1652.
1652-53.
A revolutionary Government, however, does not easily find peace. By June 1652 the recruiting officers were abroad again, and regiments were increasing their establishment owing to the outbreak of the Dutch War. The quarrel with the United Provinces was curious, inasmuch as the English commonwealth8 had expected[249] sympathy from the sister-republic which had been made by English soldiers, and had even sought to unite the two republics into one. But there is no such thing as national gratitude9; and the discourtesy of the Dutch soon led the English to exchange friendly negotiations10 first for the Act of Navigation and very shortly after for war. The story of that war belongs to the naval11 history of England, wherein it forms one of its most glorious pages. Never perhaps has more desperate fighting been seen than in the six furious engagements which brought the Dutch to their knees. Yet in these too the red-coats to the number of some two thousand[182] took part, under the command of men who had made their mark as military officers—Robert Blake, Richard Deane and, not least, George Monk12. The last named was so utterly13 ignorant of all naval matters that he gave his orders in military language—"Wheel to the right," "Charge"—but he made up for all shortcomings by his coolness and determination. When Deane, his better-skilled colleague, was cut in two by a round shot at his side he simply whipped his cloak over the mangled14 body and went on fighting his ship as though nothing had happened. Finally, in the last action of the war he boldly met the greatest admiral of the day, and one of the finest sailors of all time, with but ninety ships against one hundred and forty, fought him not only with superb gallantry but with skilful16 man?uvre, and wrenched17 from him the supremacy18 of the sea.
1653,
April 20.
And meanwhile the Army ashore19 had done the deed whereof the Nemesis20 has never ceased to pursue it. So far, except for a few intervals21 too brief to be worth noting, the Commonwealth had been occupied with the business of war, and the principal function of the Parliament had been to provide ways and means for the conduct of war. Incapable22 of dissolution save by its own act, the House of Commons had resolved just before the execution of the King that it would put an end to itself[250] in three months; but this had been rendered impossible by the Irish and Scotch23 campaigns. After the victory of Worcester Cromwell as a private member again brought forward the question of dissolution, but the Rump, as the small remnant that remained after several purgings was called, now showed no disposition24 to part with the authority which it had so long enjoyed. Frequent conferences were held between the officers of the Army and the members of the House, with the only result that the latter introduced a Bill which, while providing in some fashion or another for the settlement of the nation, reserved to themselves a perpetuity of power. The Army did not conceal25 its objections to this Bill; and the climax26 came when certain members tried to smuggle27 it through the House before the officers could interfere28. Then Cromwell went down to Westminster, and with twenty or thirty musketeers quickly settled the whole matter.
It is difficult to see how things could have ended otherwise. The House had been sufficiently29 warned at the close of the first civil war that the Army would not submit to do all the hard work in order that a handful of civilians30 might reap the profits. The prestige of that Parliament rested and still rests on the achievements of its armed forces, and it depended for its life on the exertions31 of men who had subjected themselves for its sake to the restraint of military discipline and to the hardships and dangers of war. The Parliament itself had shown no such devotion and self-sacrifice. While soldiers were in distress32 for want of the wages due to them, corrupt33 members were making money; while soldiers were flogged and horsed for drunkenness or fornication, drunkards and lewd34 livers passed unpunished in the House. Even in matters of administration, if we judge by financial management, the Parliament had not shown extraordinary capacity. Its difficulties were certainly enormous, but not a few of them had been evaded35 rather than honestly met. The Army, on the other hand, for once contained more than its share of the[251] brains of the nation, and comprehended not less administrative36 talent and far more patriotic37 feeling than was to be found in the Parliament. It was therefore too much to expect that it would resign all share in the settlement of the nation to such a body as the Rump. If the question of legality be raised, a House of Commons indissoluble without its own consent, and working without the checks of lords and sovereign, was as unknown to the Constitution as a standing army, and at least as dangerous a menace to liberty. If the Long Parliament taught a salutary lesson to kings, the Army taught a lesson no less salutary to parliaments. It would have been better perhaps for the future of the British Army had Cromwell suffered the Rump to remain in power until it should be dissolved in anarchy39 and confusion, instead of taking the initiative and keeping stern order during the next five dangerous years. But it would have been incomparably worse for England.
Dec. 16.
Nine months later, after the Little Parliament had been summoned and had in despair resigned its powers, the soldier who had ousted40 the Rump and taken over its authority to himself was installed as Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Since 1652 he had been Commander-in-Chief, the first in our history, of the forces in all three Islands; in virtue41 of that command he now took over the general government. As was to be expected, he chose his deputies and chief advisers42 from the officers of the Army; and if thereby43 he placed the realm under military rule we must not allow ourselves to be scared by the phrase from recognition of the worthiness44 of the administration. There is nothing to make a soldier blush, unless with pride, in the military government of the Protectorate.
1654.
Let us begin first with Scotland, which at the close of the Dutch War had been placed under the charge of George Monk. The country was as yet by no means quiet. Agents of Charles Stuart were busy making mischief45 in the Highlands: and the English found[252] themselves confronted for the first time with the difficulties of a mountain campaign. Monk's predecessor47, Robert Lilburn, had essayed the task with but sorry results; Monk himself accomplished48 it with a success that suffices of itself to stamp him as a great soldier.
Without going into elaborate detail it is worth while to notice his plan for reducing the Highlands. The Royalist forces and their Highland46 allies were gathered together principally in two districts, in Lochaber under Glencairn, and in Sutherland under Middleton. Monk's design was to cut the Highlands in twain along the line of the present Caledonian Canal, that he might pen his enemy at his will into either half of the country thus divided, and deal with his forces in detail. North of this line the country was sufficiently circumscribed49 by nature; south of it he was compelled to fix his own boundaries. The east and south was already guarded by a strong chain of posts running from Inverness through Stirling to Ayr, while one corner to the south-west was secured by the neutrality of the Campbells, which had been gained by diplomacy50. Monk now established three independent bases of operations, one at Kilsyth to southward, two more at Perth and Inverness. He then left one column at Dingwall, under Colonel Thomas Morgan, an officer of whom we shall hear more, to hinder the junction51 of Middleton and Glencairn; and arranged that another column, under Colonel Richard Brayne, of whom also we shall hear more, should sail with all secrecy52 from Ireland and seize Inverlochy, which was to be his fourth independent base to westward53. This done he advanced himself with a third column into the hills from Kilsyth, attacked and defeated Glencairn, and closed the one gap in the net which he had drawn54 round the Highlands between Loch Lomond and the Clyde.
Then hearing that Middleton had eluded55 Morgan and passed into Lochaber, he suddenly shifted his base to Perth and advanced into the heart of the mountains.[253] In two days he had established an advanced magazine at Loch Tay, where the news reached him that the Northern clans56 had been summoned to assemble at Loch Ness. He at once gave orders that the enemy should be allowed to pass to the southward, and concerted a combined advance of himself, Brayne, and Morgan from the south-west and east to crush him. Unfortunately Morgan, in his eagerness to close in behind the Highlanders, arrived before them and headed them back again to northward57. Monk, however, pursued them even thither58, hunting them for a week from glen to glen by extraordinary marches, such as the Highlanders had not looked for from mere59 Englishmen.
Retiring after this raid to Inverness Monk sent Morgan away by sea to threaten the Royalist headquarters at Caithness. The feint was successful. Middleton, who was again in command in the north, at once came down towards the south. His march was seen and reported from the English station at Blair Athol, and Monk was presently on his track over the Grampians. The chase lay through the Drumouchter Pass, Badenoch, Athol, and Breadalbane, thence westward to the head of Loch Awe60 and back again into Perthshire and over the mountains to Glen Rannoch; and there, as Monk had arranged, Middleton ran straight into the jaws61 of Morgan's column and was utterly routed. He fled to Caithness with Morgan hard at his heels; while Monk dispersed62 the few remaining forces of Glencairn in the hills and destroyed every Highland fastness about Loch Lomond. By August 1654 the work was done; and the Highlands, if ever they may be said to have been conquered, were conquered by George Monk. The English who now wander in thousands over that rugged63 and enchanting64 land should remember that the first of their kind that were ever seen therein were Monk's red-coats.[183]
[254]
Such very briefly65 was the first English mountain campaign, admirably designed and admirably executed. The difficulties of military operations in so wild and mountainous a tract66 were extraordinarily67 great, and were increased by constant rain and tempest; yet Monk's movements were amazingly rapid. His column on one occasion covered sixty miles in the twenty-four hours. Still more remarkable68 is his recognition of the fact that in such a campaign success depends mainly on the efficiency of advanced parties and outposts. He never moved without a cloud of scouts69 on front and flanks; he made it a rule never to march after mid-day; and when he halted he marked out the camp, and posted every picquet and every sentry70 himself. He showed himself to be the first English exponent71 of the principle of savage72 warfare73. He invaded the enemy's country, carrying his supplies with him, and sat down. If he was attacked he was ready in a strong position; if not, he made good the step that he had taken, left a magazine in a strong post behind him, and marched on, systematically74 ravaging75 the country and destroying the newly-sown crops. The enemy was obliged to move or starve, and wherever they went he swiftly followed. If they turned and fought, he asked for nothing better than the chance of dispersing76 them at a blow; if they dodged77, he brought forward another column from another base to cut them off, while he destroyed the fastnesses which they had deserted78. Finally, when his work was done he settled down quietly to govern the country in a conciliatory spirit. He was able gradually to reduce his military establishment, and, ruling at once with mildness, firmness, watchfulness79, and unflagging industry, showed himself to be not less able as an administrator80 than as a general. Scotland has known many worse rulers and few better than her first English military governor.
1655.
1657.
1654-1658.
In Ireland, after Cromwell's departure, the reduction of the country to order was carried on also by a number of flying columns. Of their leaders but two of the[255] most successful need be named, namely Robert Venables and John Reynolds, the latter Cromwell's kinsman81 by marriage and sometime captain in his regiment2 of horse. Ireton had been appointed Lord Deputy on Cromwell's departure, but dying in November 1651 was succeeded by another soldier, Charles Fleetwood. Though a valuable man when under the command of a strong officer Fleetwood was soon found to be useless when invested with supreme82 control, and he was soon practically superseded83 by Henry Cromwell, the Protector's second surviving son. Henry had entered the army at sixteen, had fought with his father in Ireland, and had become a colonel at two-and-twenty. He was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland at the age of twenty-eight. The country was quiet enough at his accession so far as concerned open rebellion; the Tories had been mercilessly hunted down from bog84 to bog, and the Irish fighting men had been transported in thousands by recruiting officers to the armies of Spain and of France. What gallant15 service they did under Lewis the Fourteenth, for they did not greatly love the service of Spain, has been told with just pride by Irish writers; and we too shall encounter some of their regiments before long. Henry Cromwell's difficulties lay not with the native Irish but with his own officers, the veterans of the Civil War, who were alike jealous of his appointment and insubordinately minded towards the Protector. Immediately on Henry's arrival some of these malcontents held a meeting, wherein they put it to the question whether the present government were or were not according to the Word of God, and carried it in the negative. The very members of the Irish Council, old field-officers who should have known better, were disloyal to him, but being old comrades of Oliver's could not be dismissed. Young as he was, however, Henry gave them clearly to understand that he intended to be master, and therewith proceeded to the difficult, nay85 impossible, task of executing what is known as the Cromwellian settlement of Ireland. He[256] showed conspicuous86 ability in extremely trying circumstances, abundant firmness and foresight87, and a tolerance88 of spirit towards the men of other creeds89, even Catholics, which was as rare as it was politic90. The military governor of Ireland under the Commonwealth was assuredly not a man of whom the British Army need feel ashamed.[184]
Lastly we come to England, where Oliver Cromwell himself sat at the head of the Provisional Government which he was honestly and unceasingly striving to settle on a permanent basis. He defined his own position accurately91 enough: he was a good constable92 set to preserve the peace of the parish. But that parish was in a terribly disturbed condition. All that the most visionary could have dreamed of in the subversion93 of the old order had been accomplished, had even been crowned by the execution of the King; yet still the expected millenium was not yet come. All factions94 of political and religious dissent95, all descriptions of dreamers, of fanatics96, of quacks97, and of self-seekers had been welded together for the moment by the pressure of the struggle against Royalism and against the rule of alien races. That pressure removed, the whole mass fell asunder98 into incoherent atoms of sedition99 and discontent, for which Royalism, as the one element which strove for definite and attainable100 ends, formed a general rallying-point. Good and gallant soldiers who had followed Cromwell on many a field—Harrison, Okey, Overton—fell away into disloyalty. Sexby, who had brought the news of Preston to Westminster, became the most dangerous of conspirators101. There is nothing more pathetic in history than the desertions; from Cromwell after the establishment of the Protectorate. Nevertheless the misfortune was inevitable102, for an army which meddles103 with politics cannot hope to escape the diseases of politics. Yet, through all this,[257] Cromwell on one point was resolute104; he would not allow successful rebellion to be followed by a riot in anarchy. Come what might, he would not suffer indiscipline.
To preserve the peace, however, in such a hot-bed of plots and conspiracies105 was no easy matter; and before he had been eighteen months Protector, Cromwell brought military government closer home to the people by parcelling England into at first ten and then twelve military districts, each under the command of a major-general. The force at the disposal of these officers for the suppression of disorder106 varied107 in the different districts from one hundred to fifteen hundred men, and was composed almost exclusively of cavalry108. It amounted on the whole to some six thousand men, all drawn from the militia109, who received pay to the amount of eighty thousand pounds annually110. Strictly111 speaking, therefore, it was rather a force of mounted constabulary than of regular cavalry, and there can be no doubt that, if order was to be preserved, such a body of police was absolutely necessary. Yet it is probable that no measure brought such hatred112 on the Army as this. The magnates of the counties were of course furious at this usurpation113 of their powers, and the poorer classes resented the intrusion of a soldier and a stranger between themselves and their old masters. After little more than a year the major-generals were abolished, to the general relief and satisfaction. Their brief reign38 has been forgotten by the Army, which can hardly believe that it once took complete charge of the three kingdoms and administered the government on the whole with remarkable efficiency. But the major-generals have not been forgotten by the country. The memory of their dictatorship burned itself deep into the heart of the nation, and even now after two centuries and a half the vengeance114 of the nation upon the soldier remains115 insatiate and insatiable.
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1
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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wrenched
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| v.（猛力地）扭( wrench的过去式和过去分词 )；扭伤；使感到痛苦；使悲痛 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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nemesis
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| n.给以报应者，复仇者，难以对付的敌手 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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smuggle
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| vt.私运；vi.走私 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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lewd
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| adj.淫荡的 | |
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evaded
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| 逃避( evade的过去式和过去分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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ousted
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| 驱逐( oust的过去式和过去分词 )； 革职； 罢黜； 剥夺 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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worthiness
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| 价值，值得 | |
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45
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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highland
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| n.(pl.)高地，山地 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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48
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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49
circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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50
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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51
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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52
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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53
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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54
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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55
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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clans
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| 宗族( clan的名词复数 )； 氏族； 庞大的家族； 宗派 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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58
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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59
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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60
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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61
jaws
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| n.口部；嘴 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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64
enchanting
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| a.讨人喜欢的 | |
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65
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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66
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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extraordinarily
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| adv.格外地；极端地 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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scouts
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| 侦察员[机，舰]( scout的名词复数 )； 童子军； 搜索； 童子军成员 | |
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70
sentry
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| n.哨兵，警卫 | |
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exponent
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| n.倡导者，拥护者；代表人物；指数，幂 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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ravaging
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| 毁坏( ravage的现在分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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dodged
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| v.闪躲( dodge的过去式和过去分词 )；回避 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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watchfulness
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| 警惕，留心； 警觉（性） | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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81
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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83
superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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84
bog
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| n.沼泽；室...陷入泥淖 | |
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85
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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88
tolerance
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| n.宽容；容忍，忍受；耐药力；公差 | |
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creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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quacks
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| abbr.quacksalvers 庸医，骗子(16世纪习惯用水银或汞治疗梅毒的人)n.江湖医生( quack的名词复数 )；江湖郎中；（鸭子的）呱呱声v.（鸭子）发出嘎嘎声( quack的第三人称单数 ) | |
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asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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100
attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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101
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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102
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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103
meddles
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的第三人称单数 ) | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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conspiracies
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| n.阴谋，密谋( conspiracy的名词复数 ) | |
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106
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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108
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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109
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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111
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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112
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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113
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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114
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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115
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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