"Are you really going to Russia?" said he. "I almost envy you, for it is to us a land of riddles1. It has great artists and writers and undoubtedly2 a highly educated upper stratum3 of the nation; at the same time it displays political conditions really barbarous in their backwardness. How are these co-ordinated? How is the maintenance possible, in the close proximity4 of comparatively free governments, of a régime which knows no personal liberty, no privacy of the mails, and in which there is but one master—namely, the absolute police?"
"You are raising the very questions which lead me there," I replied. "We do not know Russia.[Pg 2] We wonder at its great writers, but we cannot conceive how their greatness is possible under the existing conditions of public life, which remind one of a penitentiary5 rather than of a civilized6 state. And the question that persistently7 arises is whether our conception of these conditions corresponds to reality, or whether we are laboring8 under such a delusion9 as would befall one attempting to judge public life in Germany from the speeches of Bebel and other radicals10. In truth, we know only the opposition12 or revolutionary literature of Russia; and, as far as appearances go, it is hardly credible13 that a system such as it describes and brands for its inhuman14 wickedness can long retain the ascendency."
"You are going, then, without prejudices?"
"I think I may say that I have none. We have long been cured of the notion that one and the same form of government may be prescribed as the only one leading to contentment in all times and in all countries. Deductive philosophy in political science has been replaced by inductive realistic philosophy, and a true understanding of existing conditions appears now to us of greater moment than the most beautiful ideals. Above all things, I feel myself free from the childish moral valuation of different political beliefs. One person may be at the same time a conservative and a gentleman or a radical11 and a knave16. Should I come to the conclusion that Russian absolutism is or can be defended in good[Pg 3] faith by upright Russian patriots17 there will be nothing to prevent my freely admitting it. An unbiased observer should not be wedded19 to any doctrine20."
"In that case I shall be doubly curious as to the results of your studies."
We parted.
I have cited here this characteristic conversation because it demonstrates better than any introduction what the intelligent European is nowadays eager to discover about Russia, and what led me in the depth of winter, at the critical moment before the outbreak of a great war, to the northern empire. That this war was imminent21 was then (at the beginning of January) apparent to every statesman free from official bias18. There was scarcely a foreboding of it in Russia itself. For me, however, that particular moment was of value, for it offered an opportunity to study for a short time Russian society, first in a state of calm, and then in the excitement which naturally followed the declaration of war. I made provision for both war and peace and set out on my journey.
To be sure, I was not as light of heart as if I had been preparing to spend the winter on the Riviera or in Sicily. The climate had no terrors for me, for I knew that nowhere is one so well protected from the severity of the season as in the regions where ice and snow hold sway for at least one-third of the year. But it was the gorgon-headed Russian police that confronted me threateningly. My aim in travel[Pg 4] was the study of political conditions, the unreserved discussion with clear-sighted and well-informed persons of the existing state of affairs. It was my purpose to record carefully my impressions and observations, and to report them to all who were interested in my studies. But we are told that all political conversation is forbidden in Russia. One may subject himself and his friends to great annoyance22 by allowing some meddling23 ear-witness to catch accidentally a fragment of a political conversation. Writing and note-taking are even more dangerous; for the police open all letters, and they are not deterred24 by any conscientious25 scruples26 from confiscating27 the notes even of foreigners when they appear suspicious. Ambassadors and consuls28 are loath29 to engage in altercations30 with the Russian police, for statesmanship enjoins31 friendly relations with the government of the powerful Russian empire, and when an inconvenient32 foreigner disappears somewhere in darkest Russia—as was the case with a French engineer who came in conflict with the police in a concert-hall and was never seen again—no one is disturbed by the incident. All these reflections were not cheering to me, who, besides, was unfamiliar33 with the language of the country. None the less was I averse34 to returning home without my whole skin or with empty hands.
Here I would state that I did not experience the slightest annoyance throughout my entire journey. I was not subjected to police surveillance, nor did I[Pg 5] notice in my meagre correspondence the least trace of police interference—the latter being probably due to the extreme precautions taken by me in sending my mail in inconspicuous envelopes. And yet what a condition of things for a great country—that every traveller who wishes to enter its territory must arm himself with precautionary measures, as if he were preparing to visit a robber's den15! Is it compatible with the usages of modern Europe, forsooth, that no step may be taken in this country without one's being provided with documents of identification; that one may not cross the boundary either into or out of the country without the special permission of the consulate35 or of the police? Is Russia a state or a prison? Is it a modern Tauris full of terrors to the stranger? I am not now speaking of the passport difficulties peculiar36 to Jews, who, generally speaking, can hardly obtain entrance to holy Russia, and who, when they succeed in gaining admission, must be in constant dread37 of unpleasantness in every town and in every hotel. I merely ask whether it is compatible with the good name of a state that still wishes to exchange courtesies with neighboring states to appear in the popular imagination as a ferocious38 monster ignoring right and without decency39? How can trade and intercourse40 develop; how can the unimpeded flow of the sap of culture, the circulation of the national blood, take place in a land where terror guards the boundaries and where the reputation of arbitrariness impedes[Pg 6] all progress? And what modern state or system of national economy may, without the unimpeded circulation of the sap of culture, maintain itself at a level corresponding to the modern requirements of its internal and external productive capacity? Are the advantages of an all-controlling police system in any degree proportionate to its innumerable economic disadvantages? Is the occasional annoyance of a really objectionable intruder sufficient compensation for the evil reputation which this system attaches to the whole country? It is a sheer impossibility to watch daily and hourly a hundred million people. Why are such enormous sacrifices made at all for the sake of an undertaking41 injurious in itself and, moreover, impossible of execution?
Such are the thoughts that the traveller approaching the frontier cannot escape. I may here say, in advance, that the police could not prevent my holding conversations throughout Russia with men in various walks of life on subjects very objectionable to the police officials. Is it worth while, then, to bear the evil repute that Russia is a prison where no man's life or property is secure? Apart from actual fact, the stranger does not know, before crossing the boundary, whether the police tyranny is really as inexorable as it is pictured and is believed abroad, but of this he is certain, that such an evil reputation does the country incalculable economic injury, and that a country with such an evil[Pg 7] repute can never be regarded as mature from the economic stand-point, to say nothing of political honor, to which, perhaps, there is a disposition42 to attach less value in the high places of autocratic rule.
点击收听单词发音
1 riddles | |
n.谜(语)( riddle的名词复数 );猜不透的难题,难解之谜 | |
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2 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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3 stratum | |
n.地层,社会阶层 | |
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4 proximity | |
n.接近,邻近 | |
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5 penitentiary | |
n.感化院;监狱 | |
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6 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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7 persistently | |
ad.坚持地;固执地 | |
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8 laboring | |
n.劳动,操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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9 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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10 radicals | |
n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 );根基;基本原理;[数学]根数 | |
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11 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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12 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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13 credible | |
adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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14 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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15 den | |
n.兽穴;秘密地方;安静的小房间,私室 | |
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16 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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17 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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18 bias | |
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
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19 wedded | |
adj.正式结婚的;渴望…的,执著于…的v.嫁,娶,(与…)结婚( wed的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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21 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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22 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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23 meddling | |
v.干涉,干预(他人事务)( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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24 deterred | |
v.阻止,制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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25 conscientious | |
adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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26 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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27 confiscating | |
没收(confiscate的现在分词形式) | |
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28 consuls | |
领事( consul的名词复数 ); (古罗马共和国时期)执政官 (古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长,同时共有两位,每年选举一次) | |
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29 loath | |
adj.不愿意的;勉强的 | |
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30 altercations | |
n.争辩,争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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31 enjoins | |
v.命令( enjoin的第三人称单数 ) | |
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32 inconvenient | |
adj.不方便的,令人感到麻烦的 | |
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33 unfamiliar | |
adj.陌生的,不熟悉的 | |
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34 averse | |
adj.厌恶的;反对的,不乐意的 | |
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35 consulate | |
n.领事馆 | |
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36 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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37 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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38 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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39 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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40 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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41 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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42 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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