This was a formidable obstacle to the advance of the Allies, but no lines had sufficed to stop Marlborough yet, and with Eugene by his side the Duke did not despair. Before he could start for the campaign, however, the news came that the Emperor Joseph was dead of smallpox5, an event which signified the almost certain accession of the Archduke Charles to the Imperial crown and the consequent withdrawal6 of his candidature for the throne of Spain. Eugene was consequently detained at home; and worse than this, a fine opportunity was afforded for making a breach7 in the Grand Alliance. To render the Duke's difficulties still greater,[541] though his force was already weakened by the necessity of finding garrisons8 for the towns captured in the previous year, the English Government had withdrawn10 from him five battalions12[378] for an useless expedition to Newfoundland under the command of Mrs. Masham's brother, General Hill; an expedition which may be dismissed for the present without further mention than that it was dogged by misfortune from first to last, suffered heavy loss through shipwreck13, and accomplished14 literally15 nothing.
April 20
May 1.
June 3 14 .
Nevertheless the Imperial army was present, though without Eugene. The whole of the forces were assembled a little to the south of Lille at Orchies, and on the 1st of May Marlborough moved forward to a position parallel to that of Villars, who lay in rear of the river Sensée with his left at Oisy and his right at Bouchain. There both armies remained stationary16 and inactive for six weeks. Eugene came, but presently received orders to return and to bring his army with him. On the 14th of June Marlborough moved away one march westward17 to the plain of Lens in order to conceal18 this enforced diminution19 of his army. The position invited a battle, but Villars only moved down within his lines parallel to the Duke; and once more both armies remained inactive for five weeks. After the departure of Eugene the French commander detached a portion of his force to the Rhine, but even so he had one hundred and thirty-one battalions against ninety-four, and one hundred and eighty-seven squadrons against one hundred and forty-five of the Allies.
June 25
July 6.
We now approach what is perhaps the most remarkable20 and certainly the most entertaining feat21 of the Duke during the whole war. Villars, bound by his instructions, would not come out and fight; his lines could not be forced by an army of inferior strength,[542] and they could therefore be passed only by stratagem22. The inundation4 on the Sensée between Arras and Bouchain could be traversed only by two causeways, the larger of which was defended by a strong fort at Arleux, the other being covered by a redoubt at Aubigny half a mile below it. Marlborough knew that he could take the fort at Arleux at any time and demolish23 it, but he knew also that Villars would certainly retake it and rebuild as soon as his back was turned. He therefore set himself to induce Villars to demolish it himself. With this view he detached a strong force under General Rantzau to capture the fort, which was done without difficulty. The Duke then gave orders that the captured works should be greatly strengthened, and for their further protection posted a large force under the Prussian General Hompesch on the glacis of Douay, some three miles distant from the fort.
June 28
July 9.
July 10 21 .
As fate ordained24 it Hompesch, thinking himself secure under the guns of Douay, neglected his outposts and even his sentries25, and was surprised two days later by a sudden attack from Villars, which was only repulsed26 with considerable difficulty and not a little shame. Villars was in ecstasies27 over his success, and Marlborough displayed considerable annoyance28. However, the Duke reinforced Hompesch, as if to show the value which he attached to Arleux, and pushed forward the new works with the greatest vigour29. Finally, when all was completed, he threw a weak garrison9 into the fort and led the rest of the army away two marches westward, encamping opposite the lines between the Canche and the Scarpe. Villars likewise moved westward parallel to him; but before he started he detached a force to attack Arleux. The commander of the fort sent a message to Marlborough that he could not possibly hold it, and the Duke at once despatched Cadogan with a strong force to relieve it. It was noticed, however, that Cadogan made no such haste as the urgency of the occasion would have seemed to require;[543] and indeed before he had gone half way he returned with the intelligence that Arleux had surrendered.
July 15 26 .
July 17 28 .
Villars was elated beyond measure; and Marlborough for the first time in his life seemed to be greatly distressed31 and cast down. Throwing off his usual serenity32 he declared in public with much passion that he would be even with Villars yet, and would attack him, come what might of it, where he lay. Then came the news that Villars had razed33 the whole works of Arleux, over which he had spent such pains, entirely34 to the ground. This increased the Duke's ill-temper. He vowed35 that he would avenge36 this insult to his army, and renewed his menace of a direct attack on the entrenchments. Villars now detached a force to make a diversion in Brabant; and this step seemed to drive Marlborough distracted. Vowing37 that he would check its march he sent off ten thousand men under Lord Albemarle to Bethune, and the whole of his baggage and heavy artillery38 to Douay. Having thus weakened an army already inferior to that of the French, he repaired the roads that led towards the enemy's entrenchments, and with much display of vindictiveness40, sulkiness, and general vexation advanced one march nearer to the lines. His army watched his proceedings41 with amazement42, for it had never expected such proceedings from Corporal John.
July 22
August 2.
July 23
August 3.
July 24
August 4.
Villars meanwhile was in a transport of delight. He drew every man not only from all parts of the lines but also from the neighbouring garrisons towards the threatened point, and asked nothing better than that Marlborough should attack. In the height of exultation43 he actually wrote to Versailles that he had brought the Duke to his ne plus ultra. Marlborough's strange manner still remained the same. On the 2nd of August he advanced to within a league of the lines, and during that day and the next set the whole of his cavalry44 to work to collect fascines. At nightfall of the 3rd he sent away all his light artillery, together with every wheeled vehicle, under escort of a strong detachment,[544] and next morning rode forward with most of his generals to reconnoitre the lines. Captain Parker of the Eighteenth Royal Irish, who had obtained permission to ride with the Staff, was amazed at the Duke's behaviour. He had now thrown off all his ill-temper and was calm and cool as usual, indicating this point and that to his officers. "Your brigade, General, will attack here, such and such brigades will be on your right and left, such another in support, and you will be careful of this, that, and other." The generals listened and stared; they understood the instructions clearly enough, but they could not help regarding them as madness. So the reconnaissance proceeded, drearily45 enough, and was just concluding when General Cadogan turned his horse, unnoticed, out of the crowd, struck in his spurs and galloped46 back to camp at the top of his speed. Presently the Duke also turned, and riding back very slowly issued orders to prepare for a general attack on the morrow.
At this all ranks of the army, from the general to the drummer, fell into the deepest depression. Not a man could fail to see that direct attack on the lines was a hopeless enterprise at the best of times, and doubly hopeless now that half of the army and the whole of the artillery had been detached for other service. Again the violent and unprecedented47 outburst of surliness and ill-temper was difficult to explain; and the only possible explanation was that the Duke, rendered desperate by failure and misfortunes, had thrown prudence49 to the winds and did not care what he did. A few only clung faintly to the hope that the chief who had led them so often to victory might still have some surprise in store for them; but the most part gave themselves up for lost, and lamented50 loudly that they should ever have lived to see such a change come over the Old Corporal.
So passed the afternoon among the tents of the Allies; but meanwhile Cadogan with forty hussars at his heels had long started from the camp and was galloping51 hard across the plain of Lens to Douay, five[545] leagues away. There he found Hompesch ready with his garrison, now strengthened by detachments from Bethune and elsewhere to twelve thousand foot and two thousand horse, and told him that the time was come. Hompesch thereupon issued his orders for the troops to be ready to march that night. Still the main army under Marlborough knew nothing of this, and passed the day in dismal52 apprehension53 till the sun went down, and the drummers came forward to beat tattoo54. Then a column of cavalry trotted55 out towards the Allied57 right, attracting every French eye and stirring every French brain with curiosity as to the purport58 of the movement. Then the drums began to roll; and the order ran quietly down the line to strike tents and make ready to march immediately.
Never was command more welcome. Within an hour all was ready and the army was formed into four columns. The cavalry having done their work of distracting French vigilance to the wrong quarter returned unseen by the enemy; and at nine o'clock the whole army faced to its left and marched off eastward59 in utter silence, with Marlborough himself at the head of the vanguard.
July 24-25
August 4-5.
July 25
August 5.
The night was fine, and under the radiant moonlight the men swung forward bravely hour after hour over the plain of Lens. The moon paled; the dawn crept up into the east throwing its ghastly light on the host of weary, sleepless60 faces; and presently the columns reached the Scarpe. So far the march had lasted eight hours, and fifteen miles had been passed. Pontoon-bridges were already laid across the river, and on the further bank, punctual to appointment, stood Brigadier Sutton with the field-artillery. The river was passed, and presently a messenger came spurring from the east with a despatch30 for the Duke of Marlborough. He read it; and words were passed down the columns of march which filled them with new life. "Generals Cadogan and Hompesch" (such was their purport) "crossed the causeway at Arleux[546] unopposed at three o'clock this morning, and are in possession of the enemy's lines. The Duke desires that the infantry61 will step out." The right wing of horse halted to form the rearguard and bring up stragglers, while a cloud of dust in the van told that the Duke and fifty squadrons with him were pushing forward at the trot56. Then the infantry shook themselves up and stepped out with a will.
Villars had received intelligence of Marlborough's march only two hours after he had started, but he was so thoroughly62 bewildered by the Duke's intricate man?uvres that he did not awake to the true position until three hours later. Then, quite distracted, he put himself at the head of the Household Cavalry and galloped off at full speed. So furiously rode he that he wore down all but a hundred of his troopers and pushed on with these alone. But even so Marlborough was before him. At eight o'clock he crossed the lower causeway at Aubanchoeuil-au-bac and passing his cavalry over the Scarpe barred the road from the west by the village of Oisy. Presently Villars, advancing reckless of all precautions, blundered into the middle of the outposts. Before he could retire his whole escort was captured, and he himself only by miracle escaped the same fate.
The Marshal now looked anxiously for the arrival of his main body of horse; but the Allied infantry had caught sight of them on the other side of the Sensée, and weary though they were had braced63 themselves to race them for the goal. But now the severity of the march and the burden of their packs began to tell heavily on the foot. Hundreds dropped down unconscious and many died there and then, but they were left where they lay to await the arrival of the rearguard; for no halt was called, and each regiment64 pushed on as cheerfully as possible with such men as still survived. Thus they were still ahead of the French when they turned off to the causeway at Arleux, and, Marlborough having thrown additional bridges[547] over the Scarpe, they came quickly into their positions. The right wing of infantry crossed the river about four o'clock in the afternoon, having covered close on forty miles in eighteen hours; and by five o'clock the whole force was drawn11 up between Oisy and the Scheldt within striking distance of Arras, Cambrai, and Bouchain. So vanished the ne plus ultra of Villars, a warning to all generals who put their sole trust in fortified lines.
July 27
August 7.
Marlborough halted for the next day to give his troops rest and to allow the stragglers to come in. Fully half the men of the infantry had fallen out, and there were many who did not rejoin the army until the third day. Villars on his side moved forward and offered Marlborough battle under the walls of Cambrai; but the Duke would not accept it, though the Dutch deputies, perverse65 and treacherous66 to the last, tried hard to persuade him. Had the deputies marched in the ranks of the infantry with muskets67 on their shoulders and a kit68 of fifty pounds' weight on their backs, they would have been less eager for the fray69. Marlborough's own design, long matured in his own mind, was the capture of Bouchain, and his only fear was lest Villars should cross the Scheldt before him and prevent it. Then the deputies, who had been so anxious to hurry the army into an engagement under every possible disadvantage, shrank from the peril70 of a siege carried on by an inferior under the eyes of a superior force. But Marlborough, even if he had not been able to adduce Lille as a precedent48, was determined71 to have his own way, and carried his point. At noon on the 7th of August he marched down almost within cannon72-shot of Cambrai, ready to fall on Villars should he attempt to cross the Scheldt, halted until his pontoon-bridges had been laid a few miles further down the stream, and then gradually withdrawing his troops passed the whole of them across the river unmolested.
It is hardly credible73 that a vast number of foolish civilians74, Dutch, Austrian, and even English, blamed Marlborough for declining battle before Cambrai, and[548] that he was actually obliged to explain why he refused to sacrifice the fruit of his man?uvres by attacking a superior force in a strong position with an army not only smaller in numbers at its best, but much thinned by a forced march and exhausted75 by fatigue76. "I despair of being ever able to please all men," he wrote. "Those who are capable of judging will be satisfied with my endeavours: others I leave to their own reflections, and go on with the discharge of my duty."
Sept. 2 13 .
It is possible that Villars only refrained from hindering Marlborough's passage of the Scheldt in deference77 to orders from Versailles, of which the Duke was as well aware as himself; but it is more than doubtful whether he ever intended him to capture Bouchain. Though inferior in numbers, however, Marlborough covered himself so skilfully78 with entrenchments that Villars could not hinder him, and met all attempts at diversion so readily that not one of them succeeded. Finally, the garrison surrendered as prisoners of war under the very eyes of Villars. The Duke would have followed up his success by the siege of Quesnoi, the town before which English troops first came under the fire of cannon in the year of Cre?y; but by this time Lewis, with the help of the contemptible79 Harley, had succeeded in detaching England from the Grand Alliance. Though, therefore, the English ministers continued to encourage Marlborough in his operations in order to conceal their own infamous80 conduct from the Allies, yet they took good care that those operations should proceed no further. So with the capture of Bouchain the last and not the least remarkable of Marlborough's campaigns came, always victoriously81, to an end.
To face page 548
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1711.
The most brilliant manifestation82 of military skill was, however, powerless to help him against the virulence83 of faction84 in England. The passage of the lines was described as the crossing of the kennel85, and the siege of Bouchain as a waste of lives. In May the House of Commons had addressed the Queen for[549] inquiry86 into abuses in the public expenditure87, and when the Duke arrived at the Hague in November he found himself charged with fraud, extortion, and embezzlement88. The ground of the accusation89 was that he had received in regular payment from the bread-contractors during his command sums amounting to ￡63,000. Marlborough proved conclusively90 that this was a perquisite91 regularly allowed to the commander-in-chief in Flanders as a fund for secret service, and he added of his own accord that he had also received a deduction92 of two and a half per cent from the pay of the foreign troops, which had been applied93 to the same object. But this defence, though absolutely valid94 and sound, could avail him little. His reasons were disregarded, and on the 31st of December he was dismissed from all public employment.
1712.
Three weeks later the House of Commons voted that his acceptance of these two perquisites95 was unwarrantable and illegal, and directed that he should be prosecuted96 by the Attorney-General. This done, the Ministry97 appointed the Duke of Ormonde to be commander-in-chief in Marlborough's place, and confirmed to him the very perquisites which the House had just declared to be unwarrantable and illegal. Effrontery98 and folly99 such as this are nothing new in representative assemblies, but it is significant of the general attitude of English civilians towards English soldiers, that not one of Harley's gang seems to have realised that this vindictive39 persecution100 of Marlborough was an insult to a brave army as well as a shameful101 injustice102 to a great man, nor to have foreseen that the insult might be resented by the means that always lie ready to the hand of armed and disciplined men.
It is not necessary to dwell on the operations, if such they may be called, of the Duke of Ormonde. He did indeed take the field with Eugene, but under instructions to engage neither in a battle nor a siege, but virtually to open communications with Villars. By July the subservience103 of the British Ministry to[550] Lewis the Fourteenth had been so far matured that Ormonde was directed to suspend hostilities104 for two months, and to withdraw his forces from Eugene. Then the troubles began. The auxiliary105 troops in the pay of England flatly refused to obey the order to leave Eugene, and Ormonde was compelled to march away with the British troops only. Even so the feelings of anger ran so high that a dangerous riot was only with difficulty averted106. The British and the auxiliaries107 were not permitted to speak to each other, lest recrimination should lead either to a refusal of the British to leave their old comrades or to a free fight on both sides. The parting was one of the most remarkable scenes ever witnessed. The British fell in, silent, shamefaced, and miserable108; the auxiliaries gathered in knots opposite to them, and both parties gazed at each other mournfully without saying a word. Then the drums beat the march and regiment after regiment tramped away with full hearts and downcast eyes, till at length the whole column was under way, and the mass of scarlet109 grew slowly less and less till it vanished out of sight.
At the end of the first day's march Ormonde announced the suspension of hostilities with France at the head of each regiment. He had expected the news to be received with cheers: to his infinite disgust it was greeted with one continuous storm of hisses110 and groans111. Finally, when the men were dismissed they lost all self-control. They tore their hair and rent their clothes with impotent rage, cursing Ormonde with an energy only possible in an army that had learned to swear in the heat of fifty actions. The officers retired112 to their tents, ashamed to show themselves to their men. Many transferred themselves to foreign regiments113, many more resigned their commissions; and it is said, doubtless with truth, that they fairly cried when they thought of Corporal John.
More serious consequences followed. The march was troublesome, for the Dutch would not permit[551] the retiring British to pass through their towns, and the troops were consequently obliged to cross every river that barred their way on their own pontoons. Again, all the old contracts for bread had been upset by Harley and his followers114 through their prosecution115 of Marlborough: it was nothing to them that an army should be ill-fed, so long as they gained power and place. St. John, it must be noted116, was a principal accomplice117 in this rascality—St. John, who alone of living Englishmen had intellect sufficient to measure the gigantic genius of Marlborough; who, moreover, as Secretary-at-War during the greatest of the Duke's campaigns, had gained some insight into those prosaic118 details of supplies and transport which are all in all to the organisation119 of victory. Ormonde, a thoroughly mediocre120 officer, was not a man to grapple with such difficulties. Bad bread heightened the ill-feeling of the soldiers towards him. Agitators121 insinuated122 to the worst characters in the army that they would lose all the arrears123 of pay that were due to them; and the story found ready and reasonable credence124 from recollection of the scandals that had followed the Peace of Ryswick. The good soldiers, then as always a great majority, refused to have anything to do with a movement so discreditable, and reported what was going forward to their officers; but either their tale was disbelieved or, as is more likely, apathy125 and general disorganisation prevented the nipping of the evil in the bud. Finally, three thousand malcontents slipped away from the camp, barricaded126 themselves in a defensive127 position, and sent a threatening message to the commander-in-chief demanding good bread and payment of arrears. Then discipline speedily reasserted itself. The mutineers were surrounded and compelled to surrender. A court-martial was held; ten of the ringleaders were executed on the spot and the mutiny was quelled128 once for all. Fortunate it was that the outbreak took place while the troops were still abroad, or the House of Commons might[552] have learned by a second bitter experience that the patience of the British soldier, though very great, is not inexhaustible.[379]
1713.
March 31
April 11.
The negotiations129 so infamously130 begun with King Lewis shortly after found as infamous an end in the Peace of Utrecht, which not only sacrificed every object for which the war had been fought, but branded England with indelible disgrace. Five months earlier Marlborough had left England, to all intent a banished131 man. Before his departure he had endured incredible insults in the House of Lords, the worst and falsest of them from one of his own officers, the Duke of Argyll. The defection and ingratitude132 of Argyll, however, only brought out the more strongly the general loyalty133 of the Army towards its great chief. Marlborough's most prominent officers were of course subjected to the same degradation134 as himself. Cadogan, for instance, was removed from the Lieutenancy135 of the Tower to make room for Brigadier Hill; and even the Duke's humble136 secretary, Adam Cardonnel, was not too small an object for the malignant137 spite of the House of Commons. But honourable138 men, such as Lord Stair, the colonel of the Scots Greys, threw up their commissions in disgust; and plain, honest officers, such as Kane and Parker, have left on record the immense contempt wherein Argyll, brave soldier though he was, was held in the Army. The Dutch also rose, though too late, to the occasion. When Marlborough sailed into Ostend at the end of November, 1712, the whole garrison was under arms to receive him, and when he left it, it was under a salute139 of artillery. At Antwerp, in spite of his protests, his reception was the same; the cannon thundered in his honour, and all ranks of the people[553] turned out to meet him with joyful140 acclamations. He took the most secluded141 road to Maestricht, but go whither he would, fresh parties of horse always appeared to escort him. Above all, he was comforted by the unchanging confidence and sympathy of Eugene.
There for the present we must leave him till the time, not far distant, shall come to tell of his restoration. That the welcome given to him by the Dutch may have been a consolation142 to him we can hardly doubt, and yet he cannot but have felt that these same Dutch had been his undoing143. For, despite the shameful perfidy144 of the English politicians who drove Marlborough from England and concluded the Treaty of Utrecht, the main responsibility for the catastrophe145 rests not with them but with those unspeakable Dutch deputies who, by wrecking146 the Duke's earlier campaigns, prolonged beyond the limits of the patience of the House of Commons the War of the Spanish Succession.
Authorities.—The literature of the War of the Spanish Succession is, as may be guessed, not slender. On the English side there are the lives of Marlborough by Lediard and Coxe, as well as the French life, in three volumes, which was written by Napoleon's order. There are also the journals of Archdeacon Hare for the campaign of Blenheim, and a valuable letter from him respecting Oudenarde; the narratives147 of General Stearne, of Kane, Parker, and Sergeant148 Millner, all unfortunately of one regiment, the 18th Royal Irish; and, for the campaign of 1708 only, the journal of Private John Deane of the 1st Guards (privately printed 1846). Dumont's Histoire Militaire gives admirable maps and plans. Many curious items are also to be found in Lamberti. I have not failed to study the archives of the War Office preserved at the Record Office, with results that will be seen in the next chapter, and I have been carefully through the contemporary newspapers. Minor149 authorities, such as Tindal's History and the like, are hardly worth mention. Marlborough's Despatches, though decried150 by Lord Mahon (Preface to History of England), I have found most valuable. On the French side Quincy remains151 the chief authority, together with the Archives Militaires in the printed collection. The Mémoires of St. Simon, Villars, Millot, and others have also been consulted, and good and pertinent152 comment is always to be found in Feuquières.
For the war in Spain see at the close of Chapter VI.
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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inundation
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smallpox
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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garrisons
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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shipwreck
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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literally
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stationary
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westward
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conceal
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diminution
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remarkable
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feat
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stratagem
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demolish
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ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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sentries
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repulsed
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ecstasies
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| 狂喜( ecstasy的名词复数 )； 出神； 入迷； 迷幻药 | |
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annoyance
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vigour
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despatch
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distressed
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serenity
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| n.宁静，沉着，晴朗 | |
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razed
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| v.彻底摧毁，将…夷为平地( raze的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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vowed
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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vowing
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| 起誓，发誓（vow的现在分词形式） | |
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38
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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39
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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41
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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42
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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43
exultation
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| n.狂喜，得意 | |
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44
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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45
drearily
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| 沉寂地，厌倦地，可怕地 | |
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46
galloped
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| （使马）飞奔，奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 )； 快速做[说]某事 | |
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47
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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48
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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49
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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50
lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
galloping
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| adj. 飞驰的, 急性的 动词gallop的现在分词形式 | |
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52
dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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54
tattoo
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| n.纹身，(皮肤上的)刺花纹；vt.刺花纹于 | |
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trotted
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| 小跑，急走( trot的过去分词 )； 匆匆忙忙地走 | |
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56
trot
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| n.疾走，慢跑；n.老太婆；现成译本；(复数）trots:腹泻（与the 连用）；v.小跑，快步走，赶紧 | |
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57
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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58
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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59
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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60
sleepless
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| adj.不睡眠的，睡不著的，不休息的 | |
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61
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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62
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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63
braced
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| adj.拉牢的v.支住( brace的过去式和过去分词 )；撑牢；使自己站稳；振作起来 | |
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64
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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65
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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66
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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67
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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68
kit
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| n.用具包，成套工具；随身携带物 | |
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69
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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70
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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71
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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72
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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73
credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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74
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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76
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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77
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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78
skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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79
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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80
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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81
victoriously
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| adv.获胜地，胜利地 | |
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82
manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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83
virulence
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| n.毒力，毒性；病毒性；致病力 | |
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84
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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85
kennel
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| n.狗舍，狗窝 | |
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86
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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87
expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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88
embezzlement
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| n.盗用，贪污 | |
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89
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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90
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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91
perquisite
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| n.固定津贴，福利 | |
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92
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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93
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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94
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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95
perquisites
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| n.（工资以外的）财务补贴( perquisite的名词复数 )；额外收入；（随职位而得到的）好处；利益 | |
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96
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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97
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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98
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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99
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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100
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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101
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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102
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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103
subservience
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| n.有利，有益；从属（地位），附属性；屈从，恭顺；媚态 | |
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104
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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105
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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106
averted
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| 防止，避免( avert的过去式和过去分词 )； 转移 | |
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107
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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108
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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109
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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110
hisses
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| 嘶嘶声( hiss的名词复数 ) | |
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111
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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112
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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113
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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114
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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115
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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116
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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117
accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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118
prosaic
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| adj.单调的，无趣的 | |
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119
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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120
mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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121
agitators
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| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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122
insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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123
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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124
credence
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| n.信用，祭器台，供桌，凭证 | |
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125
apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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126
barricaded
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的过去式和过去分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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127
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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128
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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130
infamously
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| 不名誉地 | |
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131
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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133
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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134
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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135
lieutenancy
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| n.中尉之职，代理官员 | |
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136
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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137
malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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138
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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139
salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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140
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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141
secluded
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| adj.与世隔绝的；隐退的；偏僻的v.使隔开，使隐退( seclude的过去式和过去分词) | |
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142
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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143
undoing
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| n.毁灭的原因，祸根；破坏，毁灭 | |
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144
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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145
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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146
wrecking
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| 破坏 | |
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147
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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148
sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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149
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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150
decried
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| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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152
pertinent
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| adj.恰当的；贴切的；中肯的；有关的；相干的 | |
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