In November the English Parliament met, heartened indeed by the naval1 victory of La Hogue, but not a little grieved over the failure of Steenkirk. Again, the financial aspect was extremely discouraging; and Sir Stephen Fox announced that there was not another day's subsistence for the Army in the treasury2. The prevailing3 discontent found vent4 in furious denunciations of Count Solmes, and a cry that English soldiers ought to be commanded by English officers. The debate rose high. The hardest of hard words were used about the Dutch generals, and a vast deal of nonsense was talked about military matters. There were, however, a great number of officers in the House of Commons, many of whom had been present at the action. With great modesty5 and good sense they refused to join in the outcry against the Dutch, and contrived6 so to compose matters that the House committed itself to no very foolish resolution. The votes for the Army were passed; and no difficulty was made over the preparations for the next campaign. Finally, two new regiments7 of cavalry9 were raised—Lord Macclesfield's Horse, which was disbanded twenty years later; and Conyngham's Irish Dragoons, which still abides10 with us as the Eighth (King's Royal Irish) Hussars.
1693.
Meanwhile the French military system had suffered an irreparable loss in the death of Louvois, the source of woes11 unnumbered to France in the years that were soon to come. Nevertheless, the traditions of his rule were strong, and the French once more were first in[369] the field, with, as usual, a vast siege-train massed on the Meuse and on the Scheldt. But a late spring and incessant12 rain delayed the beginning of operations till the beginning of May, when Luxemburg assembled seventy thousand men in rear of the Haine by Mons, and Boufflers forty-eight thousand more on the Scheldt at Tournay. The French king was with the troops in person; and the original design was, as usual, to carry on a war of sieges on the Meuse, Boufflers reducing the fortresses14 while Luxemburg shielded him with a covering army. Lewis, however, finding that the towns which he had intended to invest were likely to make an inconveniently15 stubborn defence, presently returned home, and after detaching thirty thousand men to the war in Germany, left Luxemburg to do as he would. It had been better for William if the Grand Monarch16 had remained in Flanders.
The English king, on his side, assembled sixty thousand men at Brussels as soon as the French began to move, and led them with desperate haste to the Senne, where he took up an impregnable position at Park. Luxemburg marched up to a position over against him, and then came one of those deadlocks17 which were so common in those old campaigns. The two armies stood looking at each other for a whole month, neither venturing to move, neither daring to attack, both ill-supplied, both discontented, and as a natural consequence both losing scores, hundreds, and even thousands of men through desertion.
June 26
July 6.
July.
At last the position became insupportable, and on the 6th of July Luxemburg moved eastward18 as if to resume the original plan of operations on the Meuse. William thereupon resolved to create a diversion by detaching a force to attack the French lines of the Scheldt and Lys, a project which was brilliantly executed by Würtemberg, thanks not a little to three British regiments, the Tenth, Argyll's, and Castleton's, which formed part of his division. But meanwhile Luxemburg, quite ignorant of the diversion, advanced to the[370] Meuse and laid siege to Huy, in the hope of forcing William to come to its relief. He judged rightly. William left his impregnable camp at Park and hurried to the rescue. But he came too late, and Huy fell after a trifling19 resistance. Luxemburg then made great seeming preparations for the siege of Liège, and William, trembling for the safety of that city and of Maestricht, detached eight thousand men to reinforce those garrisons20, and then withdrew to the line of the Geete. Luxemburg watched the whole proceeding21 with grim delight. Würtemberg's success was no doubt annoying, but William had weakened his army by detaching this force to the Lys, and had been beguiled22 into weakening it still further by reinforcing the garrisons on the Meuse, which was exactly what he wanted. If he could bring the Allies to action forthwith he could reasonably hope for success.
The ground occupied by William was a triangular24 space enclosed between the Little Geete and a stream called the Landen Beck, which joins it at Leuw. The position was not without features of strength. The camp, which faced almost due south, was pitched on a gentle ridge25 rising out of a vast plain.[265] This ridge runs parallel to the Little Geete and has that river in its rear. The left flank was protected by marshy26 ground and by the Landen Beck itself, while the villages of Neerlanden and Rumsdorp, one on either side of the beck and the latter well forward on the plain, offered the further security of advanced posts. The right rested on a little stream which runs at right angles to the Geete and joins it at Elixheim, and on the villages of Laer and Neerwinden, which stand on its banks. From Neerlanden on the left to Neerwinden on the right the position measured close on four miles; and to guard this front, to say nothing of strong[371] garrisons for the villages, William had little more than fifty thousand men. Here then was one signal defect: the front was too long to permit troops to be readily moved from flank to flank, or to be withdrawn27, without serious risk, from the centre. But this was not all. The depth of the position was less than half of its frontage, and thus allowed no space for the action of cavalry. This William ignored: he was afraid of the French horse, and was anxious that the action should be fought by infantry29 only. Finally, retreat was barred by the Geete, which was unfordable and insufficiently30 bridged, and therefore the forcing of the allied31 right must inevitably32 drive the whole army into a pinfold, as Leslie's had been driven at the battle of Dunbar.
July 18 28 .
Luxemburg, who knew every inch of the ground, was now anxious only lest William should retire before he could catch him. On the 28th of July, by a great effort and a magnificent march, he brought the whole of his army, eighty thousand strong, before William's position. He was now sure of his game, but he need not have been anxious, for William, charmed with the notion of excluding the French cavalry from all share in the action, was resolved to stand his ground. Many officers urged him to cross the Geete while yet he might, but he would not listen. Fifteen hundred men were told off to entrench33 the open ground between Neerwinden and Neerlanden. The hedges, mud-walls, and natural defences of Neerwinden and Laer were improved to the uttermost, and the ditches surrounding them were enlarged. Till late into the night the King rode backward and forward, ordering matters under his own eyes, and after a few hours' rest began very early in the morning to make his dispositions35.
The key of the position was the village of Neerwinden with the adjoining hamlet of Laer, and here accordingly he stationed the best of his troops. The defence of Laer was entrusted36 to Brigadier Ramsey with the Scots Brigade, namely, the Twenty-first, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-sixth, Mackay's and Lauder's[372] regiments, reinforced by the Buffs and the Fourth Foot. Between Laer and Neerwinden stood six battalions37 of Brandenburgers, troops already of great and deserved reputation, of whom we shall see more in the years before us. Neerwinden itself was committed to the Hanoverians, the Dutch Guards, a battalion38 of the First and a battalion of the Scots Guards. Immediately to the north or left of the village the entrenchment39 was lined by the two remaining battalions of the First and Scots Guards, the Coldstream Guards, a battalion of the Royal Scots, and the Seventh Fusiliers. On the extreme left of the position Neerlanden was held by the other battalion of the Royal Scots, the Second Queen's, and two Danish regiments, while Rumsdorp was occupied by the Fourteenth, Sixteenth, Nineteenth, and Collingwood's regiments. In a word, every important post was committed to the British. The remainder of the infantry, with one hundred guns, was ranged along the entrenchment, and in rear of them stood the cavalry, powerless to act outside the trench34, and too much cramped40 for space to man?uvre within it.
Luxemburg also was early astir, and was amazed to find how far the front of the position had been strengthened during the night. His centre he formed in eight lines over against the Allies' entrenchments between Oberwinden and Landen, every line except the second and fourth being composed of cavalry. For the attack on Neerlanden and Rumsdorp he detailed41 fifteen thousand foot and two thousand five hundred dismounted dragoons. For the principal assault on Neerwinden he told off eighteen thousand foot supported by a reserve of two thousand more and by eight thousand cavalry; while seventy guns were brought into position to answer the artillery42 of the Allies.
July 19 29 .
Shortly after sunrise William's cannon43 opened fire against the heavy masses of the French centre; and at eight o'clock Luxemburg moved the whole of his left to the attack of Neerwinden. Six battalions, backed by dragoons and cavalry, were directed against Laer, and[373] three columns, counting in all seven brigades, were launched against Neerwinden. The centre column, under the Duke of Berwick, was the first to come into action. Withholding44 their fire till they reached the village, the French carried the outer defences with a rush, and then meeting the Hanoverians and the First Guards, they began the fight in earnest. It was hedge-fighting, as at Steenkirk, muzzle45 to muzzle and hand to hand. Every step was contested; the combat swayed backwards46 and forwards within the village; and the carnage was frightful47. The remaining French columns came up, met with the like resistance, and made little way. Fresh regiments were poured by the French into the fight, and at last the First Guards, completely broken by its losses, gave way. But it was only for a moment. They rallied on the Scots Guards; the Dutch and Hanoverians rallied behind them, and though the French had been again reinforced, they resumed the unequal fight, nine battalions against twenty-six, with unshaken tenacity48. At Laer, on the extreme right, the fight was equally sharp. Ramsey for a time was driven out of the village, and the French cavalry actually forced its way into the Allies' position. There, however, it was charged in flank by the Elector of Bavaria, and driven out with great slaughter49. Ramsey seized the moment to rally his brigade. The French columns, despite their success, still remained isolated50 and detached, and presented no united front. The King placed himself at the head of the Guards and Hanoverians, and with one charge British, Dutch, and Germans fell upon the Frenchmen and swept them out of both villages.
The first attack on Neerwinden had failed, and a similar attack on the allied left had been little more successful. At Neerlanden the First and Second Foot had successfully held their own against four French battalions until reinforcements enabled them to drive them back. At Rumsdorp the British, being but three thousand against thirteen thousand, were pushed out of the village, but being reinforced, recovered a part of it[374] and stood successfully at bay. Luxemburg, however, was not easily discouraged. The broken troops in the left were rallied, fresh regiments were brought forward, and a second effort was made to carry Neerwinden. Again French impetuosity bore all before it, and again the British and Germans, weakened and weary though they were, rallied when all seemed lost, and hurled51 the enemy back not merely repulsed52 but in confused and disorderly retreat.
On the failure of the second attack the majority of the French officers urged Luxemburg to retire; but the marshal was not to be turned from his purpose. The fourteen thousand men of the Allies in Laer and Neerwinden had lost more than a third of their numbers, while he himself had still a considerable force of infantry interlined with the cavalry in the centre. Twelve thousand of them, including the French and Swiss Guards, were now drawn28 off to the left for a third attack. When they were clear of the cavalry, the whole six lines of horse, which had stood heroically for hours motionless under a heavy fire, moved forward at a trot53 to the edge of the entrenchments;[266] but the demonstration54, for such it seems to have been, cost them dear, for they were very roughly handled and compelled to retire. But now the French reinforcements supported by the defeated battalions drew near, and a third attack was delivered on Neerwinden. British and Dutch still made a gallant55 fight, but the odds56 against their weakened battalions were too great, and ammunition57 began to fail. They fought on indomitably till the last cartridge58 was expended59 before they gave way, but they were forced back, and Neerwinden was lost. Five French brigades then assailed60 the central entrenchment at its junction61 with Neerwinden, where stood the Coldstream Guards and the[375] Seventh Fusiliers. Wholly unmoved by the overwhelming numbers in their front and the fire from Neerwinden on their flank, the two regiments stood firm and drove their assailants back over the breastwork. Even when the French Household Cavalry came spurring through Neerwinden and fell upon their flank they fought on undismayed, and the Coldstreamers not only repelled62 the charge but captured a colour.
Such fighting, however, could not continue for long. William, on observing Luxemburg's preparations for the final assault, had ordered nine battalions from his left to reinforce his right. These never reached their destination. The Marquis of Feuquières, an officer even more celebrated63 for his acuteness as a military critic than for skill in the field, watched them as they moved and suddenly led his cavalry forward to the weakest point of the entrenchment. The battalions hesitated, halted, and then turned about to meet this new danger, but too late to save the forcing of the entrenchment. The battle was now virtually over. Neerwinden was carried, Ramsey after a superb defence had been driven out of Laer, the Brandenburgers had perforce retreated with him, the infantry that lined the centre of the entrenchment had forsaken64 it, and the French cavalry was pouring in and cutting down the fugitives65 by scores. William, who had galloped66 away in desperation to the left, now returned at headlong speed with six regiments of English cavalry,[267] which delivered charge after charge with splendid gallantry, to cover the retreat of the foot. On the left Tolmach and Bellasys by great exertion67 brought off their infantry in good order, but on the right the confusion was terrible. The rout68 was complete, the few bridges were choked by a heaving mass of guns, waggons69, pack-animals, and men, and thousands of fugitives were cut down, drowned, or trampled70 to death. William did all that a gallant man could do to save the day, but in[376] vain. His troops had done heroic things to redeem71 his bad generalship; and against any living man but Marlborough or Luxemburg they would probably have held their own. It was the general not the soldiers that failed.
The losses on both sides were very severe. That of the French was about eight thousand men; that of the Allies about twelve thousand, killed, wounded, and prisoners, and among the dead was Count Solmes, the hated Solmes of Steenkirk. The nineteen British battalions present lost one hundred and thirty-five officers killed, wounded, and taken. The French captured eighty guns and a vast quantity of colours, but the Allies, although beaten, could also show fifty-six French flags. And, indeed, though Luxemburg won, and deserved to win, a great victory, yet the action was not such as to make the allied troops afraid to meet the French. They had stood up, fifty thousand against eighty thousand, and if they were beaten they had at any rate dismayed every Frenchman on the field but Luxemburg. In another ten years their turn was to come, and they were to take a part of their revenge on the very ground over which many of them had fled.
The campaign closed with the surrender of Charleroi, and the gain by the French of the whole line of the Sambre. William came home to meet the House of Commons and recommend an augmentation of the Army by eight regiments of horse, four of dragoons, and twenty-five of foot. The House reduced this list by the whole of the regiments of horse, and fifteen of foot, but even so it brought the total establishment up to eighty-three thousand men. There is, however, but one new regiment8 of which note need be taken in the campaign of 1694, namely the Seventh Dragoons, now known as the Seventh Hussars, which, raised in 1689-90 in Scotland, now for the first time took its place on the English establishment and its turn of service in the war of Flanders.
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LANDEN
July 19th 29th 1693
1694.
I shall not dwell on the campaign of 1694, which is memorable72 only for a marvellous march by which Luxemburg upset William's entire plan of campaign.[377] Nor shall I speak at length of the abortive73 descent on Brest, which is remembered mainly for the indelible stain which it has left on the memory of Marlborough. It is only necessary to say that the French, by Marlborough's information, though not on Marlborough's information only, had full warning of an expedition which had been planned as a surprise, and that Tolmach,[268] who was in command, unfortunately though most pardonably lacked the moral courage to abandon an attack which, unless executed as a surprise, was hopeless of success. He was repulsed with heavy loss, and died of wounds received in the action, a hard fate for a good soldier and a gallant man. But it is unjust to lay his death at Marlborough's door. For the failure of the expedition Marlborough was undoubtedly74 responsible, and that is quite bad enough; but Tolmach alone was to blame for attempting an enterprise which he knew to be hopeless. Marlborough cannot have calculated that he would deliberately75 essay to do impossibilities and perish in the effort, so cannot be held guilty of poor Tolmach's blunders.
1695.
January.
Before the new campaign could be opened there had come changes of vital importance to France. The vast expense of the war had told heavily on the country, and the King's ministers were at their wit's end to raise money. Moreover, the War Department had deteriorated76 rapidly since the death of Louvois; and to this misfortune was now added the death of Luxemburg, a loss which was absolutely irreparable. Lastly, with the object of maintaining the position which they had won on the Sambre, the French had extended their system of fortified77 lines from Namur to the sea. Works so important could not be left unguarded, so that a considerable force was locked up behind these entrenchments, and was for all offensive purposes useless. We[378] shall see before long how a really great commander could laugh at these lines, and how in consequence it became an open question whether they were not rather an encumbrance78 than an advantage. The subject is one which is still of interest; and it is remarkable79 that the French still seem to cling to their old principles in the works which they have constructed for defence against a German invasion.
His enemy being practically restricted to the defensive80, William did not neglect the opportunity of initiating81 aggressive operations. Masking his design by a series of feints, he marched swiftly to the Meuse and invested Namur. This fortress13, more famous through its connection with the immortal82 Uncle Toby even than as the masterpiece of Cohorn carried to yet higher perfection by Vauban, stands at the junction of the Sambre and the Meuse, the citadel83 lying in the angle between the two rivers, and the town with its defences on the left bank of the Meuse. To the northward84 of the town outworks had been thrown up on the heights of Bouge by both of these famous engineers; and it was against these outworks that William directed his first attack.
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NAMUR
June 26th July 6th 1695
June 23
July 3.
June 26
July 6.
Ground was broken on the 3rd of July, and three days later an assault was delivered on the lines of Bouge. As usual, the hardest of the work was given to the British, and the post of greatest danger was made over, as their high reputation demanded, to the Brigade of Guards. On this occasion the Guards surpassed themselves alike by the coolness of their valour and by the fire of their attack. They marched under a heavy fire up to the French palisades, thrust their muskets85 between them, poured in one terrible volley, the first shot that they had yet fired, and charged forthwith. In spite of a stout86 resistance, they swept the French out of the first work, pursued them to the second, swept them out of that, and gathering87 impetus88 with success, drove them from stronghold to stronghold, far beyond the original design of the engineers, and actually to the gates of the[379] town. In another quarter the Royal Scots and the Seventh Fusiliers gained not less brilliant success; and in fact it was the most creditable action that William had fought during the whole war. It cost the Allies two thousand men killed and wounded, the three battalions of Guards alone losing thirty-two officers. The British were to fight many such bloody89 combats during the next twenty years—combats forgotten since they were merely incidents in the history of a siege, and so frequent that they were hardly chronicled and are not to be restored to memory now. I mention this, the first of such actions, only as a type of many more to come.
The outworks captured, the trenches90 were opened against the town itself, and the next assault was directed against the counterguard of St. Nicholas gate. This again was carried by the British, with a loss of eight hundred men. Then came the famous attack on the counterscarp before the gate itself, where Captain Shandy received his memorable wound. This gave William the possession of the town. Then came the siege of the citadel, wherein the British had the honour of marching to the assault over half a mile of open ground, a trial which proved too much even for them. Nevertheless, it was they who eventually stormed a breach91 from which another of the assaulting columns had been repulsed, and ensured the surrender of the citadel a few days later. For their service on this occasion the Eighteenth Foot were made the Royal Irish; and a Latin inscription92 on their colours still records that this was the reward of their valour at Namur.
1697.
Thus William on his return to England could for the first time show his Parliament a solid success due to the British red-coats; and the House of Commons gladly voted once more a total force of eighty-seven thousand men. But the war need be followed no further. The campaign of 1696 was interrupted by a futile93 attempt of the French to invade England, and in 1697 France, reduced to utter exhaustion94, gladly concluded the Peace of Ryswick. So ended, not without honour,[380] the first stage of the great conflict with King Lewis the Fourteenth. The position of the two protagonists95, England and France, was not wholly unlike that which they occupied a century later at the Peace of Amiens. The British, though they had not reaped great victories, had made their presence felt, and terribly felt, on the battlefield; and as the French in the Peninsula remembered that the British had fought them with a tenacity which they had not found in other nations, not only in Egypt but even earlier at Tournay and Lincelles, so, too, after Blenheim and Ramillies they looked back to the furious attack at Steenkirk and the indomitable defence of Neerwinden. "Without the concurrence96 of the valour and power of England," said William to the Parliament at the close of 1695, "it were impossible to put a stop to the ambition and greatness of France." So it was then, so it was a century later, and so it will be again, for though none know better the superlative qualities of the French as a fighting people, yet the English are the one nation that has never been afraid to meet them. With the Peace of Ryswick the 'prentice years of the standing97 Army are ended, and within five years the old spirit, which has carried it through the bitter schooling98 under King William, will break forth23 with overwhelming power under the guiding genius of Marlborough.
Authorities.—The leading authority for William's campaigns on the English side is D'Auvergne, and on the French side the compilation99, with its superb series of maps, by Beaurain. Supplementary100 on one side are Tindal's History, Carleton's Memoirs101, and Sterne's Tristram Shandy; and on the other the Mémoires of Berwick and St. Simon, Quincy's Histoire Militaire de Louis XIV., and in particular the Mémoires of Feuquières. Many details as to Steenkirk, in particular as to the casualties, are drawn from Present State of Europe, or Monthly Mercury, August 1692; and as to Landen from the official relation of the battle, published by authority, 1693. Beautiful plans of both actions are in Beaurain, rougher plans in Quincy and Feuquières. All details as to the establishment voted are from the Journals of the House of Commons. Very elaborate details of the operations are given in Colonel Clifford Walton's History of the British Standing Army.
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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modesty
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contrived
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regiments
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regiment
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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abides
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| 容忍( abide的第三人称单数 )； 等候； 逗留； 停留 | |
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woes
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| 困境( woe的名词复数 )； 悲伤； 我好苦哇； 某人就要倒霉 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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inconveniently
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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deadlocks
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eastward
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trifling
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garrisons
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proceeding
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beguiled
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forth
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triangular
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ridge
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marshy
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withdrawn
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drawn
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infantry
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insufficiently
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allied
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inevitably
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entrench
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| v.使根深蒂固；n.壕沟；防御设施 | |
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trench
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dispositions
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entrusted
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battalions
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battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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entrenchment
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| n.壕沟，防御设施 | |
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cramped
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| a.狭窄的 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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withholding
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| 扣缴税款 | |
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muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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53
trot
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| n.疾走，慢跑；n.老太婆；现成译本；(复数）trots:腹泻（与the 连用）；v.小跑，快步走，赶紧 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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cartridge
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| n.弹壳，弹药筒；(装磁带等的)盒子 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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Forsaken
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| adj. 被遗忘的, 被抛弃的 动词forsake的过去分词 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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deteriorated
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| 恶化，变坏( deteriorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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encumbrance
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| n.妨碍物，累赘 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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initiating
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| v.开始( initiate的现在分词 )；传授；发起；接纳新成员 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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protagonists
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| n.（戏剧的）主角( protagonist的名词复数 )；（故事的）主人公；现实事件（尤指冲突和争端的）主要参与者；领导者 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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101
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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