The force destined4 by the Treaty of Fontainebleau for the invasion of Portugal consisted of Junot’s ‘Army of the Gironde,’ 25,000 strong, and of three auxiliary5 Spanish corps6 amounting in all to about the same numbers. Of these one, coming from Galicia[31], was to strike at Oporto and the Lower Douro; another, from Badajoz[32], was to take the fortress7 of Elvas, the southern bulwark8 of Portugal, and then to march on Lisbon by the left bank of the Tagus. These were flanking operations: the main blow at the Portuguese capital was to be dealt by Junot himself, strengthened by a third Spanish force[33]; they were to concentrate at Salamanca and Ciudad Rodrigo, and make for Lisbon by the high-road that passes by Almeida and Coimbra.
The Army of the Gironde crossed the Bidassoa on October 18: by the 12th of November it had arrived at Salamanca, having covered 300 miles in twenty-five days—very leisurely10 marching at the rate of twelve miles a day. The Spaniards would not have been pleased to know that, by Napoleon’s orders, engineer officers were secretly taking sketches11 of every fortified12 place and defile13 that the army passed, and preparing reports as to the resources of all the towns of Old Castile and Leon. This was one of the many signs of the[p. 27] Emperor’s ultimate designs. On the 12th of November, in consequence we cannot doubt of the outbreak of the troubles of October 27 at the Spanish court, Junot suddenly received new orders, telling him to hurry. He was informed that every day which intervened before his arrival at Lisbon was time granted to the Portuguese in which to prepare resistance,—possibly also time in which England, who had plenty of troops in the Mediterranean14, might make up her mind to send military aid to her old ally. Junot was directed to quicken his pace, and to strike before the enemy could mature plans of defence.
For this reason he was told to change his route. The Emperor had originally intended to invade the country over the usual line of attack from Spain, by Almeida and Coimbra, which Masséna was to take three years later, in 1810. But when the events at the Escurial showed that a crisis was impending15 in Spain, Napoleon changed his mind: there was the fortress of Almeida in the way, which might offer resistance and cause delay, and beyond were nearly 200 miles of difficult mountain roads. Looking at his maps, Napoleon saw that there was a much shorter way to Lisbon by another route, down the Tagus. From Alcantara, the Spanish frontier town on that river, to Lisbon is only 120 miles, and there is no fortress on the way. The maps could not show the Emperor that this road was for half of its length a series of rocky defiles16 through an almost unpeopled wilderness17.
Orders were therefore sent to Junot to transfer his base of operations from Salamanca to Alcantara, and to march down the Tagus. The Spaniards (according to their orders) had collected the magazines for feeding Junot’s force at Salamanca and Ciudad Rodrigo. But for that Napoleon cared little. He wrote that the army must take the shortest road at all costs, whatever the difficulty of getting supplies. ‘I will not have the march of the army delayed for a single day,’ he added; ‘20,000 men can feed themselves anywhere, even in a desert.’ It was indeed a desert that Junot was ordered to cross: the hill-road from Ciudad Rodrigo to Alcantara, which hugs the Portuguese frontier, has hardly a village on it; it crosses ridge18 after ridge, ravine after ravine. In November the rains had just set in, and every torrent19 was full. Over this stony20 wilderness, by the Pass of Perales, the French army rushed in five days, but at the cost of dreadful privations. When it reached Alcantara half the horses had perished of cold, all the[p. 28] guns but six had been left behind, stranded21 at various points on the road, and of the infantry22 more than a quarter was missing—the famished23 men having scattered24 in all directions to find food. If there had been a Portuguese force watching Alcantara, Junot must have waited for many days to get his army together again, all the more so because every cartridge25 that his men were carrying had been spoiled by the wet. But there were no enemies near; Junot found at the great Tagus bridge only a few Spanish battalions26 and guns on the way to join his army. Confiscating27 their munitions28 to fill his men’s pouches29, and their food to provide them with two days’ rations9, Junot rushed on again upon the 19th of November. He found, to his surprise, that there was no road suitable for wheeled traffic along the Tagus valley, but only a poor track running along the foot of the mountains to Castello Branco, the sole Portuguese town in this part of the frontier. The march from Alcantara to Abrantes proved even more trying than that from Ciudad Rodrigo to Alcantara. It was through a treeless wilderness of grey granite30, seamed with countless31 ravines. The rain continued, the torrents32 were even fuller than before, the country even more desolate33 than the Spanish side of the border. It was only after terrible sufferings that the head of the column reached Abrantes on November 23: the rear trailed in on the 26th. All the guns except four Spanish pieces of horse artillery34 had fallen behind: the cavalry35 was practically dismounted. Half the infantry was marauding off the road, or resting dead-beat in the few poor villages that it had passed. If there had been even 5,000 Portuguese troops at Abrantes the French would have been brought to a stop. But instead of hostile battalions, Junot found there only an anxious diplomatist, named Barreto, sent by the Prince-Regent to stop his advance by offers of servile submission36 to the Emperor and proffers37 of tribute. Reassured38 as to the possibility that the Portuguese might have been intending armed resistance, Junot now took a most hazardous39 step. Choosing the least disorganized companies of every regiment40, he made up four battalions of picked men, and pushed on again for Lisbon, now only seventy-five miles distant. This time he had neither a gun nor a horseman left, but he struggled forward, and on the 30th of November entered the Portuguese capital at the head of 1,500 weary soldiers, all that had been able to endure to the end. They limped in utterly41 exhausted42, their clothes in rags, and their cartridges43 so soaked through that they[p. 29] could not have fired a shot had they been attacked. If the mob of Lisbon had fallen on them with sticks and stones, the starving invaders44 must have been driven out of the city. But nothing of the kind happened, and Junot was able to install himself as governor of Portugal without having to strike a blow. It was ten days before the last of the stragglers came up from the rear, and even more before the artillery appeared and the cavalry began to remount itself with confiscated46 horses. Meanwhile the Portuguese were digesting the fact that they had allowed 1,500 famished, half-armed men to seize their capital.
While Junot had been rushing on from Salamanca to Alcantara, and from Alcantara to Abrantes, Lisbon had been the scene of much pitiful commotion47. The Prince-Regent had long refused to believe that Napoleon really intended to dethrone him, and had been still occupying himself with futile48 schemes for propitiating49 the Emperor. Of his courtiers and generals, hardly one counselled resistance: there was no talk of mobilizing the dilapidated army of some 30,000 men which the country was supposed to possess, or of calling out the militia50 which had done such good service in earlier wars with Spain and France. Prince John contented51 himself with declaring war on England on the twentieth of October, and with garrisoning52 the coast batteries which protect Lisbon against attacks from the sea. Of these signs of obedience53 he sent reports to Napoleon: on the eighth of November he seized the persons of the few English merchants who still remained in Portugal; the majority had wisely absconded54 in October. At the same time he let the British Government know that he was at heart their friend, and only driven by brute55 force to his present course: he even permitted their ambassador, Lord Strangford, to linger in Lisbon.
In a few days the Regent began to see that Napoleon was inexorable: his ambassador from Paris was sent back to him, and reported that he had passed on the way the army of Junot marching by Burgos on Salamanca. Presently an English fleet under Sir Sydney Smith, the hero of Acre, appeared at the mouth of the Tagus, and declared Lisbon in a state of blockade—the natural reply to the Regent’s declaration of war and seizure56 of English residents. Other reasons existed for the blockade: there had lately arrived in the Tagus a Russian squadron on its homeward way from the Mediterranean. The Czar Alexander was at this time Napoleon’s eager ally, and had just declared war on England;[p. 30] it seemed wise to keep an eye on these ships, whose arrival appeared to synchronize57 in a most suspicious way with the approach of Junot. Moreover there was the Portuguese fleet to be considered: if the Prince-Regent intended to hand it over to the French, it would have to be dealt with in the same way as the Danish fleet had been treated a few months before.
Lord Strangford retired58 on board Sydney Smith’s flagship, the Hibernia, and from thence continued to exchange notes with the miserable59 Portuguese Government. The Regent was still hesitating between sending still more abject60 proposals of submission to Bonaparte, and the only other alternative, that of getting on board his fleet and crossing the Atlantic to the great Portuguese colony in Brazil. The news that Junot had reached Alcantara only confused him still more; he could not make up his mind to leave his comfortable palace at Mafra, his gardens, and the countless chapels61 and shrines62 in which his soul delighted, in order to dare the unaccustomed horrors of the deep. On the other hand, he feared that, if he stayed, he might ere long find himself a prisoner of state in some obscure French castle. At last his mind was made up for him from without: Lord Strangford on the twenty-fifth of November received a copy of the Paris Moniteur of the thirteenth of October, in which appeared a proclamation in the true Napoleonesque vein63, announcing that ‘the house of Braganza had ceased to reign64 in Europe.’ The celerity with which the paper had been passed on from Paris to London and from London to Lisbon was most fortunate, as it was just not too late for the prince to fly, though far too late for him to think of defending himself. Junot was already at Abrantes, but during the four days which he spent between that place and Lisbon the die was cast. Abandoning his wonted indecision, the Regent hurried on shipboard his treasure, his state papers, his insane mother, his young family, and all the hangers-on of his court. The whole fleet, fifteen men-of-war, was crowded with official refugees and their belongings65. More than twenty merchant vessels66 were hastily manned and freighted with other inhabitants of Lisbon, who determined67 to fly with their prince: merchants and nobles alike preferred the voyage to Rio de Janeiro to facing the dreaded68 French. On the twenty-ninth of November the whole convoy69 passed out of the mouth of the Tagus and set sail for the West. When he toiled70 in on the thirtieth, Junot[p. 31] found the birds flown, and took possession of the dismantled71 city.
Junot’s Spanish auxiliaries72 were, as might have been expected from the national character and the deplorable state of the government, much slower than their French allies. Solano and the southern army did not enter Portugal till the second of December, three days after Lisbon had fallen. Taranco and the Galician corps only reached Oporto on the thirteenth of December. To neither of them was any opposition73 offered: the sole show of national feeling which they met was that the Governor of Valenza closed his gates, and would not admit the Spaniards till he heard that Lisbon was in the enemy’s hands, and that the Prince-Regent had abandoned the country.
Junot at first made some attempt to render himself popular and to keep his troops in good discipline. But it was impossible to conciliate the Portuguese: when they saw the exhausted condition and comparatively small numbers of the army that had overrun their realm, they were filled with rage to think that no attempt had been made to strike a blow to save its independence. When, on the thirteenth of December, Junot made a great show out of the ceremony of hauling down the Portuguese flag and of hoisting74 the tricolour on the public buildings of the metropolis75, there broke out a fierce riot, which had to be dispersed76 with a cavalry charge. But this was the work of the mob: both the civil and the military authorities showed a servile obedience to Junot’s orders, and no one of importance stood forward to head the crowd.
The first precautionary measure of the French general was to dissolve the Portuguese army. He ordered the discharge of all men with less than one and more than six years’ service, dissolved the old regimental cadres, and reorganized the 6,000 or 7,000 men left into nine new corps, which were soon ordered out of the realm. Ultimately they were sent to the Baltic, and remained garrisoned77 in Northern Germany for some years. At the time of the Russian War of 1812 there were still enough of these unhappy exiles left to constitute three strong regiments78. Nearly all of them perished in the snow during the retreat from Moscow.
Further endeavour to make French rule popular in Portugal was soon rendered impossible by orders from Paris. The Emperor’s mandate79 not only bade Junot confiscate45 and realize all the property of the 15,000 persons, small and great, who had fled to Brazil with[p. 32] the Prince-Regent; it also commanded him to raise a fine of 100,000,000 francs, four millions of our money, from the little kingdom. But the emigrants80 had carried away nearly half the coined money in Portugal, and the rest had been hidden, leaving nothing but coppers81 and depreciated82 paper money visible in circulation. With the best will in the world Junot found it difficult to begin to collect even the nucleus83 of the required sum. The heavy taxes and imposts which he levied84 had no small effect in adding to the discontent of the people, but their total did little more than pay for the maintenance of the invaders. Meanwhile the troops behaved with the usual licence of a French army in a conquered country, and repeatedly provoked sanguinary brawls85 with the peasantry. Military executions of persons who had resisted requisitions by force began as early as January, 1808. Nothing was wanting to prepare an insurrection but leaders: of their appearance there was no sign; the most spirited members of the upper classes had gone off with the Regent. Those who had remained were the miserable bureaucrats86 which despotic governments always breed. They were ready to serve the stranger if they could keep their posts and places. A discreditable proportion of the old state servants acquiesced87 in the new government. The Patriarch of Lisbon issued a fulsome88 address in praise of Napoleon. The members of the provisional government which the Regent had nominated on his departure mostly submitted to Junot. There was little difficulty found in collecting a deputation, imposing89 by its numbers and by the names of some of its personnel, which travelled to Bayonne, to compliment Bonaparte and request him to grant some definite form of government to Portugal. The Emperor treated them in a very offhand90 way, asked them if they would like to be annexed91 to Spain, and on their indignant repudiation92 of that proposal, sent them off with a few platitudes93 to the effect that the lot of a nation depends upon itself, and that his eye was upon them. But this interview only took place in April, 1808, when events in Spain were assuming a very different aspect from that which they displayed at the moment of Junot’s first seizure of Lisbon.
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1
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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numbing
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| adj.使麻木的，使失去感觉的v.使麻木，使麻痹( numb的现在分词 ) | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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bulwark
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| n.堡垒，保障，防御 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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leisurely
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| adj.悠闲的；从容的，慢慢的 | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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ridge
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| n.山脊；鼻梁；分水岭 | |
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torrent
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| n.激流，洪流；爆发，(话语等的)连发 | |
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stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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stranded
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| a.搁浅的，进退两难的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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cartridge
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| n.弹壳，弹药筒；(装磁带等的)盒子 | |
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battalions
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| n.（陆军的）一营（大约有一千兵士）( battalion的名词复数 )；协同作战的部队；军队；（组织在一起工作的）队伍 | |
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confiscating
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| 没收（confiscate的现在分词形式） | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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pouches
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| n.（放在衣袋里或连在腰带上的）小袋( pouch的名词复数 )；（袋鼠等的）育儿袋；邮袋；（某些动物贮存食物的）颊袋 | |
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granite
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| adj.花岗岩，花岗石 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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proffers
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的第三人称单数 ) | |
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reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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cartridges
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| 子弹( cartridge的名词复数 )； （打印机的）墨盒； 录音带盒； （唱机的）唱头 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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confiscate
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| v.没收(私人财产)，把…充公 | |
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46
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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propitiating
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的现在分词 ) | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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51
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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garrisoning
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的现在分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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absconded
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| v.（尤指逃避逮捕）潜逃，逃跑( abscond的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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synchronize
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| v.使同步 [=synchronise] | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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convoy
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| vt.护送，护卫，护航；n.护送；护送队 | |
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toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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72
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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hoisting
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| 起重，提升 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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coppers
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| 铜( copper的名词复数 )； 铜币 | |
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depreciated
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| v.贬值，跌价，减价( depreciate的过去式和过去分词 )；贬低，蔑视，轻视 | |
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nucleus
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| n.核，核心，原子核 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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brawls
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| 吵架，打架( brawl的名词复数 ) | |
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bureaucrats
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| n.官僚( bureaucrat的名词复数 )；官僚主义；官僚主义者；官僚语言 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fulsome
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| adj.可恶的，虚伪的，过分恭维的 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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offhand
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| adj.临时，无准备的；随便，马虎的 | |
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annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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repudiation
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| n.拒绝；否认；断绝关系；抛弃 | |
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platitudes
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| n.平常的话，老生常谈，陈词滥调( platitude的名词复数 )；滥套子 | |
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