the most important authority for the wars in France. The Wars of the English in France (Rolls Series) are valuable in elucidation145. For the rise of the Scots in France M. Francisque Michel's Les Ecossais en France, and Forbes Leith's Scots Men-at-Arms in France. For the Wars of the Roses the sources of information are proverbially meagre, but the material has been worked up with admirable skill by Mr. Oman in his Warwick, to which I am greatly indebted. For the reorganisation of the French Army Daniel's Ancien milice Fran?aise may be consulted.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
wane
|
|
| n.衰微，亏缺，变弱；v.变小，亏缺，呈下弦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
rekindled
|
|
| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
supremacy
|
|
| n.至上；至高权力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
administrative
|
|
| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
remarkable
|
|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
reins
|
|
| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
faction
|
|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
factions
|
|
| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
dominion
|
|
| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
inevitably
|
|
| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
lull
|
|
| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
kernel
|
|
| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
besiege
|
|
| vt.包围，围攻，拥在...周围 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
harry
|
|
| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
strictly
|
|
| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
promising
|
|
| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
archers
|
|
| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
battalion
|
|
| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
cavalry
|
|
| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
mighty
|
|
| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
sweeping
|
|
| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
contrived
|
|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
galloped
|
|
| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
battalions
|
|
| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
desperately
|
|
| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
supreme
|
|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
slain
|
|
| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
artillery
|
|
| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
cannons
|
|
| n.加农炮，大炮，火炮( cannon的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
judgment
|
|
| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
warfare
|
|
| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
besieging
|
|
| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
convoy
|
|
| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
decided
|
|
| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
dexterity
|
|
| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
waggons
|
|
| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
waggon
|
|
| n.运货马车，运货车；敞篷车箱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
triumphantly
|
|
| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
trifling
|
|
| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
votaries
|
|
| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
45
impaired
|
|
| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
unnaturally
|
|
| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
witchcraft
|
|
| n.魔法，巫术 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
corrupted
|
|
| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
corrupt
|
|
| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
chivalrous
|
|
| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
wagers
|
|
| n.赌注，用钱打赌( wager的名词复数 )v.在（某物）上赌钱，打赌( wager的第三人称单数 )；保证，担保 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
insolence
|
|
| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
disastrous
|
|
| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
scouts
|
|
| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
verge
|
|
| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
wrangled
|
|
| v.争吵，争论，口角( wrangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
rout
|
|
| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
revival
|
|
| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
infantry
|
|
| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
inefficient
|
|
| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
ragged
|
|
| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
steadily
|
|
| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
shameful
|
|
| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
truce
|
|
| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
militia
|
|
| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
garrisons
|
|
| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
standing
|
|
| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
corps
|
|
| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
organisation
|
|
| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
statute
|
|
| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
enlistment
|
|
| n.应征入伍，获得，取得 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
embezzlement
|
|
| n.盗用，贪污 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
entrusted
|
|
| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
avaricious
|
|
| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
abominably
|
|
| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
plunder
|
|
| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
depleted
|
|
| adj. 枯竭的, 废弃的 动词deplete的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
mortification
|
|
| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
doff
|
|
| v.脱，丢弃，废除 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
entrenched
|
|
| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
testimony
|
|
| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
virtue
|
|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
hurled
|
|
| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
entrenchment
|
|
| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
riddled
|
|
| adj.布满的；充斥的；泛滥的v.解谜，出谜题(riddle的过去分词形式) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
pony
|
|
| adj.小型的；n.小马 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
dispersed
|
|
| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
domains
|
|
| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
irony
|
|
| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
attachment
|
|
| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
scapegoat
|
|
| n.替罪的羔羊，替人顶罪者；v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
fixed
|
|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
yoke
|
|
| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
tug
|
|
| v.用力拖(或拉)；苦干；n.拖；苦干；拖船 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
inevitable
|
|
| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
aggravated
|
|
| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
apathetic
|
|
| adj.冷漠的，无动于衷的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
outrages
|
|
| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
indentures
|
|
| vt.以契约束缚（indenture的第三人称单数形式） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
emblems
|
|
| n.象征，标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
102
conspicuous
|
|
| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
103
strife
|
|
| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
104
unemployed
|
|
| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
105
inhuman
|
|
| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
106
brigandage
|
|
| n.抢劫；盗窃；土匪；强盗 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
107
chamber
|
|
| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
108
avenged
|
|
| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
109
miserable
|
|
| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
110
wreck
|
|
| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
111
scanty
|
|
| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
112
noted
|
|
| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
113
lengthier
|
|
| adj.长的，漫长的，啰嗦的( lengthy的比较级 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
|
114
treacherous
|
|
| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
115
moor
|
|
| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
116
tenacity
|
|
| n.坚韧 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
117
brook
|
|
| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
118
cramped
|
|
| a.狭窄的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
119
drawn
|
|
| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
120
echelon
|
|
| n.梯队；组织系统中的等级；v.排成梯队 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
121
northward
|
|
| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
122
specially
|
|
| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
123
exhausted
|
|
| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
124
shafts
|
|
| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
125
judicious
|
|
| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
126
sullenly
|
|
| 不高兴地，绷着脸，忧郁地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
127
disposition
|
|
| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
128
swollen
|
|
| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
129
slaughter
|
|
| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
130
appalling
|
|
| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
131
spoke
|
|
| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
132
accomplishment
|
|
| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
133
dense
|
|
| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
134
ordnance
|
|
| n.大炮，军械 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
135
duel
|
|
| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
136
Augmented
|
|
| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
137
prominence
|
|
| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
138
supplant
|
|
| vt.排挤；取代 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
139
obsolete
|
|
| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
140
forsake
|
|
| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
141
transformation
|
|
| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
142
continental
|
|
| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
143
naval
|
|
| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
144
wedded
|
|
| adj.正式结婚的；渴望…的，执著于…的v.嫁，娶，（与…）结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
145
elucidation
|
|
| n.说明，阐明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |