Sometimes he compounded for service by a money payment to the king, which enabled the latter to pay others to do his work; this indirectly9 leading to the mercenary soldier, or one who serves for pay. Throughout all the feudal1 times armies for foreign service therefore had to be paid, as campaigns could never be concluded within the period of free service. Hence they were composed partly of feudal retainers, partly of forced levies12 or mercenaries raised by some knight or gentleman, expert in war, to serve the king at a fixed13 rate of pay, which was often higher than that of a day labourer at home, with the prospect14 of adventure and booty. There seems to have been little difficulty in thus raising recruits. The money for this, which was paid in advance, was raised from the royal revenues, crown funds, fines, or parliamentary grants. These armies were disbanded, therefore, directly the war ceased.
It is calculated that this system produced a levy15 of about 60,000 knights16 and men-at-arms, and the country was15 divided into areas or “knights’ fees,” each of which provided one armed man.
The main “arm” in battle was the mailed cavalry17, and infantry18 was long thought little of; but in England speedily grew up the steady and trustworthy bowmen, the foundation of that infantry which has carried the national flag to victory in every part of the world, and which had no counterpart in those days in foreign armies, such as France, where the footmen were, till much later, merely armed serfs or dependants20, armed indifferently, and treated with contumely. In England it was otherwise. There were both greater freedom, and better, because more independent men. The trust that successive governments had in the people is best evidenced by the fact that all classes were armed. As far back as the reign11 of Henry II. it had been enacted21 that every man should possess at least a bow, and it is said that a good bowman could fire twelve shots a minute at two hundred and forty yards. Archery and archers22 were encouraged on the one side of the Channel, and on the other looked upon with contempt. Nowhere is the difference between the English and foreign footmen better shown than at Crecy and Poitiers; and the former is a type of the fighting of the period immediately before the active employment of gunpowder24. The political events which brought about the battle need not be detailed25 here: it will be sufficient to bear in mind that the “Hundred Years’ War” with France commenced by the claim of Edward III. to the throne of France, and the corresponding effort on the part of Philip to possess Guienne, which the King of England held in fief as Duke of Aquitaine, one of the six “peers of France.” After sundry26 fruitless expeditions, Edward landed at St. Vaart on the 11th October, with an army composed of 4000 men-at-arms, 10,000 bowmen, 12,000 Welshmen, and 6000 Irishmen, and one of his first acts was to bestow27 on his gallant28 son, the Black Prince, the honour of knighthood.5
16 It is interesting to notice how even at this date footmen and infantry formed an important part of the British army, which, after advancing almost to the gates of Paris, was compelled to fall back to the coast for many reasons, among which want of supplies predominated, and finally, after a brilliant skirmish in crossing the Somme, took up a position at Crecy-en-Ponthieu—whence, even if defeated, it had a secure retreat through Flanders—there to give battle to the French. When day dawned on the 26th August 1346, the battle was formed on the slopes of the Vallé des Clercs, with the right flank resting on the village of Crecy, situated29 à cheval the river Maye, a shallow stream some ten feet broad. The left flank was protected somewhat by a belt of trees near Wadicourt, and the position—about a mile long—faced south-east, and was held in three bodies; the first, on the right, under the Prince of Wales, with Lords Warwick and Oxford30, was composed of 800 men-at-arms, 1000 Welsh infantry, and 200 archers, with 2000 Welsh and Irish infantry in support;6 the second, on the left, commanded by the Earls of Arundel, Northampton, and Willoughby, with Lords Basset and Ross, contained 800 men of all arms; while in rear of the right wing was the reserve, 1700 men-at-arms and 2000 archers, commanded by the king in person.
The baggage was securely packed in a wood in rear of all. Each of the wings was arranged with archers “formed in the manner of a portcullis or barrow,” and the men-at-arms dismounted. The king utilised the steadiness of the dismounted men-at-arms to resist the charge of the enemy’s cavalry, while shaking and demoralising him in his advance by fire. It was not unlike the “Battaglia” of the civil war in principle, which were composed of “pikes” in the mass and “shot” at the angles. The longbow was no bad weapon as time went. It could range four hundred yards, was silent, and rapid to shoot, and, like modern smokeless powder, did not obscure the field of view. There is little doubt that the real formation was that of a line of men-at-arms, flanked by two wings of archers, thrown forward, and with a central body of17 archers forming a “herse” by the meeting of the inner wings.7 Cannon31, in the shape of six small pieces slung32 to a beam, and called “brakes,” were used for the first time, and both entrenchments and abattis seem to have been made along the front.
Philip himself, with an army estimated at as much as 120,000 men, was meanwhile advancing from Abbeville with 15,000 Genoese crossbowmen, forming an advanced guard, led by Antonio Doria and Carlo Grimaldi, followed by 4000 men-at-arms and foot soldiers under the Dukes of Alen?on and Flandres, behind which came the remainder of the army in four lines, under the command of the king. The march was disordered and confused. “There is no man,” writes Froissart, “unless he had been present, that can imagine or describe truly the confusion of the day.” It was a case again of “those behind cried Forward, and those in front cried Back”; and while the masses surged backward and forward, under contradictory35 orders and want of plan, a gathering36 thunderstorm burst with peals37 of heaven’s artillery38, and the driving rain lasted long enough to wet the bowstrings of the crossbowmen and render them of little use. The superiority of the longbow was fully40 shown then, for the English were able to keep the bows cased and the strings39 dry until the moment for their use came. And come it did; for the sunshine again broke through the clouds, and now full in the faces of the French. Other omens41 too were there, which in days of superstition42 helped to raise the courage of one side and depress that of the other; for over the French early gathered great flocks of ravens43, which “was deemed,” so writes De Mezeray, “a presage44 of their defeat.”
When, therefore, the Genoese were ordered to attack, they did little execution, and under a fire of clothyard shafts45 so heavy that “it seemed as if it snowed,” they fell back in panic and disorder33. Whether Edward’s artillery had any real effect is doubtful, but the noise of the new weapon, probably firing stone shot, may have tended to add to the débacle, even if the actual loss it caused was small. The18 Genoese were between two fires. In front were still the English line, cool on the defensive47, as they have always been; behind was Alen?on’s cavalry, who cared but little—in that chivalric48 age—for mere men on foot. “Kill me those scoundrels,” said Philip, “for they block up our road without any reason. “Truly,” also answered D’Alen?on, “a man is well at ease to be charged with these kind of rascals49 who are faint, and fail us now when most at need;” so through the flying men rode the French knights, whilst over the disordered crowd still fell the heavy rain of English arrows. To add to the confusion, too, the Irish and Welsh infantry, though they were of little value apparently50 otherwise, joined in the mêlée, to slay51 with their long knives the dismounted knights, whether wounded or not, “nor was any quarter given that day by the victors.”
But when the French cavalry had cleared a way to the English line, they were a mere crowd, and the Black Prince advanced his line to counter attack. But there was no lack of bravery in his antagonists52. They fought brilliantly and well, and so far succeeded as to place the prince’s command in some danger. And while the French knights assailed54 the flanks of the English right wing, a sharp attack was made by some German and Savoyard cavalry which broke through the bowmen, and even engaged the men-at-arms in rear. To his aid, therefore, pressed Arundel’s left wing, and soon the French second line also fell back routed, leaving its chief behind dead. It was too late to retrieve56 the disaster, and it is somewhat pitiful to read how at that moment the poor old blind King of Bohemia turned to those around him to say, “Sirs, ye are my men, my friends and companions, I require you to lead me so far forward that I may strike one stroke with my sword.” Verily there were men in those days, and two knights did not fear to humour him; so, tying their reins57 to his, they led him into the thick of the fight, where, seeking death, the king “struck a stroke with his sword, yea, and more than four, and fought valiantly59, and so did all his company; but they adventured so far forward that they were all slain60, and the next day were found in the place about the19 king, with their horses tied to each other.” His was a valiant58 death, and though his son, the King of the Romans, had fled, with him fell the flower of the French army, the King of Majorca, the Duke of Lorraine, the Count of Flanders, the Count of Blois, eight other counts, two archbishops, 1200 knights, and 30,000 men. The loss on the English side is not recorded, but was probably small, and the battle was won chiefly by the fire of infantry,—in this case, arrow-fire,—as modern battles are mainly decided62 by the bullet.
Among the spoil of eighty banners was captured the banner of the King of Bohemia, charged with three ostrich63 feathers, and the motto “Ich Dien,” though the statement that the Black Prince thereupon adopted them for his crest64 and motto is probably mythical65, as many such stories are.
Philip seems to have been stunned66 by the disaster, and long refused to leave the field. When late that night he reached the castle of La Broyes, he had with him, of all his armed host, but Sir John Heynault and five barons67. On the other hand, Edward had the joy of embracing his victorious68 son, with the words, “Persevere in your honourable69 career. You are indeed my son, for valiantly have you acquitted70 yourself this day, and shown yourself worthy19 of empire.”
When the sound of conflict ceased, even Edward did not then know the magnitude of the victory he had gained. And the night passed without festivity, while the king himself “made frequent thanksgiving to the Lord.”
The battle of Crecy is a marked stage in the history of our own army, for it shows clearly the value of the English infantry of the past, the importance of infantry fire, and the dawn of the employment of artillery. But by other nations and in other parts of the world, too, had the value of resolute71 infantry been recognised, except in France. The age of chivalry72—so called—had increased, and fostered the use of body armour73. Its very dead weight literally74 and metaphorically75 prevented the growth of tactics. There was no real organisation76 in the crusading hosts; they were but gatherings77 of armed men such as William led at Hastings, and battles were but a series of incidents of rivalry78 between leading or20 ambitious chiefs. The age of chivalry was an age of vanity, both of deeds and of iron clothes. Magnificent was the armour of the knight; magnificent, too, his inordinate79 desire to be noticed! These were not the days of personal interviews, daily papers, or self-advertisement; but Sir Galahad, going from tournament to tournament to show he was a stronger man, or with a Christian80 desire to hurt somebody, did his best in that line none the less! The Irishman who drags his coat along the ground at a fair—another sort of tournament—in the hope that somebody will tread on the tail of it, differs little from the challenger at Ashby de la Zouche. There was the same human nature at the bottom of both—each was spoiling for a fight! Still the spirit of the time sensibly increased the military spirit. To individual prowess was open the tournament where doughty81 deeds, or what were considered such, met with immediate23 reward and encouragement. No better school for medi?val war ever existed than that in which men learned to fight under the personal criticism of women. Vanity, pride, love were all brought to play in these contests, and poetry spread far and wide through the songs of the troubadour the deeds of the valiant, the defeats of the weaker—
“Throngs of knights and barons bold, In weeds of peace high triumph hold, With store of ladies, whose bright eyes Rain influence, and judge the prize Of wit, or arms, while both contend To win her grace whom all commend.”
War was for long the only career open to men who did not care to don the cowl of the monk82. It, therefore, in the Middle Ages, was essentially83 the one pursuit of the gentle born. It tended in a brutal84 time to lessen85 some of the evils of war, which “is a barbarism which civilisation86 only intensifies87.” “V? victis” was softened88 by the feeling that the conquered opponent could be held to ransom89 and treated gently. The very training of the knights combined the religious, the romantic and combatant elements. The right of conferring it from time to time varied90. Before 1102 abbots21 of the Church had the power to bestow the golden spurs. Hereward the Wake received his knighthood from the Abbot of Crowland. But later on, only bishops61, princes, or knights themselves were permitted to bestow the honour, and, with them all, great care was exercised that the recipient91 should be worthy thereof. Considering the value of money in those days, the costs were heavy, the robes alone amounting to ￡33. The golden collar of SS. or Esses, part of the knightly decoration, must have been costly92. Its origin is very doubtful. Whether from “Souveraine,” from “Sanctus Simo Simplicius” (an eminent93 Roman lawyer) or in compliment to the Countess of Salisbury, has not yet been determined94.
The knightly duty was laid down with exactness, though probably few carried out all the wholesome95 rules in their entirety. “They must learn from the beginning to labour, run, carry weights, and bear the sun and dust; to use sparing and rustic96 food, sometimes to live in the open air and sometimes in tents; then to practise the use of arms.” The “true merit of a knight is correctly stated by the Troubadour Arnaud de Marveil.” It is “to fight well, to conduct a troop well, to do his exercise well, to be well armed, to ride his horse well, to present himself with a good grace at courts, and to render himself agreeable there. Seldom are these qualities in the same person. To unite martial97 habits and vigour98 with the courteous99 elegancies of polished life, could not be often accomplished100 in a half-civilised age.”
His oath declared his duty to be “To defend the Church, to attack the perfidious101, to venerate102 the priesthood, to repel103 the injuries of the poor, to keep the country quiet, and to shed his blood, and if necessary to lose his life, for his brethren.” But if his duties were grave, his privileges were great. Knights were freed from all “gelds” and taxes and from all other services and burthens by Henry I., in order “that being so alleviated105, they may instruct themselves in the use of horses and arms, and be apt and ready for my service and the defence of my kingdom.” Salisbury also mentions that knighthood “rejoices in many immunities106 and more eminent privileges, and has not to provide horses,22 carriages, and other sordid107 burthens.” Yet another advantage, of doubtful value perhaps, was that of being rated at a high value when taken prisoner in war. His ransom, always higher than a less titled personage, sometimes amounted to ten thousand crowns, but if of higher value than that, the captor was obliged to surrender him to the king. Those who were knighted for valour on the field of battle were empowered to use the square instead of the swallow-tailed pennon, as knights banneret, and had the privilege of a war-cry. From this came the mottoes of the modern “coats of arms.”
The history of knighthood is a part, and a very important part too, of the history of arms. To its institution can be traced many of the decorations and forms of the arms and armour of the Middle Ages. The honours it offered were so great and highly prized, that it increased martial enthusiasm and encouraged military exercises; and the part taken by women in rewarding the exertions108 of the knights both in the tournament and in battle, exercised an enormous influence over the warlike portion of mankind. Where the prizes were so great, attention to arms of offence and armour of defence became natural and right. The chivalric feeling engendered109 by knighthood and knightly exercises was not confined to joust110 and tournament in times of peace. It was a useful and valuable adjunct to personal bravery in war. “Oh that my lady could see me now!” said a knight as he successfully led his men to the storm of a well defended breach111. The spirit thus aroused was due to the knightly customs of the times.
But this “chivalrous” and in a wide sense “cowardly” system was to receive two rude shocks. The first came from the Swiss mountaineers, who with the pike grievously routed the gorgeous knighthood of Charles of Burgundy, and the second from the results of the brain-thought of the peaceful chemist who rediscovered gunpowder.
That cavalry were useless against determined infantry was a new and lurid112 light to the iron-coated feudalist, and led to a considerable increase of foot-soldiers and the use of the23 half pike. As the firearms improved, so the unhappy knight tried to meet the bullet by thickening his armour of proof, until on foot he was helpless, and mounted not much better.
Complete Plate (Circa 1500).
Armour, therefore, had much changed since the Conquest, and was still changing. The Norman knight was chiefly clad in mail, composed at first of rings sewn side by side on quilted cotton or leather, rings overlapping113 (jazerant), scales overlapping (lorica), or square plates overlapping (tegulated); to be followed by rings set edgewise (as single mail); and finally regular double mail extending over the head and entire body. Over the mail coif was worn a conical helmet with a “nasal” or nose-piece, followed by a cylindrical114 flat-topped helmet over the coif; and finally the latter was replaced by a round topped helmet from which depended a mail cape115 or camail. Similarly as iron replaced mail for the headpiece, so were knee-pieces, elbow-guards and neck-guards of plate added. The foot-soldier wore an iron headpiece, and now and then a back and breast plate, but he was generally badly provided with defensive armour, and relied on the leather “buff” coat or clothing of quilted cloth. But the armour from the end of the fourteenth century to the beginning of the sixteenth century became more and more massive. At first mixed armour,—mail and plate,—then plate armour chiefly. In the former period more and more pieces of iron plate were used to cover weak parts, such as knees, elbows and shoulders, cuirasses, leg-pieces, thigh-pieces, gorgets (for the neck), shoes (sollerettes), and gauntlets for the hands, appear successively, until the only mail armour was that hung from the waist in front, between the plate cuisses that protected the outer part of the thighs116. The helmet or headpiece also became gradually closer, with a visor that could be opened or closed at will, until it completely covered the face, so that by the fifteenth century, the whole of the armour was practically plate. Underneath117 the armour was generally worn a leather suit, and over it the “tabard,” which not only bore the wearer’s coat of arms, but protected him from the sun. Arms remained much the same—sword, lance and dagger118 chiefly for the mounted man, with at times24 the axe104 and mill-pick; on foot the two-handed sword, with halberts and partisans119 of various types, such as the glaive or byl, together with sword or dagger. The missile weapons, the longbow and crossbow, were still common, though giving way slowly but surely to the firearm; and the former was long more formidable than the latter. It could be discharged much more quickly, it was less liable to get out of order, it did not require heavy stores of powder and shot. The arrow missiles were twofold in character. “Flight” arrows had both heads and feathers small, and were used for ranges up to two hundred and forty yards. “Sheaf” arrows were shorter in the shaft46, were heavily feathered and pointed120, and were intended for close range. Even when this ammunition121 was expended122, there was no lack of similar missiles to be found, either in the bodies of the slain or sticking in the ground. Moreover, the flight of the clothyard projectile123 could be directed over the heads of the men fighting in first line, and reach therefore the reinforcements hurrying up in rear. Still the firearm slowly gained ground, and the extensive use of body armour practically lasted until the end of the sixteenth century, though by that time leg-armour was generally falling into disuse.
During this same period there was a corresponding growth, in addition to the increasing appreciation124 of infantry already referred to, of permanently125 organised armies. Their origin as “Free Companies” from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries was probably largely due to the constant state of war and political contests that characterised the time. A numerous soldiery, disbanded after the termination of a campaign, were only too eager for further employment, however hazardous126. Their mode of life had destroyed their peaceful instincts, and so as paid soldiers they served under the banner of any of the unscrupulous leaders, often of noble birth, that such a condition of affairs was likely to force to the front. Thus arose the mercenary soldier, the forerunner128 of the paid soldier; and from the continuous training the former perforce received also came the permanently embodied129 armies of later days. The system insensibly influenced the feudal25 levies, for among them served many others besides knights who made a profession of arms. Finally, the practical value of a permanent force was recognised in France, when “Compagnies d’ordonnance” were raised by paid officers and composed of paid men. So things and matters went, until the first of the great civil wars brought into the field English armies that fairly typify the final development of the feudal system that had been growing up. It differed much from what obtained elsewhere still. There were but few mercenaries in England, at least of foreign origin. The native independence of character had produced a splendid infantry as times were. And with the Wars of the Roses terminated medi?val tactics and its warfare130, as with them finally came in the dire10 foe131 to feudal knight and iron-clad noble, that “villainous saltpetre” which was to revolutionise war and abolish armour altogether.
So when, on the 13th October 1453, a prince, Edward, was born to the feeble Henry VI. of Lancaster, the hope Edward of York cherished of peacefully succeeding to the throne was rudely destroyed. Before him lay the chance of a long minority under an imperious queen, Margaret of Anjou, a prospect that pleased neither the duke nor the people. Many who would have otherwise lived and died peaceful, unwarlike, citizens sided, half in apprehension132, half in sympathy, with the “White Rose,” a feeling which acquired political importance by the temporary appointment of the Duke of York as Protector during the king’s mental feebleness and his son’s minority. “This Richard of York was a personage to be reckoned with.” And political excitement was soon followed by a political badge, as in later days the primrose133 became a party emblem134. In the gardens of the Temple—so tradition has it—the white and red roses were plucked and worn by the spectators, the latter by those who followed the reigning135 house of Lancaster; and from this small beginning, from this outward and visible sign of internal disagreement, sprang an internecine136 contest that lasted for thirty years, brought about on English soil twelve pitched battles, more than decimated both branches of the royal26 family, all the noble houses, and for savage137 rancour and hideous138 cruelty is unequalled in the world’s history. Yet it is not a war as modern military historians would class it: there was little method, no “plan of campaign,” worthy the name. Where “armies”—or rather, bodies of armed men—gathered together, there a similar body went to fight them like two pugnacious139 cocks in a farmyard.
Not that Richard of York began with any certain idea of kingship, though his son, afterwards to be Edward IV., was less scrupulous127. After the first battle of St. Albans,8 matters went quite mildly to begin with. Henry VI. was made prisoner, but was treated with courtesy, and but for his determined queen, whose influence on his weak character was as that of Jezebel on Ahab, the end of his reign may yet have been peace. She was naturally despotic, and a conspiracy140 to seize the Yorkist leaders drove them again into open revolt, and gave them a victory at Blackheath in 1459, but much panic and some treachery led to the dispersion of the Yorkist soldiery at Ludlow the next month; to be followed in February 1460 by a complete victory at Northampton, in which Richard’s son Edward, Earl of March, with Warwick the Kingmaker, led the hosts of the White Rose, and Henry became a prisoner once more. This led to a second temporary compromise, whereby the Yorkists were promised the succession on the death of King Henry. But it availed little. The war-spirit and the blood feud2 were27 aroused. Wakefield Green witnessed the defeat and death of Richard of York, and the cruel murder of his twelve-years old son, Edmund of Rutland, by Lord Clifford. The cruelties of the Lancastrian party, the systematic141 pillaging142 which their soldiery—recruited often from the ruder North—so often indulged in, alienated143 the sympathy of the London men; while the more commercial spirit of Edward of York also tended to strengthen the party of the White Rose, to keep alive and embitter144 the strife145, and postpone146 the long-looked-for peace. The country had practically subdivided147 itself into geographical148 as well as political factions149. The North and Midlands sympathised with Henry, who had there the support of the landowners, the nobles, and their retainers; the south more or less with Edward, with whom the great towns, such as London, Bristol, and Norwich sided. Hence, after the latter had been proclaimed king, there was still a powerful army of some sixty thousand Lancastrians at York that had to be dealt with. And dealt with it was, by the new king and Warwick his Kingmaker, who at Towton won one of the most decisive and bloody151 battles during the struggle, and drove Margaret first to Scotland, and then to exile. Much as her character may be disliked,—and she was after all only a type of the imperious feudal “divinely-appointed” ruler,—her dauntless energy and courage cannot but meet with sympathy. So exile meant with her but reculer pour sauter le mieux, and in France such poor supplies as she could raise enabled her to make one despairing effort for her son’s sake, and she landed in Northumberland in 1462; but nothing came of it except dispersion again and despair. Unhappy queen! unhappy more by her own faults than aught else. The legal claim of her branch to the kingdom was never seriously contested. Her method of asserting that claim was contested, and with results fatal to her and her line, together with fateful results to her people. Commercial Edward was more likely to develop English handicraft and English trade than pious152 Henry. As later the divine right of Tudor, and still more of Stuart, had to give way to the rising spirit of freedom from autocratic28 control, whether of king or pope, so out of the Wars of the Roses began to sprout153, from the soil of feudalism, broken by many a sword, manured by the best of English blood, the plant of English liberty. Yet one more great contest between rulers and ruled, and that plant was to spring into full and vigorous life, of which we now see the matured and widespreading tree. The nation hardened under the troubles of that stormy time; and, hardening, grew to stout154 manhood. In thinking this we see that Margaret unknowingly helped to make it. For “God fulfils Himself in many ways”; and by many means, often seemingly of the meanest, do great things come. Not that Edward was faultless, it was rather the other way. His private conduct was not beyond reproach; his marriage with Elizabeth Woodville, and the rise of that lady’s family, alienated many of the leading nobles, Warwick among the number. So the smouldering embers of civil war broke out again into flame, and now Margaret had to help her the mighty155 power of Warwick, with and by whose direction her next descent on England was to be made. But this, too, availed nothing. Though first so successful that Edward fled, later on, he too returned, but, unlike Margaret, to conquer. For at Barnet the great earl fell, and with him the last hope of Lancaster.
This remarkable156 battle is instructive as showing how slow was the change in tactics during feudal days. There was still the feeling of personal chieftaincy, so strongly held, that the result of the battle depended largely on the life of one of its leaders. With the death of Warwick the battle became a rout55, and the feudal retainers fled when the head of their house fell. Again, to deal with the special political details which brought about the great fight would be foreign to the object of this book. The battle of Barnet must be taken as a type of the progress, such as it was, that had been made in the art of war since Crecy and Poitiers had been won. It began thus. Edward, after a five months’ exile, had landed at Ravenspur, and by the time he reached Nottingham he had raised an army of about ten thousand men, with, it is said, three hundred Flemings armed with handguns,29 and apparently some other artillery. On the other side, the Lancastrians, about equal in strength, had also some artillery, and had taken up a position on Gladmore, or Hadley Heath, north of Chipping Barnet, and awaited the approach of the Yorkists. The night preceding the battle was dark and gloomy, and the morning broke in heavy mists and rain; notwithstanding which the troops engaged between four and five o’clock on the morning of Easter Day, the 14th of April 1471.
Battle of Barnet (From a M. S. at Ghent)
Warwick had at first his artillery on his extreme right, and this fired through the gloom, but with no effect, as Edward’s right wing did not extend so far, and was overlapped158 by the Lancastrians. This army was commanded by the Earl of Oxford, who led the van, and by the Marquis of Montagu, who led the second line; the left wing was commanded by the Duke of Exeter—both wings being largely composed of cavalry. The extreme left was occupied by archers and pikemen entrenched159 or palisaded in a small wood. This probably extended at that time from Wrotham Park to the column now marking the site of the battle, and near which tradition says Warwick fell. The centre, consisting of bows and pikes, was commanded by the Duke of Somerset; and behind this there appears to have been a reserve under Lord St. John, Sir John Conyers, and, for a time at least, Warwick himself.
The order of march of the host was with the right wing leading and the left closing the column of march. On the other side, Edward from his initial dispositions161 similarly outflanked the left of his antagonist53, opposite which was the Duke of Gloucester commanding that wing, and presumably the artillery, if any. The left wing was led by the Marquis of Hastings; and, as in the Lancastrian army, both wings were mainly composed of cavalry. In the centre were the Londoners, infantry armed with bows and bills, and in general reserve was a force commanded by Edward himself. Some writers speak as if the armies were formed in three parallel lines, but it would seem that the formation customary for long after Barnet was that of two wings and a centre.30 It is impossible otherwise to account for the curiously162 isolated163 and impulsive164 attacks on either side by Oxford and Gloucester. Still, it is practically certain that each of the three bodies into which the army was divided was more than one line deep. Thus from the outset these dispositions show a tendency to employ infantry in battle with cavalry and artillery on the flanks, but the feudal idea still preponderated165, and paramount166 importance was still attached to the mounted arm, which on both sides, as in all cavalry actions, simultaneously167 took the offensive.
One point, however, is especially noteworthy, and that is, the appearance of London citizens in Edward’s fighting line. Though not strong in numbers, they none the less represented the beginning of a new era, which was to see a citizen soldiery formed of London trained bands even more important in the next civil war, and which was to find its climax168 in the later citizen soldiery, the Volunteer Army of modern England. The natural result of such a primary disposition160 of the troops on either side was that the right wings of both armies, practically equal in number, gained a temporary success. The battle began by Oxford’s attack on the wing opposite him, which actually routed it and dispersed169 it; but the value of a reserve in the hand of the general was never more clearly evidenced than when, during Oxford’s absence and ill-advised, because too prolonged pursuit, Edward launched his reserve against Warwick’s then exposed flank and the left centre. To the suddenness of the attack was added the demoralisation caused by imagined treachery. On that misty170 Easter morning it was difficult to distinguish between the badges and banners of one side and the other. The dress was not a different-coloured uniform, as later on; it had only the uniforms of iron and steel. A false war-cry was easily raised, the Oxford banner with a “star” not readily distinguishable from that of Edward with the “sun.” So that when Oxford returned to the fray8, he fell on his own centre and produced the cry of “Treachery!” which was always likely to be raised in an army composed of selections from two factions deadly hostile to one another, and in31 which the Lancastrians especially looked with something more than doubt on their new friends, once the followers171 of hated York. So that confusion began and spread. Somerset did little, and soon the centre and right dissolved, and only on the left assembled round Warwick the relics172 of the beaten host, and defended the entrenched wood. Here it was essentially a foot encounter, with London archers and bills against Lancastrian bows and pikes, aided by dismounted cavalry and supported by mounted troops, threatening the flanks and rear. It is said even that Edward’s artillery was brought up close to aid in destroying the defences; but the defence only delayed the inevitable173 end. The battle was lost already, but it wanted yet one death to make it a type of the death of a system. When Warwick dismounted of his own will, and after slaying174 his favourite charger, so that no retreat should be possible, took up his position with his friends and personal retainers in the wood at Wrotham, and fell there, axe in hand, he did something more than destroy the last practical hope of Lancaster, for with him fell the feudalism of which he was so magnificent an exemplar. No such man or soldier was ever afterwards to hold from his own remarkable personality such a position as his. Cromwell’s resembles it only in his becoming a great and prominent leader in a civil war. Warwick, and nobles such as he, fought as much for their order as their king; all succeeding soldiers fought more for a cause than either.
Meanwhile, Margaret and her son had landed in the West at Plymouth, to be present at the fatal fight at Tewkesbury where defeat was followed by the death of her son, whom Edward struck before subservient175 attendant lords and stabbed to death, the imprisonment176 of the queen, and, later on, the death of Henry VI. in the Tower. Neither he nor all the house of Lancaster had been able to save his order from decay.
Edward, too, according to his views, had unconsciously aided its downfall. His death was illumined only by the lurid light of an ill-spent life. However enthusiastic in bygone years was the following of the Earl of March, he32 played the game so badly that with him the feudal spirit practically disappeared. No son of his succeeded. No kindly177 thought clung round the last of the Yorkist line. For he was practically the last, inasmuch as his son was king but in name, his brother Richard but a transient star. When on Bosworth field Richard III. died, with him finished the civil wars of medi?val England and the feudalism that had accompanied them. In Henry VII., a personality of no great merit, though he certainly instituted a nucleus178 of the future army in raising the “Yeomen of the Guard,” fifty archers strong, was united the two Roses; and then was born the nation that in the next civil troubles laid the foundation as far as England is concerned of modern life, modern armies, and modern war.
Never had a class suffered so severely179 as that of the nobles in this prolonged struggle. Many of the royal princes, half of the nobility and gentry180 of England, and quite a hundred thousand men had fallen in the great wars. At Barnet the loss was accentuated181 by Edward’s own orders. So many of the leaders of the great houses had been killed, murdered, or beheaded, that the very decimation of the aristocracy rendered the growth of the middle class more easy, its fusion34 with the higher class, as time went on and wealth increased, more possible. The knighthood of men of low degree was rare in feudal days; the Tudors were to extend it to the merchant princes who developed English commerce sword in hand, and taught foreign nations the prowess of the English race.
Formation of Lines of Battle at Barnet 14th April 1471.
But there is also a marked distinction between the conduct of the battles of the houses of York and Lancaster, and those of the Stuarts and the Parliament of England in the next civil war. Up to Bosworth, armies raised at a convenient feudal centre advanced, when “mobilised,” against another army collected in a similar way at another place convenient for the faction150 to which it belonged. They met as soon as they were ready. They selected no “position for defence,” a primary tactical law for a weaker force, which by so doing enlisted182 on its side the elements afforded by such a selection.33 This was chiefly due to the fact that the bulk of each army was still cavalry, but the other “arms” were increasing in number and value, though still not fully appreciated by the mounted men.
The two battles of St. Albans and the fight at Barnet fully show this. In both of the former the combatants met en plein face. The one was making for London, the other stopped him. In the second battle the Lancastrians tried to check the opponent, and failed in preventing his advance, both armies in which mounted troops predominated. There was nothing but a mutual183 offensive, the system that was at the basis of feudal tactics, and which crystallised in the personal battle between knight and knight in the lists. Strategy in its best sense was not, neither were tactics, for tactics mean the development of a means of equalising the deficiency of one side in numbers, arms, or morale184.
So long as a battle depended on personal prowess, the personal fighting power, or even the personal domestic influence of a leader, so long were battles often a mere matter of chance. When Warwick fell, Barnet was lost. The next civil war changed this: neither the death of Falkland nor that of Carnarvon at Newbury affected185 the fight seriously in one single degree. Finally, as a rule throughout all these days armies moved in order to subsist186, and supply trains were rare. Thus true strategy was barely in existence yet, but shock tactics in battle were just beginning to give way to the fire tactics of bow and musket187.
As regards supplies in the Wars of the Roses, it must be remembered that, as in later times, notoriously in the Peninsula, when the armies had at times to collect the enemy’s shot and bullets, the weapons of either side were interchangeable.
Doubtless at certain places—castles or fortresses—the actual munitions188 were stored. To these the armies must have either periodically gone to refit, or what answered to convoys189, conveying absolutely necessary warlike stores, must have been formed for the specific purpose of replenishing the locally exhausted190 stores. All that was really required34 for the purposes of such wars must have been carried on the persons of the combatants, as seems generally to have been the case, or even on pack animals or country carts. The state of the roads and both their poverty and paucity191 must have rendered regular organised supply trains impracticable. Similarly as regards food supplies little could have been carried. Like the French about 1811 and 1812, necessity must have rendered the soldiers hardy192 and self-dependent, though of course at the cost of the civil population. Thus it is said of the French troops in 1811 that they “were trained to reap the standing157 corn, and grind it by portable mills into flour; if green, they mowed193 it down with equal dexterity194 for their horses; if reaped (and hidden away by the inhabitants), they forced it from the peasants’ place of concealment195, by placing the bayonet to their throats.” And Wellington himself writes, that “the French armies in Spain have never had any secure communications beyond the ground which they occupy; and provided the enemy opposed to them is not too strong for them, they are indifferent in respect to the quarter from which their operations are directed, or upon which side they carry them on.”
And, later, the French “live by the authorised and regular plunder196 of the country if any should remain; they suffer labour, hardships, and privations every day; they go on without pay, provisions, money, or anything, but they lose in consequence half their army in every campaign.” This accounts for the enormous losses of the rank and file in the early days of the nineteenth century, while the losses in the fifteenth century, with little or no medical or surgical197 knowledge for the aid of sick and wounded, can only be surmised198.
History, military history especially, always repeats itself in pointing out the necessary results of such unsystematically organised systems.
Half Armour (Circa 1640).
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1
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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knightly
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| adj. 骑士般的 adv. 骑士般地 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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dependants
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| 受赡养者，受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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31
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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slung
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| 抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 )； 吊挂； 遣送； 押往 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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fusion
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| n.溶化；熔解；熔化状态，熔和；熔接 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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37
peals
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| n.（声音大而持续或重复的）洪亮的响声( peal的名词复数 )；隆隆声；洪亮的钟声；钟乐v.（使）（钟等）鸣响，（雷等）发出隆隆声( peal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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38
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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39
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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43
ravens
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| n.低质煤；渡鸦( raven的名词复数 ) | |
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presage
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| n.预感，不祥感；v.预示 | |
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45
shafts
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| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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46
shaft
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| n.(工具的)柄，杆状物 | |
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47
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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48
chivalric
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| 有武士气概的，有武士风范的 | |
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rascals
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| 流氓( rascal的名词复数 )； 无赖； （开玩笑说法）淘气的人（尤指小孩）； 恶作剧的人 | |
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50
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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51
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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52
antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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53
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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54
assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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55
rout
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| n.溃退，溃败；v.击溃，打垮 | |
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56
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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57
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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58
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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62
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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63
ostrich
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| n.鸵鸟 | |
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crest
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| n.顶点；饰章；羽冠；vt.达到顶点；vi.形成浪尖 | |
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mythical
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| adj.神话的；虚构的；想像的 | |
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stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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metaphorically
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| adv. 用比喻地 | |
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organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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81
doughty
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| adj.勇猛的，坚强的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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85
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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86
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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87
intensifies
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| n.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的名词复数 )v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的第三人称单数 ) | |
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88
softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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89
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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90
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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91
recipient
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| a.接受的,感受性强的 n.接受者,感受者,容器 | |
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92
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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93
eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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94
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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95
wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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96
rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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97
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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98
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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99
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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100
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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101
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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102
venerate
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| v.尊敬，崇敬，崇拜 | |
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103
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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104
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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105
alleviated
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| 减轻，缓解，缓和( alleviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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107
sordid
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| adj.肮脏的，不干净的，卑鄙的，暗淡的 | |
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108
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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109
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
joust
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| v.马上长枪比武，竞争 | |
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111
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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112
lurid
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| adj.可怕的；血红的；苍白的 | |
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113
overlapping
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| adj./n.交迭（的） | |
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114
cylindrical
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| adj.圆筒形的 | |
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115
cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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116
thighs
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| n.股，大腿( thigh的名词复数 )；食用的鸡（等的）腿 | |
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117
underneath
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| adj.在...下面，在...底下；adv.在下面 | |
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118
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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119
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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120
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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121
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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122
expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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123
projectile
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| n.投射物，发射体；adj.向前开进的；推进的；抛掷的 | |
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124
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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125
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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126
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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127
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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128
forerunner
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| n.前身，先驱（者），预兆，祖先 | |
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129
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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130
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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131
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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132
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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133
primrose
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| n.樱草，最佳部分， | |
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134
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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135
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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136
internecine
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| adj.两败俱伤的 | |
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137
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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138
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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139
pugnacious
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| adj.好斗的 | |
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140
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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141
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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142
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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143
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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144
embitter
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| v.使苦；激怒 | |
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145
strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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146
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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147
subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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149
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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150
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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151
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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152
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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153
sprout
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| n.芽，萌芽；vt.使发芽，摘去芽；vi.长芽，抽条 | |
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155
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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156
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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157
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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158
overlapped
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| _adj.重叠的v.部分重叠( overlap的过去式和过去分词 )；（物体）部份重叠；交叠；（时间上）部份重叠 | |
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159
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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160
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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161
dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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162
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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163
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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164
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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165
preponderated
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| v.超过，胜过( preponderate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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166
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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167
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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168
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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169
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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170
misty
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| adj.雾蒙蒙的，有雾的 | |
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171
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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172
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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173
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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174
slaying
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| 杀戮。 | |
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175
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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176
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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177
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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178
nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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179
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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180
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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181
accentuated
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| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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182
enlisted
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| adj.应募入伍的v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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183
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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184
morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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185
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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186
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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187
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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188
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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189
convoys
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| n.（有护航的）船队( convoy的名词复数 )；车队；护航（队）；护送队 | |
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190
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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191
paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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192
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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193
mowed
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| v.刈，割( mow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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194
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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195
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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196
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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197
surgical
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| adj.外科的，外科医生的，手术上的 | |
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198
surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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