But the truest disciples18 of the Black Prince were the English Free Companies, from whom there descended19 to England, and indeed to Europe, a legacy20 of a remarkable21 kind. These companies were military societies framed very much on the model of the ancient trade-guilds, and had as good a right to the name as they. A certain number of adventurers invested so much money in the creation of a trained body of fighting men, and took a higher or lower station of command therein, together with a larger or smaller share of the profits, according to the proportion of their venture. If any man wished to realise his capital he could sell out, provided that he could find a buyer; if any one partner seemed to the rest to be undesirable22 they would buy him out and take in another. Thus grew up what was known as the purchase-system. The abuse of their monopoly by these companies drove the sovereigns of Europe after a time to issue commissions to their subjects to raise companies for their own service only; but even so the commercial basis of the company remained unchanged, being only widened when the time came for the amalgamation23 of companies into regiments25. These military adventurers taught the nations the new art of war, and the nations could not but follow their model.
The greatest leader of free companies was an Englishman, a pupil of the Black Prince but greater even than his master, John Hawkwood. It is true that he did his work for foreign nations and in a foreign land, but even so his name must not be omitted from a history of the British Army. The company which he commanded, English almost to a man, was the terror of Italy, and not only the most formidable in the field but the smartest to the eye, for its arms were burnished26 till they shone like silver. Hawkwood, though a mercenary, was celebrated27 as the only one who never broke faith, and as a general his reputation was[52] European. The action which he fought at Castagnaro, when, in spite of great inferiority in numbers, he deliberately laid his plans for a sudden counterstroke, after the manner of Poitiers, extorts28 the admiration29 even of modern generals. Still more remarkable is his once famous retreat in the face of an overwhelming force from the Adda to the Adige, and perhaps greatest of all was the closing scene of that retreat. For, as he lay encamped in the plains by the Adige, the enemy broke the dykes30 of the river and turned the whole flood of its waters upon his army. It was night, and the men were encamping, weary after a hard day's march, when the deluge31 came upon them. Everything conspired32 to create a panic, but Hawkwood's coolness and confidence were equal to the danger. He bade every horseman take up one of the foot-men behind his saddle, and then placing himself at their head he led them through ten miles of the trackless waste of water, never less than girth-deep, and brought them out by sheer sagacity, not indeed without loss but without heavy loss, to the dry bed of the river. This was in his last campaign, when he was past seventy years of age; and Florence, the state which he had long faithfully served, voted him a pension for life and a monument even during his lifetime. He was making arrangements to return to England when he died; and King Richard the Second begged the city of Florence that the bones of so famous a warrior34 might be returned to his native land. The request was gracefully35 granted by the citizens, but the last resting-place of Hawkwood is now unknown. His monument in the Cathedral at Florence records that he was the most skilful36 general of his age, a height of military fame that has been reached by one other Englishman only, John, Duke of Marlborough.
1385,
August 14.
Yet another action must be briefly37 noticed to show the value set on English military skill. During the invasion of Portugal by the King of Castile, in 1385, the Portuguese38 were joined by a party of about five[53] hundred English adventurers, whose leaders appear to have directed most of the operations. It was under their guidance that the decisive battle of Aljubarotta, of which the Portuguese are still proud, was finally fought; and it is worthy39 of remark that, finding no advantageous40 position to hand, they deliberately constructed by means of abattis an imitation of the position of Poitiers, making it unassailable from the front except through a narrow strait, which was purposely left open and lined with archers. Marvellous to relate, the Spaniards and the French, who were fighting with them, rushed straight into the trap, and were of course utterly41 overthrown42; whereupon, in due accordance with precedent43, the Portuguese made their counter-attack and won a complete victory.[27] All this was due, as Froissart says, to the counsel of the English; and indeed, little though we may be conscious of it, it is doubtful whether even after Waterloo the prestige of English soldiers was greater than at the end of the fourteenth century.
But while the English military doctrines44 were thus spreading themselves over Europe, fresh innovations, which were destined45 to render them obsolete46, were already making rapid progress. Artillery47 in the hands of the Germans was tending more and more to lose its cumbrous character and to take new form in mobile and practicable weapons. The heavy bombards, which could be neither elevated nor traversed, had before the close of the fourteenth century given place to lighter49 guns of smaller bore fixed50 on to the end of a shaft51 of wood and supported on a fork or hook, whence they derived52 their name of Hakenbüchse, a word soon corrupted53 by the English into hackbut, hagbush, and finally harquebus. A later improvement had fitted guns with a stock like that of the cross-bow, which could be brought up to the shoulder, thus more readily aligning54 the barrel to the eye. The step from this to the hand-gun, which could be served out as the individual weapon of a single man,[54] was but a short one and was soon to be taken. But as the traditions of Wellington and the Peninsula were to be tried once more at Alma and Inkerman before they finally perished, so the system of the two great Edwards was to be revived forty years after Navarrete at Agincourt.
1415.
It is unnecessary to dwell on the pretensions55 which were put forward to excuse the wanton aggression56 of Henry the Fifth against France. Ambitious, like Frederick the Great, of military glory he made his will the true ground for his action, counting on the spirit of a people that was never strongly averse48 from a French war. The military devices introduced by the Edwards, the commissions of array,[28] and the system of indentures57, were still in good working order, while the discipline of the Black Prince, like his order of battle, was stereotyped58 in a written code of Ordinances59 of War. All the old machinery60 was therefore to hand; and perhaps the most noteworthy change that had come over the English military world was the doubling of the archers' wages from threepence to sixpence a day. Parliament voted the King a large sum of money, which however proved to be insufficient61, for, significantly enough, not a contractor62 would furnish his contingent63 of men without security for the repayment64 of his expenses. The crown jewels were pledged in all directions, ships were hired in Holland and in England, seamen65 were impressed, artisans of every trade, from the miner to the farrier, were engaged, and on the 7th of August 1415 the army embarked66 at Southampton and the adjacent ports, and sailed for the Seine. The whole fleet numbered some fourteen hundred vessels67, and the army is reckoned at thirty thousand men, men-at-arms with their attendants, and archers both mounted and afoot, all distinguished68 by the red cross of St. George. Further, there was a great train of the newest and best artillery, great guns called by pet names such as the[55] London and the King's Daughter, the whole under the charge of four German gunmasters.
On the second day out the fleet anchored before Harfleur. A day was taken up by the disembarkation, which was unhindered by the French; and by the 19th of August the town was fully33 invested. Then came a month of siege, wherein the art that was dying blended strangely with that which was just coming to birth; wooden towers and quaint69 engines that might have been employed by the Romans plying70 side by side with sap and mine and countermine and the latest patterns of German artillery. The French made a most gallant71 defence, and dysentery breaking out in the English camp swept off thousands of the besiegers; but at length the heavy guns prevailed. The garrison72 begged for terms, praying that the King would make his gunners to cease, "for the fire was to them intolerable." On the 22nd of September the capitulation was agreed on, and Harfleur received an English garrison. It was the first town that the English had reduced by the fire of cannon73.
But Henry was not yet satisfied. Two-thirds of his force had melted away, dead or invalided74, but he had no intention of re-embarking at Harfleur. He devoted75 a fortnight to the repair of the defences of the captured town, and then collecting provisions for eight days he marched northward76 for Calais with an army, or, as we should now call it, a flying column, of nine thousand men.
Meanwhile the French, disorganised though they were by the insanity77 of their king, Charles the Sixth, began to bestir themselves, and collecting an army of sixty thousand men, fourteen thousand of them men-at-arms and several thousand archers and cross-bowmen, determined78 to hold the line of the Somme and bar Henry's passage of the river. Henry's idea, dictated79 like the whole of his campaign by the precedent of Edward the Third, had been to cross the Somme by the ford80 of Blanche Tache. He now learned that the[56] passage was defended by the French in force. He wheeled at once to the right, and following the left bank of the river upward, tried in vain to find a crossing-place. Every bridge was broken down and every ford beset81. It was plain that he was more effectually entrapped82 even than his predecessor83 Edward.
October.
The eight days' supply of provisions was now consumed, and the position of the English became most critical. Retreat Henry would not, force the passage of the Somme he could not. He decided84 to follow the river upward to its head-waters, and on reaching Nesle learned from a countryman of a ford, the access to which lay across a morass85. Two causeways that provided a footing over it had been broken down by the French, but these were quickly repaired with wood and faggots and straw till they were broad enough to admit three horsemen abreast86. Henry himself was indefatigable87 in the work. He took personal charge of one end of the passages, and appointed special officers to attend to the other. The baggage was carried over along one causeway, and the men by the second. Thus the passage both of morass and river was accomplished89 between eight in the morning and an hour before dusk of an October day. The French, who were lying in force at Peronne, now for some unexplained reason retreated towards the north-west, but sent, according to custom, a challenge to Henry to fix time and place for battle. "I am marching straight to Calais through open country," he replied. "You will have no difficulty in finding me." And he continued his advance.
At Peronne the English struck the line of the French march and looked for an immediate1 engagement. The force moved in order of battle, every man armed and ready for action, while the archers by Henry's order carried a stake, eleven feet long and pointed88 at both ends, to make them defence against cavalry. To their surprise no enemy appeared; and Henry was presently able to disperse90 his force along a wider front, with the advantage[57] alike of obtaining easier supply of victuals91 and surer information of the enemy. The English were much distressed92 by want of bread: other provisions were abundant, but grain was absolutely undiscoverable. Nevertheless discipline was most strictly93 enforced, and the order of the columns, as the speed of the march can avouch94, was quite admirable. Robbery of churches or peasants, the slightest irregularity on the march or in the camp, the presence of women in the camp, all offences alike were visited with the severest punishment. One man, whom Shakespeare has immortalised as Bardolph, was detected in the theft of a pyx: he was paraded through the army as a criminal and hanged. Even French writers admit that the English dealt more mercifully with them than their own countrymen. The King himself avoided anything that might seem to indicate the slightest discouragement. One night he missed the camping-ground assigned to his division and took up that of the vanguard. "God forbid that in full armour95 I should turn back," he said; and pushing the vanguard further forward, he halted for the night where he stood.
On the 24th of October, Henry, who was lying at Frevent on the river Canopes, was informed by his scouts96 that the French were moving forward from St. Pol and must inevitably97 get ahead of him. He pushed on to Blangy, crossed the river Ternoise there, and advancing to Maisoncelle drew up his army in battle order before it. The whole French army was before him at Ruisseauville, but as dusk fell without an attack he withdrew for the night to Maisoncelle, and conscious of his desperate situation opened negotiations98 with the French, offering to restore Harfleur and make good all injuries if he might be permitted to evacuate99 France in peace. His overtures100 were rejected and he was warned to fight on the morrow. On the same evening the French moved down to a narrow plateau between the villages of Tramecourt and Agincourt, and there, cramped101 into a space far too narrow for sixty thousand[58] men, they halted till the morrow within less than a mile of the English position.
The night was spent in very different fashion in the two camps. The French, doubtless much inconvenienced by the straitness of their quarters, were shouting everywhere for comrades and servants as noisily as a mob of sheep; while some, forgetting the lesson of Poitiers, gambled for the ransom102 of the prisoners that they were to take in the morrow's battle. Huge fires were kept burning round their banners, for the rain was incessant103, and the English could see everything that passed among them. They too began shouting like the French till sternly checked by the King; and then the English camp fell silent, and the men, forbidden to forget their situation in the din7 of their own voices, sat down to face it in all its stern reality. They could be excused if they felt some misgiving104. They had covered over three hundred miles in a continuous march of seventeen days, often in hourly expectation of a fight; for four days they had not tasted bread; and now, after a few short hours more of waiting in the ceaseless pattering rain, they were to meet a host outnumbering them by five to one. Arms and bowstrings were overhauled105 and repaired; and the priests had little rest from the numbers that came to them for shrift. But in the discipline of that silence lay the promise of success.
October 25.
At dawn of the next morning Henry was astir, fully armed but bare-headed, riding a gray pony106. Presently he led the army out of Maisoncelle to a newly-sown field, which was the position of his choice, and drew it up for battle. Every man was dismounted, and horses and baggage were parked in the rear under the protection of a small guard. But the numbers of his army were so weak that the favourite formation of the Black Prince could not be followed. The vanguard under the Duke of York became the right, the battle under the King the centre, and the rearguard under Lord Camoys the left of a single line, which even then was ranked but four men deep. It was a first example of English line[59] against French column. Henry made the men a short speech, recalling to them the deeds of their fathers, and then the whole host kneeled down, thrice kissed the ground, and rose upright again into its ranks.
Meanwhile not a sign of attack came from the French. Their order of battle had been determined many days before, but it was ill adapted to so narrow a position. It was evident that only the vanguard could possibly come into action, and such was the indiscipline that every man of rank wished to command it. Finally the whole of the magnates were placed in the vanguard, and its strength was made up to about seven thousand men-at-arms, every one of them dismounted. On each flank was a wing of twelve hundred more dismounted men, and on their flanks again two small bodies of cavalry, three hundred on the right, and eight hundred on the left, which were designed to gallop107 down upon the archers. This was the first French line. The second was also made up of about eight thousand dismounted men-at-arms; while the remainder, who were ordered to dismount but would not, composed the third line. The whole stood on ploughed ground, soaked by the rain of the previous night and poached deep by the trampling108 of innumerable feet.
The French took advantage of the delay to give their men breakfast, an example which Henry immediately followed. Then seeing that the enemy remained motionless he prepared to attack. A gray old warrior, Sir Walter Erpingham, galloped109 forward with two aides-de-camp to make the necessary changes of formation. The archers were deployed110 in front and flanks, and when all was ready old Sir Walter tossed his baton111 into the air and sang out "Now strike." Then galloping112 back to the King's battalion113 he dismounted and took his place in the ranks. The King, already dismounted, gave the word "Forward banner," and the English answered with a mighty114 cry, the forerunner115 of that "stern and appalling116 shout" which four centuries later was to strike hesitation117 into so fine a soldier even as Soult. Then[60] the whole line advanced in close array, with frequent halts, for the ground was deep, and the archers in their leathern jackets and hose, ragged118, hatless, and shoeless after two months of hard work, could easily wear down the men-at-arms in their heavy mail. Artillery in such a sea of mud could not be brought into position on either side, and the German gunners took no part in the fight. The French on their side stood firm and closed up their ranks. They were so heavily weighted with their armour, always heavier than that of the English, that they could hardly move, and their front was so much crowded that they could not use their archers; so they broke off their lances as at Poitiers to the length of five feet, and stood in dense119 array, thirty-one ranks against the English four.
Arrived within range the archers struck their stakes slantwise into the ground, and drew bow. The French vanguard then shook itself up and advanced slowly, while the cavalry on their flanks moved forward against the archers. The division of three hundred lances on the right made but a poor attack; little more than half of them really came on, and even these their horses, maddened as at Cre?y by the pain of the arrows, soon carried in headlong confusion to the rear. The stronger division on the left charged home, and the leader and one or two others actually reached the line of stakes; but the stakes had no firm hold in the mud; the horses tripped over them and fell, and not one rider ever rose again. The remainder had as usual been carried back by their wounded horses upon their comrades in rear, and thence with them upon the wings of dismounted men-at-arms in which they tore terrible gaps. The centre of the French vanguard fared little better. Dazzled by the eastern sun that shone full in their eyes, and bending their heads before the sleet120 of arrows, they lost all idea of their direction, and became so clubbed together that they could not use their weapons. By sheer weight they forced back the English men-at-arms a lance's length, and for a time they fought hard.[61] King Henry was twice struck heavily on the helmet, one blow lopping a branch from the crown that encircled it. But meanwhile the archers had noted121 the gaps torn by the horses in the wings of the French fighting line. They dropped their bows, and with whatever weapon—axe, hammer, or sword—that hung at their girdle, they fell, light and active, upon the helpless, hampered122 men-at-arms and made fearful havoc123 of them. The French centre, exposed by the defeat of the wings to attack on both flanks, gave way before the King's battalion, and their first line was utterly defeated. There was no question of flight among the French men-at-arms, for the unhappy men could not move. The English simply took off the helmets of their prisoners, and, leaving them thus exposed, pressed on against the second line. This, however, was already shaken by the defeat of the vanguard; and though one leader who had arrived late in the field, the Duke of Brabant, set a gallant example, he was quickly cut down, and the defeat of the second line followed quickly on his fall. The third line still remained, but being mounted, contrary to orders, had no mind to stay and fight, but turned and fled, leaving some few of their leaders alone to redeem124 French honour by a hopeless struggle and a noble death.
This battle was hardly won when word was brought to Henry that his baggage, with all his treasure as well as all the horses, was in the hands of plunderers. The guard in fact had been unable to resist the temptation to join in the fight, and had left the baggage to take care of itself. The momentary125 confusion hereby caused gave some of the French time to rally, and Henry, not knowing how great the danger might be, ordered every man to kill his prisoners. The English hesitated, less possibly from humanity than from reluctance126 to lose good ransom, whereupon Henry told off two hundred archers for the duty, which was promptly127 carried out. He can hardly be blamed, for the fight had been won less by the slaughter128 than by the capture of the men-at-arms;[62] and the risk of undertaking129 a new attack in front with some thousands of unwounded prisoners in rear, was serious. Be that as it may, the deed was done. Henry then advanced against the rallied French and quickly broke them up; and at four o'clock, the victory being at last complete, he left the field. The French loss in nobles alone numbered from five to eight thousand men killed, exclusive of common men. A thousand prisoners and a hundred and twenty banners were taken. The losses of the English are uncertain, but probably did not exceed a few hundreds, the most distinguished of the fallen being the Duke of York.
So ended the great fight which King Harry130 himself decreed to be called by the name of Agincourt.[29] It sums up in itself the leading features of Cre?y, Poitiers, and Cocherel, in a word of all the finest actions of the Edwards. But it was, as fate ordained131, but the afterglow of the glory of the Plantagenets, not the light of a sun new risen like a giant to run his course.
To face page 62
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1415.
1420.
To attempt to follow the later campaigns of Henry the Fifth in France would be alike tedious and unprofitable. To the last he stuck to the principles of the Black Prince, but his military talents ripened132 year after year, and while he lived France trembled under his sword. Finally, torn to pieces by the strife of Burgundian and Armagnac, France by the Treaty of Troyes surrendered her kingship into his hand. The contempt of the English for their enemy was such that the men once assaulted and captured a town without orders. But in the very next year came a reverse that boded133 ominously134 for the future. The Duke of Clarence was defeated at Beaugé, less by the French than by a body of Scottish auxiliaries135, who had been sent to their assistance under the Earl of Buchan. Henry had hoped that the Scots would not fight against him, and ordered them henceforth to be treated as rebels, but it was to no purpose. The reader should take note of this fateful[63] year 1421, for it marks the permanent entrance of the Scots into the service of France, a fact full of import for both countries. Moreover, he will in due time see a regiment24, still called the Royal Scots, withdrawn136 from the French army to become the first of the English Line.
1422.
The return of King Henry to France after Beaugé soon re-established the ascendency of the English arms; and then, while still in the prime of life, he sickened even in the midst of his operations and died. He was but thirty-four years of age, a great administrator137, a great captain, and above all a grand disciplinarian. Yet he was no brutal138 martinet139; nay140, when once he had cast his wild days behind him he never even swore. "Impossible," or "It must be done," was the most that he said. But "he was so feared by his princes and captains that none dared to disobey his orders, however nearly related to him, and the principal cause was that if any one transgressed141 his orders he punished him at once without favour or mercy."[30] He and the army that fought with him at Agincourt are the true precursors142 of Craufurd and the Light Division. His body, borne with mournful pomp from the castle of Vincennes, still rests among us in Westminster Abbey, and above it still hang his saddle, his shield blazoned143 with the lilies of France, and the helmet, deeply dinted by two sword-cuts, which he wore at Agincourt. Not for three centuries was another soldier to rise up in England of equal fame with the Black Prince, John Hawkwood, and King Harry the Fifth.
Authorities.—For the life of Hawkwood see Temple Leader's Sir John Hawkwood. For the campaign of Agincourt, Gesta Henrici Quinti and Monstrelet's Chronicles are the chief authorities, while Sir Harris Nicholas's Agincourt furnishes a quantity of supplementary144 information. Other authorities will be found enumerated145 in K?hler, who is always the best guide in respect of military operations.
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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intestine
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| adj.内部的；国内的；n.肠 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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amalgamation
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| n.合并，重组；；汞齐化 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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extorts
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| v.敲诈( extort的第三人称单数 )；曲解 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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dykes
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| abbr.diagonal wire cutters 斜线切割机n.堤( dyke的名词复数 )；坝；堰；沟 | |
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deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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conspired
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| 密谋( conspire的过去式和过去分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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36
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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37
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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38
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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39
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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40
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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41
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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42
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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43
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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44
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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45
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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46
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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47
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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48
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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49
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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50
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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51
shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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52
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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53
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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54
aligning
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| n. (直线)对准 动词align的现在分词形式 | |
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55
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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56
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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57
indentures
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| vt.以契约束缚（indenture的第三人称单数形式） | |
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58
stereotyped
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| adj.(指形象、思想、人物等)模式化的 | |
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59
ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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60
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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61
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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62
contractor
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| n.订约人，承包人，收缩肌 | |
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63
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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64
repayment
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| n.偿还，偿还款；报酬 | |
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65
seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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66
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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67
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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68
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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69
quaint
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| adj.古雅的，离奇有趣的，奇怪的 | |
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70
plying
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的现在分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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71
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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72
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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73
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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74
invalided
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| 使伤残（invalid的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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75
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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76
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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77
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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78
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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79
dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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80
Ford
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| n.浅滩，水浅可涉处；v.涉水，涉过 | |
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81
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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82
entrapped
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| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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84
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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85
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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86
abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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87
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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88
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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89
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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90
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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91
victuals
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| n.食物；食品 | |
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92
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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93
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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94
avouch
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| v.确说，断言 | |
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95
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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96
scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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97
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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98
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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99
evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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100
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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101
cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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102
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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103
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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104
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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105
overhauled
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| v.彻底检查( overhaul的过去式和过去分词 )；大修；赶上；超越 | |
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106
pony
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| adj.小型的；n.小马 | |
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107
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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108
trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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109
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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110
deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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111
baton
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| n.乐队用指挥杖 | |
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112
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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113
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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114
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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115
forerunner
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| n.前身，先驱（者），预兆，祖先 | |
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116
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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117
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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118
ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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119
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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120
sleet
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| n.雨雪；v.下雨雪，下冰雹 | |
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121
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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122
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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124
redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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125
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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126
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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127
promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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128
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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129
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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130
harry
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| vt.掠夺，蹂躏，使苦恼 | |
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131
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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132
ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
boded
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| v.预示，预告，预言( bode的过去式和过去分词 )；等待，停留( bide的过去分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待 | |
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134
ominously
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| adv.恶兆地，不吉利地；预示地 | |
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135
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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136
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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137
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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138
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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139
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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140
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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141
transgressed
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| v.超越( transgress的过去式和过去分词 )；越过；违反；违背 | |
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142
precursors
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| n.先驱( precursor的名词复数 )；先行者；先兆；初期形式 | |
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143
blazoned
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| v.广布( blazon的过去式和过去分词 )；宣布；夸示；装饰 | |
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144
supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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145
enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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