I pass now to Flanders, which is about to become for the second time the training ground of the British Army. The judicious1 help sent by Lewis the Fourteenth to Ireland had practically diverted the entire strength of William to that quarter for two whole campaigns; and though, as has been seen, there were English in Flanders in 1689 and 1690, the contingents2 which they furnished were too small and the operations too trifling5 to warrant description in detail. After the battle of the Boyne the case was somewhat altered, for, though a large force was still required in Ireland for Ginkell's final pacification6 of 1691, William was none the less at liberty to take the field in Flanders in person. Moreover, Parliament with great good-will had voted seventy thousand men for the ensuing year, of which fully7 fifty thousand were British,[258] so that England was about to put forth8 her strength in Europe on a scale unknown since the loss of Calais.
But first a short space must be devoted9 to the theatre of war, where England was to meet and break down the overweening power of France. Few studies are more difficult, even to the professed10 student, than that of the old campaigns in Flanders, and still fewer more hopeless of simplification to the ordinary reader. Nevertheless, however desperate the task, an effort must be made once for all to give a broad idea of the scene of innumerable great actions.
Taking his stand on the northern frontier of France[352] and looking northward11, the reader will note three great rivers running through the country before him in, roughly speaking, three parallel semicircles, from south-east to north-west. These are, from east to west, the Moselle, which is merged12 in the Rhine at Coblentz, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, all three of which discharge themselves into the great delta13 whereof the southern key is Antwerp. But for the present let the reader narrow the field from the Meuse in the east to the sea in the west, and let him devote his attention first to the Meuse. He will see that, a little to the north of the French frontier, it picks up a large tributary14 from the south-west, the Sambre, which runs past Maubeuge and Charleroi and joins the Meuse at Namur. Thence the united rivers flow on past the fortified15 towns of Huy, Liège, and Maestricht to the sea. But let the reader's northern boundary on the Meuse for the present be Maestricht, and let him note another river which rises a little to the west of Maestricht and runs almost due west past Arschot and Mechlin to the sea at Antwerp. Let this river, the Demer, be his northern, and the Meuse from Maestricht to Namur his eastern, boundary.
Returning to the south, let him note a river rising immediately to the west of Charleroi, the Haine, which joins the Scheldt at Tournay, and let him draw a line from Tournay westward17 through Lille and Ypres to the sea at Dunkirk. Let this line from Dunkirk to Charleroi be carried eastward18 to Namur; and there is his southern boundary. His western boundary, is, of course, the sea. Within this quadrilateral, Antwerp (or more strictly19 speaking the mouth of the Scheldt), Dunkirk, Namur, and Maestricht, lies the most famous fighting-ground of Europe.
Glancing at it on the map, the reader will see that this quadrilateral is cut by a number of rivers running parallel to each other from south to north, and flowing into the main streams of the Demer and the Scheldt. The first of these, beginning from the east, are the Great and Little Geete, which become one before they[353] join the main stream. It is worth while to pause for a moment over this little slip of land between the Geete and the Meuse. We shall see much of Namur, Huy, Liège, and Maestricht, which command the navigation of the greater river, but we shall see still more of the Geete, and of two smaller streams, the Jaar and the Mehaigne, which rise almost in the same table-land with it. On the Lower Jaar, close to Maestricht, stands the village of Lauffeld, which shall be better known to us fifty years hence. On the Little Geete, just above its junction20 with its greater namesake, are the villages of Neerwinden and Landen. In the small space between the heads of the Geete and the Mehaigne lies the village of Ramillies. For this network of streams is the protection against an enemy that would threaten the navigation of the Meuse from the north and west, and the barrier of Spanish Flanders against invasion from the east; and the ground is rich with the corpses22 and fat with the blood of men.
The next stream to westward is the Dyle, which flows past Louvain to the Demer, and gives its name, after the junction, to that river. The next in order is the Senne, which flows past Park and Hal and Brussels to the same main stream. At the head of the Senne stands the village of Steenkirk; midway between the Dyle and Senne are the forest of Soignies and the field of Waterloo.
Here the tributaries23 of the Demer come to an end, but the row of parallel streams is continued by the tributaries of another system, that of the Scheldt. Easternmost of these, and next in order to the Senne, is the Dender, which rises near Leuse and flows past Ath and Alost to the Scheldt at Dendermond. Next comes the Scheldt itself, with the Scarpe and the Haine, its tributaries, which it carries past Tournay and Oudenarde to Ghent, and to the sea at Antwerp. Westernmost of all, the Lys runs past St. Venant, where in Cromwell's time we saw Sir Thomas Morgan and his immortal24 six thousand, past Menin and Courtrai, and is merged in the Scheldt at Ghent.
[354]
The whole extent of the quadrilateral is about one hundred miles long by fifty broad, with a great waterway to the west, a second to the east, and a third, whereof the key is Ghent, roughly speaking midway between them. The earth, fruitful by nature and enriched by art, bears food for man and beast, the waterways provide transport for stores and ammunition25. It was a country where men could kill each other without being starved, and hence for centuries the cockpit of Europe.
A glance at any old map of Flanders shows how thickly studded was this country with walled towns of less or greater strength, and explains why a war in Flanders should generally have been a war of sieges. Every one of these little towns, of course, had its garrison26; and the man?uvres of contending forces were governed very greatly by the effort on one side to release these garrisons27 for active service in the field, and on the other to keep them confined within their walls for as long as possible. Hence it is obvious that an invading army necessarily enjoyed a great advantage, since it menaced the fortresses29 of the enemy while its own were unthreatened. Thus ten thousand men on the Upper Lys could paralyse thrice their number in Ghent and Bruges and the adjacent towns. On the other hand, if an invading general contemplated30 the siege of an important town, he man?uvred to entice31 the garrison into the field before he laid siege in form. Still, once set down to a great siege, an army was stationary32, and the bare fact was sufficient to liberate33 hostile garrisons all over the country; and hence arose the necessity of a second army to cover the besieging34 force. The skill and subtlety35 manifested by great generals to compass these different ends is unfortunately only to be apprehended36 by closer study than can be expected of any but the military student.
A second cause contributed not a little to increase the taste for a war of sieges, namely the example of France, then the first military nation in Europe.[259] The[355] Court of Versailles was particularly fond of a siege, since it could attend the ceremony in state and take nominal37 charge of the operations with much glory and little discomfort38 or danger. The French passion for rule and formula also found a happy outlet39 in the conduct of a siege, for while there is no nation more brilliant or more original, particularly in military affairs, there is also none that is more conceited40 or pedantic41. The craving42 for sieges among the French was so great that the King took pains, by the grant of extra pay and rations4, to render this species of warfare43 popular with his soldiers.[260]
Again, it must be remembered that the object of a campaign in those days was not necessarily to seek out an enemy and beat him. There were two alternatives prescribed by the best authorities, namely, to fight at an advantage or to subsist44 comfortably.[261] Comfortable subsistence meant at its best subsistence at an enemy's expense. A campaign wherein an army lived on the enemy's country and destroyed all that it could not consume was eminently45 successful, even though not a shot was fired. To force an enemy to consume his own supplies was much, to compel him to supply his opponent was more, to take up winter-quarters in his territory was very much more. Thus to enter an enemy's borders and keep him marching backwards46 and forwards for weeks without giving him a chance of striking a blow, was in itself no small success, and success of a kind which galled47 inferior generals, such as William of Orange, to desperation and so to disaster. The tendency to these negative campaigns was heightened once more by French example. The French ministry48 of war interfered49 with its generals to an extent that was always dangerous, and eventually proved calamitous50. [356]Nominally the marshal commanding-in-chief in the field was supreme51; but the intendant or head of the administrative52 service, though he received his orders from the marshal, was instructed by the King to forward those orders at once by special messenger to Louvois, and not to execute them without the royal authority. Great commanders such as Luxemburg had the strength from time to time to kick themselves free from this bondage53, but the rest, embarrassed by the surveillance of an inferior officer, preferred to live as long as possible in an enemy's country without risking a general action. It was left to Marlborough to advance triumphant54 in one magnificent campaign from the Meuse to the sea.
Next, a glance must be thrown at the contending parties. The defenders55 of the Spanish Netherlands, for they cannot be called the assailants of France, were confederate allies from a number of independent states—England, Holland, Spain, the Empire, sundry56 states of Germany, and Denmark, all somewhat selfish, few very efficient, and none, except the first, very punctual. From such a heterogeneous57 collection swift, secret, and united action was not to be expected. King William held the command-in-chief, and, from his position as the soul of the alliance, was undoubtedly58 the fittest for the post. But though he had carefully studied the art of war, and though his phlegmatic59 temperament60 found its only genuine pleasure in the excitement of the battlefield, he was not a great general. He could form good plans, and up to a certain point could execute them, but up to a certain point only. It would seem that his physical weakness debarred him from steady and sustained effort. He was strangely incapable61 of conducting a campaign with equal ability throughout; he would man?uvre admirably for weeks, and forfeit62 all the advantage that he had gained by the carelessness of a single day. In a general action, of which he was fonder than most commanders of his day, he never shone except in virtue63 of conspicuous64 personal bravery. He lacked[357] tactical instinct, and above all he lacked patience; in a word, to use a modern phrase, he was a very clever amateur.
France, on the other hand, possessed65 the finest and strongest army in Europe,—well equipped, well trained, well organised, and inured66 to work by countless67 campaigns. She had a single man in supreme control of affairs, King Lewis the Fourteenth; a great war-minister, Louvois; one really great general, Luxemburg; and one with flashes of genius, Boufflers. Moreover she possessed a line of posts in Spanish Flanders extending from Dunkirk to the Meuse. On the Lys she had Aire and Menin; on the Scarpe, Douay; on the Upper Scheldt, Cambray, Bouchain, Valenciennes, and Condé; on the Sambre, Maubeuge; between Sambre and Meuse, Philippeville and Marienburg; and on the Meuse, Dinant. Further, in the one space where the frontier was not covered by a friendly river, between the sea and the Scheldt, the French had constructed fortified lines from the sea to Menin and from thence to the Scheldt at Espierre. Thus with their frontier covered, with a place of arms on every river, with secrecy68 and with unity69 of purpose, the French enjoyed the approximate certainty of being able to take the field in every campaign before the Allies could be collected to oppose them.
1691.
The campaign of 1691 happily typifies the relative positions of the combatants in almost every respect. The French concentrated ten thousand men on the Lys. This was sufficient to paralyse all the garrisons of the Allies on and about the river. They posted another corps21 on the Moselle, which threatened the territory of Cleves. Now Cleves was the property of the Elector of Brandenburg, and it was not to be expected that he should allow his contingent3 of troops to join King William at the general rendezvous70 at Brussels, and suffer the French to play havoc71 among his possessions. Thus the Prussian contingent likewise was paralysed. So while William was still ordering his troops to concentrate[358] at Brussels, Boufflers, who had been making preparations all the winter, suddenly marched up from Maubeuge and, before William was aware that he was in motion, had besieged72 Mons. The fortress28 presently surrendered after a feeble resistance, and the line of the Allies' frontier between the Scheldt and Sambre was broken. William moved down from Brussels across the Sambre in the hope of recovering the lost town, outman?uvred Luxemburg, who was opposed to him, and for three days held the recapture of Mons in the hollow of his hand. He wasted those three days in an aimless halt; Luxemburg recovered himself by an extraordinary march; and William, finding that there was no alternative before him but to retire to Brussels and remain inactive, handed over the command to an incompetent73 officer and returned to England. Luxemburg then closed the campaign by a brilliant action of cavalry74, which scattered75 the horse of the Allies to the four winds. As no British troops except the Life Guards were present, and as they at any rate did not disgrace themselves, it is unnecessary to say more of the combat of Leuse. It, had however, one remarkable76 effect: it increased William's dread77 of the French cavalry, already morbidly78 strong, to such a pitch as to lead him subsequently to a disastrous79 military blunder.
The campaign of 1691 was therefore decidedly unfavourable to the Allies, but there was ground for hope that all might be set right in 1692. The Treasurer80, Godolphin, was nervously81 apprehensive82 that Parliament might be unwilling83 to vote money for an English army in Flanders; but the Commons cheerfully voted a total of sixty-six thousand men, British and foreign; which, after deduction84 of garrisons for the safety of the British Isles85, left forty thousand free to cross the German Ocean.
1692.
Of these, twenty-three thousand were British, the most important force that England had sent to the Continent since the days of King Henry the Eighth. The organisation86 was remarkably87 like that of the New Model. William was, of course, commander-in-chief,[359] and under him a general of horse and a general of foot, with a due allowance of lieutenant-generals, major-generals, and brigadiers. There is, however, no sign of an officer in command of artillery88 or engineers, nor any of a commissary in charge of the transport.[262] The one strangely conspicuous functionary89 is the Secretary-at-War, who in this and the following campaigns for the last time accompanied the Commander-in-Chief on active service. But the most significant feature in the list of the staff is the omission90 of the name of Marlborough. Originally included among the generals for Flanders, he had been struck off the roll, and dismissed from all public employment, in disgrace, before the opening of the campaign. Though this dismissal did not want justification91, it was perhaps of all William's blunders the greatest.
May.
May 10 20 .
May 13 23 .
May 16 26 .
As usual, the French were beforehand with the Allies in opening the campaign. They had already broken the line of the defending fortresses by the capture of Mons; they now designed to make the breach92 still wider. All through the winter a vast siege-train was collecting on the Scheldt and Meuse, with Vauban, first of living engineers, in charge of it. In May all was ready. Marshal Joyeuse, with one corps, was on the Moselle, as in the previous year, to hold the Brandenburgers in check. Boufflers, with eighteen thousand men, lay on the right bank of the Meuse, near Dinant; Luxemburg, with one hundred and fifteen thousand more, stood in rear of the river Haine. On the 20th of May, King Lewis in person reviewed the grand army; on the 23rd it marched for Namur; and on the 26th it had wound itself round two sides of the town, while Boufflers, moving up from Dinant, completed the circuit on the third side. Thus Namur was completely invested; unless William could save it, the line of the Sambre and one of the most important fortresses on the Meuse were lost to the Allies.
[360]
May 26
June 5.
William, to do him justice, had strained every nerve to spur his indolent allies to be first in the field. The contingents, awaked by the sudden stroke at Namur, came in fast to Brussels; but it was too late. The French had destroyed all forage93 and supplies on the direct route to Namur, and William's only way to the city lay across the Mehaigne. Behind the Mehaigne lay Luxemburg, the ablest of the French generals. The best of luck was essential to William's success, and instead of the best came the worst. Heavy rain swelled94 the narrow stream into a broad flood, and the building of bridges became impossible. There was beautiful fencing, skilful96 feint, and more skilful parry, between the two generals, but William could not get under Luxemburg's guard. On the 5th of June, after a discreditably short defence, Namur fell, almost before William's eyes, into the hands of the French.
July 23
August 2.
Then Luxemburg thought it time to draw the enemy away from the vicinity of the captured city; so recrossing the Sambre, and keeping Boufflers always between himself and that river, he marched for the Senne as if to threaten Brussels. William followed, as in duty bound; and French and Allies pursued a parallel course to the Senne, William on the north and Luxemburg on the south. The 2nd of August found both armies across the Senne, William at Hal, facing west with the river in his rear, and Luxemburg some five miles south of him with his right at Steenkirk, and his centre between Hoves and Enghien, while Boufflers lay at Manny St. Jean, seven miles in his rear.
The terrible state of the roads owing to heavy rain had induced Luxemburg to leave most of his artillery at Mons, and as he had designed merely to tempt97 the Allies away from Namur, the principal object left to him was to take up a strong position wherein his worn and harassed98 army could watch the enemy without fear of attack. Such a position he thought that he had found at Steenkirk.[263] The country at this point is more[361] broken and rugged99 than is usual in Belgium. The camp lay on high ground, with its right resting on the river Sennette and its right front covered by a ravine, which gradually fades away northward into a high plateau of about a mile in extent. Beyond the ravine was a network of wooded defiles100, through which Luxemburg seems to have hoped that no enemy could fall upon him in force unawares. It so happened, however, that one of his most useful spies was detected, in his true character, in William's camp at Hal; and this was an opportunity not to be lost. A pistol was held at the spy's head, and he was ordered to write a letter to Luxemburg, announcing that large bodies of the enemy would be in motion next morning, but that nothing more serious was contemplated than a foraging101 expedition. This done, William laid his plans to surprise his enemy on the morrow.
July 23
August 3.
An hour before daybreak the advanced guard of William's army fell silently into its ranks, together with a strong force of pioneers to clear the way for a march through the woods. This force consisted of the First Guards, the Royal Scots, the Twenty-first, Fitzpatrick's regiment102 of Fusiliers, and two Danish regiments103 of great reputation, the whole under the command of the Duke of Würtemberg. Presently they moved away, and as the sun rose the whole army followed them in two columns, without sound of drum or trumpet104, towards Steenkirk. French patrols scouring105 the country in the direction of Tubise saw the two long lines of scarlet106 and white and blue wind away into the woods, and reported what they had seen at headquarters; but Luxemburg, sickly of constitution, and, in spite of his occasional energy, indolent of temperament, rejoiced to think that, as his spy had told him, it was no more than a foraging party. Another patrol presently sent in another message that a large force of cavalry was[362] advancing towards the Sennette. Once more Luxemburg lulled107 himself into security with the same comfort.
Meanwhile the allied108 army was trailing through narrow defiles and cramped109 close ground, till at last it emerged from the stifling110 woods into an open space. Here it halted, as the straitness of the ground demanded, in dense111, heavy masses. But the advanced guard moved on steadily112 till it reached the woods over against Steenkirk, where Würtemberg disposed it for the coming attack. On his left the Bois de Feuilly covered a spur of the same plateau as that occupied by the French right, and there he stationed the English Guards and the two battalions113 of Danes. To the right of these, but separated from them by a ravine, he placed the three remaining British battalions in the Bois de Zoulmont. His guns he posted, some between the two woods, and the remainder on the right of his division. These dispositions115 complete, the advanced party awaited orders to open the attack.
It was now eleven o'clock. Luxemburg had left his bed and had ridden out to a commanding height on his extreme right, when a third message was brought to him that the Allies were certainly advancing in force. He read it, and looking to his front, saw the red coats of the Guards moving through the wood before him, while beyond them he caught a glimpse of the dense masses of the main body. Instantly he saw the danger, and divined that William's attack was designed against his right. His own camp was formed, according to rule, with the cavalry on the wings; and there was nothing in position to check the Allies but a single brigade of infantry116, famous under the name of Bourbonnois, which was quartered in advance of the cavalry's camp on his extreme right. Moreover, nothing was ready, not a horse was bridled117, not a man standing118 to his arms. He despatched a messenger to summon Boufflers to his aid, and in a few minutes was flying through the camp with his staff, energetic but perfectly119 self-possessed, to set his force in order of battle. The[363] two battalions of Bourbonnois fell in hastily before their camp, with a battery of six guns before them. The dragoons of the right wing dismounted and hastened to seal up the space between Bourbonnois and the Sennette. The horse of the right was collected, and some of it sent off in hot speed to the left to bring the infantry up behind them on their horses' croups. All along the line the alarm was given, drums were beating, men snatching hastily at their arms and falling into their ranks ready to file away to the right. Such was the haste, that there was no time to think of regimental precedence, a very serious matter in the French army, and each successive brigade hurried into the place where it was most needed as it happened to come up.
Meanwhile Würtemberg's batteries had opened fire, and a cunning officer of the Royal Scots was laying his guns with admirable precision. French batteries hastened into position to reply to them with as deadly an aim, and for an hour and a half the rival guns thundered against each other unceasingly. All this time the French battalions kept massing themselves thicker and thicker on Luxemburg's right, and the front line was working with desperate haste, felling trees, making breastworks, and lining120 the hedges and copses while yet they might. But still Würtemberg's division remained unsupported, and the precious minutes flew fast. William, or his staff for him, had made a serious blunder. Intent though he was on fighting a battle with his infantry only, he had put all the cavalry of one wing of his army before them on the march, so that there was no room for the infantry to pass. Fortunately six battalions had been intermixed with the squadrons of this wing, and these were now with some difficulty disentangled and sent forward. Cutts's, Mackay's, Lauder's, and the Twenty-sixth formed up on Würtemberg's right, with the Sixth and Twenty-fifth in support; and at last, at half-past twelve, Würtemberg gave the order to attack.
His little force shook itself up and pressed forward[364] with eagerness. The Guards and Danes on the extreme left, being on the same ridge95 with the enemy, were the first that came into action. Pushing on under a terrible fire at point-blank range from the French batteries, they fell upon Bourbonnois and the dragoons, beat them back, captured their guns, and turned them against themselves. On their right the Royal Scots, Twenty-first, and Fitzpatrick's plunged121 down into the ravine into closer and more difficult ground, past copses and hedges and thickets122, until a single thick fence alone divided them from the enemy. Through this they fired at each other furiously for a time, till the Scots burst through the fence with their Colonel at their head and swept the French before them. Still further to the right, the remaining regiments came also into action; muzzle123 met muzzle among the branches, and the slaughter124 was terrible. Young Angus, still not yet of age, dropped dead at the head of the Cameronians, and the veteran Mackay found the death which he had missed at Killiecrankie. He had before the attack sent word to General Count Solmes, that the contemplated assault could lead only to waste of life, and had been answered with the order to advance. "God's will be done," he said calmly, and he was among the first that fell.
Still the British, in spite of all losses, pressed furiously on; and famous French regiments, spoiled children of victory, wavered and gave way before them. Bourbonnois, unable to face the Guards and Danes, doubled its left battalion114 in rear of its right; Chartres, which stood next to them, also gave way and doubled itself in rear of its neighbour Orleans. A wide gap was thus torn in the first French line, but not a regiment of the second line would step into it. The colonel of the brigade in rear of it ordered, entreated125, implored126 his men to come forward, but they would not follow him into that terrible fire. Suddenly the wild voice ceased, and the gesticulating figure fell in a heap to the ground: the colonel had been shot dead, and the gap was still unfilled.
[365]
The first French line was broken; the second and third were dismayed and paralysed: a little more and the British would carry the French camp. Luxemburg perceived that this was a moment when only his best troops could save him. In the fourth line stood the flower of his infantry, the seven battalions of French and Swiss Guards. These were now ordered forward to the gap; the princes of the blood placed themselves at their head, and without firing a shot they charged down the slope upon the British and Danes. The English Guards, thinned to half their numbers, faced the huge columns of the Swiss and stood up to them undaunted, till by sheer weight they were slowly rolled back. On their right the Royal Scots also were forced back, fighting desperately127 from hedge to hedge and contesting every inch of ground. Once, the French made a dash through a fence and carried off one of their colours. The Colonel, Sir Robert Douglas, instantly turned back alone through the fence, recaptured the colour, and was returning with it when he was struck by a bullet. He flung the flag over to his men and fell to the ground dead.
Slowly the twelve battalions retired128, still fighting furiously at every step. So fierce had been their onslaught that five lines of infantry backed by two more of cavalry[264] had hardly sufficed to stop them, and with but a little support they might have won the day. But that support was not forthcoming. Message after message had been sent to the Dutch general, Count Solmes, for reinforcements, but there came not a man. The main body, as has been told, was all clubbed together a mile and a half from the scene of action, with the infantry in the rear; and Solmes, with almost criminal folly129, instead of endeavouring to extricate130 the foot, had ordered forward the horse. William rectified131 the error as soon as he could, but the correction led to further delay and to the increased confusion which[366] is the inevitable132 result of contradictory133 orders. The English infantry in rear, mad with impatience134 to rescue their comrades, ran forward in disorder135, probably with loud curses on the Dutchman who had kept them back so long; and some time was lost before they could be re-formed. Discipline was evidently a little at fault. Solmes lost both his head and his temper. "Damn the English," he growled136; "if they are so fond of fighting, let them have a bellyful"; and he sent forward not a man. Fortunately junior officers took matters into their own hands; and it was time, for Boufflers had now arrived on the field to throw additional weight into the French scale. The English Horse-grenadiers, the Fourth Dragoons, and a regiment of Dutch dragoons rode forward and, dismounting, covered the retreat of the Guards and Danes by a brilliant counter-attack. The Buffs and Tenth advanced farther to the right, and holding their fire till within point-blank range, poured in a volley which gave time for the rest of Würtemberg's division to withdraw. A demonstration137 against the French left made a further diversion, and the shattered fragments of the attacking force, grimed with sweat and smoke, fell back to the open ground in rear of the woods, repulsed138 but unbeaten, and furious with rage.
William, it is said, could not repress a cry of anguish139 when he saw them; but there was no time for emotion. Some Dutch and Danish infantry was sent forward to check further advance of the enemy, and preparations were made for immediate16 retreat. Once again the hardest of the work was entrusted140 to the British; and when the columns were formed, the grenadiers of the British regiments brought up the rear, halting and turning about continually, until failing light put an end to what was at worst but a half-hearted pursuit. The retreat was conducted with admirable order; but it was not until the chill, dead hour that precedes the dawn that the Allies regained141 their camp, worn out with the fatigue142 of four-and-twenty hours.
To face page 366
STEENKIRK
July 23rd Aug. 3rd 1692
The action was set down at the time as the severest[367] ever fought by infantry, and the losses on both sides were very heavy. The Allies lost about three thousand killed and the same number wounded, besides thirteen hundred prisoners, nearly all of whom were wounded. Ten guns were abandoned, the horses being too weary to draw them; the English battalions lost two colours, and the foreign three or four more. The British, having borne the brunt of the action, suffered most heavily of all, the Guards, Cutts's, and the Sixth being terribly punished. The total French loss was about equal to that of the Allies, but the list of the officers that fell tells a more significant tale. On the side of the Allies four hundred and fifty officers were killed and wounded, no fewer than seventy lieutenants143 in the ten battalions of Churchill's British brigade being killed outright144. The French on their side lost no less than six hundred and twenty officers killed and wounded, a noble testimony145 to their self-sacrifice, but sad evidence of their difficulty in making their men stand. In truth, with proper management William must have won a brilliant victory; but he was a general by book and not by instinct. Würtemberg's advanced guard could almost have done the work by itself but for the mistake of a long preliminary cannonade; his attack could have been supported earlier but for the pedantry146 that gave the horse precedence of the foot in the march to the field; the foot could have pierced the French position in a dozen different columns but for the pedantry which caused it to be first deployed147. Finally, William's knowledge of the ground was imperfect, and Solmes, his general of foot, was incompetent. The plan was admirably designed and abominably148 executed. Nevertheless, British troops have never fought a finer action than Steenkirk. Luxemburg thought himself lucky to have escaped destruction; his troops were much shaken; and he crossed the Scheldt and marched away to his winter-quarters as quietly as possible. So ended the campaign of 1692.
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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contingents
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| （志趣相投、尤指来自同一地方的）一组与会者( contingent的名词复数 )； 代表团； （军队的）分遣队； 小分队 | |
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contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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8
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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9
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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10
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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11
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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12
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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13
delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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14
tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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15
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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16
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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17
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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18
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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19
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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20
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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21
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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22
corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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23
tributaries
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| n. 支流 | |
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24
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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25
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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26
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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27
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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28
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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29
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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30
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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31
entice
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| v.诱骗，引诱，怂恿 | |
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32
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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33
liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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34
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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35
subtlety
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| n.微妙，敏锐，精巧；微妙之处，细微的区别 | |
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36
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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37
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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38
discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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39
outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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40
conceited
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| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
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41
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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42
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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43
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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44
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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45
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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46
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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47
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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48
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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49
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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50
calamitous
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| adj.灾难的，悲惨的；多灾多难；惨重 | |
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51
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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52
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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53
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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54
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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55
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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56
sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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57
heterogeneous
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| adj.庞杂的；异类的 | |
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58
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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59
phlegmatic
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| adj.冷静的，冷淡的，冷漠的，无活力的 | |
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60
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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61
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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62
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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63
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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64
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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65
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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66
inured
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| adj.坚强的，习惯的 | |
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67
countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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68
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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69
unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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70
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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71
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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72
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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73
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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74
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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75
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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76
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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77
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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78
morbidly
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| adv.病态地 | |
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79
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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80
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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81
nervously
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| adv.神情激动地，不安地 | |
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82
apprehensive
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|
| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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83
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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84
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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85
isles
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| 岛( isle的名词复数 ) | |
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86
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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87
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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88
artillery
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|
| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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89
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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90
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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91
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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92
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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93
forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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94
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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95
ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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96
skilful
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|
| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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97
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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98
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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99
rugged
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| adj.高低不平的，粗糙的，粗壮的，强健的 | |
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100
defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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101
foraging
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| v.搜寻（食物），尤指动物觅（食）( forage的现在分词 )；（尤指用手）搜寻（东西） | |
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102
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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103
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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104
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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105
scouring
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| 擦[洗]净，冲刷，洗涤 | |
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106
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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107
lulled
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| vt.使镇静，使安静（lull的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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108
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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109
cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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110
stifling
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| a.令人窒息的 | |
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111
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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112
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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113
battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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114
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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115
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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116
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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117
bridled
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| 给…套龙头( bridle的过去式和过去分词 )； 控制； 昂首表示轻蔑（或怨忿等）； 动怒，生气 | |
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118
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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119
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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120
lining
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| n.衬里，衬料 | |
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121
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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122
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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123
muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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124
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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125
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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128
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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129
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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130
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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131
rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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132
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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133
contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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134
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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135
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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136
growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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137
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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138
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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139
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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140
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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141
regained
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| 复得( regain的过去式和过去分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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142
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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143
lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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144
outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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145
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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146
pedantry
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| n.迂腐，卖弄学问 | |
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147
deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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148
abominably
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| adv. 可恶地，可恨地，恶劣地 | |
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