The mere8 fact that an incapable9 upstart like Godoy had been able to control the foreign and internal policy of Spain ever since 1792 is a sufficient evidence of the miserable10 state of the country. He was a mere court favourite of the worst class: to compare him to Buckingham would be far too flattering—and even Piers11 Gaveston had a pretty wit and no mean skill as a man-at-arms, though he was also a vain ostentatious fool. After a few years, we may remember, the one met the dagger12 and the other the axe13, with the full approval of English public opinion. But Godoy went on flourishing like the green bay-tree, for sixteen years, decked with titles and offices and laden14 with plunder15, with no other support than the queen’s unconcealed partiality for him, and the idiotic16 old king’s desire to have trouble taken off his hands. Every thinking man in Spain hated the favourite as the outward and visible sign of corruption18 in high places. Every patriot19 saw that the would-be statesman who made himself the adulator20 first of Barras and then of Bonaparte, and played cat’s-paw to each of them, to the ultimate[p. 13] ruin and bankruptcy21 of the realm, ought to be removed. Yet there was no sign of any movement against him, save obscure plots in the household of the Prince Royal. But for the interference of Napoleon in the affairs of Spain, it is possible that the Prince of the Peace might have enjoyed many years more of power. Such is the price which nations pay for handing over their bodies to autocratic monarchy22 and their souls to three centuries of training under the Inquisition.
It is perhaps necessary to gain some detailed23 idea of the unpleasant family party at Madrid. King Charles IV was now a man of sixty years of age: he was so entirely24 simple and helpless that it is hardly an exaggeration to say that his weakness bordered on imbecility. His elder brother, Don Philip, was so clearly wanting in intellect that he had to be placed in confinement and excluded from the throne. It might occur to us that it would have been well for Spain if Charles had followed him to the asylum25, if we had not to remember that the crown would then have fallen to Ferdinand of Naples, who if more intelligent was also more morally worthless than his brother. Till the age of forty Charles had been entirely suppressed and kept in tutelage by an autocratic father: when he came to the throne he never developed any will or mind of his own, and remained the tool and servant of those about him. He may be described as a good-natured and benevolent26 imbecile: he was not cruel or malicious27 or licentious28, or given to extravagant29 fancies. His one pronounced taste was hunting: if he could get away from his ministers to some country palace, and go out all day with his dogs, his gun, and his gamekeepers, he was perfectly30 happy. His brother of Naples, it will be remembered, had precisely31 the same hobby. Of any other tastes, save a slight interest in some of the minor32 handicrafts, which he shared with his cousin Louis XVI, we find no trace in the old king. He was very ugly, not with the fierce clever ugliness of his father Charles III, but in an imbecile fashion, with a frightfully receding33 forehead, a big nose, and a retreating jaw34 generally set in a harmless grin. He did not understand business or politics, but was quite capable of getting through speeches and ceremonies when properly primed and prompted beforehand. Even his private letters were managed for him by his wife and his favourite. He had just enough brains to be proud of his position as king, and to resent anything that he re[p. 14]garded as an attack on his dignity—such as the mention of old constitutional rights and privileges, or any allusion35 to a Cortes. He liked, in fact, to feel himself and to be called an absolute king, though he wished to hand over all the duties and worries of kingship to his wife and his chosen servants. Quite contrary to Spanish usage, he often associated Maria Luisa’s name with his own in State documents, and in popular diction they were often called ‘los Reyes,’ ‘the Kings,’ as Ferdinand and Isabella had been three hundred years before.
The Queen was about the most unfit person in Europe to be placed on the throne at the side of such an imbecile husband. She was his first cousin, the daughter of his uncle Don Philip, Duke of Parma—Bourbon on the mother’s side also, for she was the child of the daughter of Louis XV of France. Maria Luisa was self-confident, flighty, reckless, and utterly36 destitute37 of conscience of any sort. Her celebrated38 portrait by Goya gives us at once an idea of the woman, bold, shameless, pleasure-loving, and as corrupt17 as Southern court morality allows—which is saying a good deal. She had from the first taken the measure of her imbecile husband: she dominated him by her superior force of will, made him her mere mouthpiece, and practically ruled the realm, turning him out to hunt while she managed ministers and ambassadors.
For the last twenty years her scandalous partiality for Don Manuel Godoy had been public property. When Charles IV came to the throne Godoy was a mere private in the bodyguard—a sort of ornamental39 corps of gentlemen-at-arms. He was son of a decayed noble family, a big handsome showy young man of twenty-one—barely able to read and write, say his detractors—but a good singer and musician. Within four years after he caught the Queen’s eye he was a grandee40 of Spain, a duke, and prime minister! He was married to a royal princess, the Infanta Teresa, a cousin of the King, a mésalliance unparalleled in the whole history of the house of Bourbon. Three years later, to commemorate41 his part in concluding the disgraceful peace of Basle, he was given the odd title of ‘Prince of the Peace,’ ‘Principe de la Paz’: no Spanish subject had ever before been decorated with any title higher than that of duke[19]. In 1808 he was a man of forty, beginning to get a little[p. 15] plump and bald after so many years of good (or evil) living, but still a fine personable figure. He had stowed away enormous riches, not only from the gifts of the King and Queen, but by the sale of offices and commissions, the taking of all sorts of illicit42 percentages, and (perhaps the worst symptom of all) by colossal43 speculations44 on the stock exchange. A French ambassador recorded the fact that he had to keep the treaty of peace of 1802 quiet for three days after it was signed, in order that Godoy might complete his purchases ‘for a rise’ before the news got about[20]. Godoy was corrupt and licentious, but not cruel or even tyrannical: though profoundly ignorant, he had the vanity to pose as a patron of art and science. His foible was to be hailed as a universal benefactor45, and as the introducer of modern civilization into Spain. He endeavoured to popularize the practice of vaccination46, waged a mild and intermittent47 war with the Inquisition, and (a most astonishing piece of courage) tried to suppress the custom of bull-fighting. The last two acts were by far the most creditable items that can be put down to his account: unfortunately they were also precisely those which appealed least to the populace of Spain. Godoy was a notable collector of pictures and antiquities48, and had a certain liking49 for, and skill in, music. When this has been said, there is nothing more to put down in his favour. Fifteen years of power had so turned his head that for a long time he had been taking himself quite seriously, and his ambition had grown so monstrous50 that, not contented51 with his alliance by marriage with the royal house, he was dreaming of becoming a sovereign prince. The bait by which Napoleon finally drew him into the trap, the promise that he should be given the Algarves and Alemtejo, was not the Corsican’s own invention. It had been an old idea of Godoy’s which he broached52 to his ally early in 1806, only to receive a severe rebuff. Hence came the joy with which he finally saw it take shape in the treaty of Fontainebleau[21]. When such schemes were running in his head, we can perfectly well credit the accusation53 which Prince Ferdinand brought against him, of having intended to change the succession to the crown of Spain, by a coup54 d’état on the death of Charles IV. The man had grown capable of any outburst of pride and ambition.[p. 16] Meanwhile he continued to govern Spain by his hold over the imbecile and gouty old king and his worthless wife, who was now far over fifty, but as besotted on her favourite as ever. It was his weary lot to be always in attendance on them. They could hardly let him out of their sight. Tore?o relates a ridiculous story that, when Napoleon invited them to dinner on the first night of their unhappy visit to Bayonne, he did not ask the Prince of the Peace to the royal table. Charles was so unhappy and uncomfortable that he could not settle down to his meal till the emperor had sent for Godoy, and found a place for him near his master and mistress[22].
The fourth individual with whose personality it is necessary to be acquainted when studying the court of Spain in 1808 is the heir to the throne, Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias. Little was known of him, for his parents and Godoy had carefully excluded him from political life. But when a prince is getting on for thirty, and his father has begun to show signs of failing health, it is impossible that eyes should not be turned on him from all quarters. Ferdinand was not an imbecile like his father, nor a scandalous person like his mother; but (though Spain knew it not) he was coward and a cur. With such parents he had naturally been brought up very badly. He was ignominiously55 excluded from all public business, and kept in absolute ignorance of all subjects on which a prince should have some knowledge: history, military science, modern politics, foreign languages, were all sealed books to him. He had been educated, so far as he was trained at all, by a clever and ambitious priest, Juan Escoiquiz, a canon of Toledo. An obscure churchman was not the best tutor for a future sovereign: he could not instruct the prince in the more necessary arts of governance, but he seems to have taught him dissimulation56 and superstition[23]. For Ferdinand was pious57 with a grovelling58 sort of piety59, which made him carry about strings60 of relics61, spend much of his time in church ceremonies, and[p. 17] (as rumour62 said) take to embroidering63 petticoats for his favourite image of the Virgin64 in his old age.
Portrait illustration
MARIA LUISA
REYNA DE ESPA?A.
The prince had one healthy sentiment, a deep hatred65 for Godoy, who had from his earliest youth excluded him from his proper place in the court and the state. But he was too timid to resent the favourite’s influence by anything but sulky rudeness. If he had chosen, he could at once have put himself at the head of the powerful body of persons whom the favourite had disobliged or offended. His few intimate friends, and above all his tutor Escoiquiz, were always spurring him on to take some active measures against the Prince of the Peace. But Ferdinand was too indolent and too cautious to move, though he was in his secret heart convinced that his enemy was plotting his destruction, and intended to exclude him from the throne at his father’s death.
To give a fair idea of the education, character, and brains of this miserable prince it is only necessary to quote a couple of his letters. The first was written in November, 1807, when he had been imprisoned66 by his father for carrying on the famous secret correspondence with Napoleon. It runs as follows:—
Dear Papa[24],
I have done wrong: I have sinned against your majesty67, both as king and as father; but I have repented68, and I now offer your majesty the most humble69 obedience70. I ought to have done nothing without your majesty’s knowledge; but I was caught unawares. I have given up the names of the guilty persons, and I beg your majesty to pardon me for having lied to you the other night, and to allow your grateful son to kiss your royal feet.
(Signed) Fernando.
San Lorenzo (The Escurial), Nov. 5, 1807.
It is doubtful whether the childish whining72, the base betrayal of his unfortunate accomplices73, or the slavish tone of the confession74 forms the most striking point in this epistle.
But the second document that we have to quote gives an even worse idea of Ferdinand. Several years after he had been[p. 18] imprisoned by Napoleon at Valen?ay, a desperate attempt was made to deliver him. Baron75 Colli, a daring Austrian officer, entered France, amid a thousand dangers, with a scheme for delivering the prince: he hoped to get him to the coast, and to an English frigate76, by means of false passports and relays of swift horses. The unfortunate adventurer was caught and thrown into a dungeon77 at Vincennes[25]. After the plot had miscarried Ferdinand wrote as follows to his jailor:—
‘An unknown person got in here in disguise and proposed to Se?or Amezaga, my master of the horse and steward78, to carry me off from Valen?ay, asking him to pass on some papers, which he had brought, to my hands, and to aid in carrying out this horrible undertaking79. My honour, my repose80, and the good opinion due to my principles might all have been compromised, if Se?or Amezaga had not given proof of his devotion to His Imperial Majesty and to myself, by revealing everything to me at once. I write immediately to give information of the matter, and take this opportunity of showing anew my inviolable fidelity81 to the Emperor Napoleon, and the horror that I feel at this infernal project, whose author, I hope, may be chastised82 according to his deserts.’
It is not surprising to find that the man who was capable of writing this letter also wrote more than once to congratulate Joseph Bonaparte on his victories over the ‘rebels’ in Spain.
It had been clear for some time that the bitter hatred which the Prince Royal bore to Godoy, and the fear which the favourite felt at the prospect83 of his enemy’s accession to the throne, would lead to some explosion ere long. If Ferdinand had been a man of ordinary ability and determination he could probably have organized a coup d’état to get rid of the favourite, without much trouble. But he was so slow and timid that, in spite of all the exhortations84 of his partisans85, he never did more than copy out two letters to his father which Escoiquiz drafted for him. He never screwed up his courage to the point of sending them, or personally delivering them into his father’s hands. They were rhetorical[p. 19] compositions, setting forth86 the moral and political turpitude87 of Godoy, and warning the King that his favourite was guilty of designs on the throne. If Charles IV had been given them, he probably could not have made out half the meaning, and would have handed them over for interpretation88 to the trusty Manuel himself. The only other move which the prince was induced to make was to draw out a warrant appointing his friend and confidant, the Duke of Infantado, Captain-General of New Castile. It was to be used if the old king, who was then labouring under one of his attacks of gout, should chance to be carried off by it. The charge of Madrid, and of the troops in its vicinity, was to be consigned89 to one whom Ferdinand could trust, so that Godoy might be check-mated.
But the Prince of the Asturias took one other step in the autumn of 1807 which was destined90 to bring matters to a head. It occurred to him that instead of incurring91 the risks of conspiracy92 at home he would do better to apply for aid to his father’s all-powerful ally. If Napoleon took up his cause, and promised him protection, he would be safe against all the machinations of the Prince of the Peace: for a frank and undisguised terror of the Emperor was the mainspring of Godoy’s foreign and domestic policy. Ferdinand thought that he had a sure method of enlisting93 Bonaparte’s benevolence94: he was at this moment the most eligible95 parti in Europe: he had lost his first wife, a daughter of his uncle of Naples, and being childless was bound to marry again[26]. By offering to accept a spouse96 of the Emperor’s choice he would give such a guarantee of future loyalty97 and obedience that his patron (who was quite aware of Godoy’s real feelings towards France) would withdraw all his support from the favourite and transfer it to himself. Acting98 under the advice of Escoiquiz, with whom he was always in secret communication, Ferdinand first sounded the French ambassador at Madrid, the Marquis de Beauharnais, a brother-in-law of the Empress Josephine. Escoiquiz saw the ambassador, who displayed much pleasure at his proposals, and urged him to encourage the prince to proceed with his plan[27].[p. 20] The fact was that the diplomatist saw profit to his own family in the scheme: for in default of eligible damsels of the house of Bonaparte, it was probable that the lady whom the Emperor might choose as Queen of Spain would be one of his own relatives—some Beauharnais or Tascher—a niece or cousin of the Empress. A wife for the hereditary99 prince of Baden had been already chosen from among them in the preceding year.
When therefore Escoiquiz broached the matter to the ambassador in June, 1807, the latter only asked that he should be given full assurance that the Prince of the Asturias would carry out his design. No private interview could be managed between them in the existing state of Spanish court etiquette100, and with the spies of Godoy lurking101 in every corner. But by a prearranged code of signals Ferdinand certified102 to Beauharnais, at one of the royal levées, that he had given all his confidence to Escoiquiz, and that the latter was really acting in his name. The ambassador therefore undertook to transmit to his master at Paris any document which the prince might entrust103 to him. Hence there came to be written the celebrated letter of October 11, 1807, in which Ferdinand implored104 the pity of ‘the hero sent by providence105 to save Europe from anarchy106, to strengthen tottering107 thrones, and to give to the nations peace and felicity.’ His father, he said, was surrounded by malignant108 and astute109 intriguers who had estranged111 him from his son. But one word from Paris would suffice to discomfit112 such persons, and to open the eyes of his loved parents to the just grievances113 of their child. As a token of amity114 and protection he ventured to ask Bonaparte for the hand of some lady of his august house. He does not seem to have had any particular one in his eye, as the demand is made in the most general terms. The choice would really have lain between the eldest115 daughter of Lucien Bonaparte, who was then (as usual) on strained terms with his brother, and one of the numerous kinswomen of the Empress Josephine.
Godoy was so well served by his numerous spies that the news of the letter addressed to Bonaparte was soon conveyed to him. He resolved to take advantage to the full of the mistake which[p. 21] the prince had made in opening a correspondence with a foreign power behind the back of his father. He contrived116 an odious117 scene. He induced the old king to make a sudden descent on his son’s apartments on the night of October 27, with an armed guard at his back, to accuse him publicly of aiming at dethroning or even murdering his parents, and to throw him into solitary118 confinement. Ferdinand’s papers were sequestrated, but there was found among them nothing of importance except the two documents denouncing Godoy, which the prince had composed or copied out under the direction of his adviser120 Escoiquiz, and a cypher code which was discovered to have belonged to the prince’s late wife, and to have been used by her in her private letters to her mother, the Queen of Naples.
There was absolutely nothing that proved any intention on the part of Ferdinand to commit himself to overt121 treason, though plenty to show his deep discontent, and his hatred for the Prince of the Peace. The only act that an honest critic could call disloyal was the attempt to open up a correspondence with Napoleon. But Godoy thought that he had found his opportunity of crushing the heir to the throne, and even of removing him from the succession. He caused Charles IV to publish an extraordinary manifesto122 to his subjects, in which he was made to speak as follows:—
‘God, who watches over all creation, does not permit the success of atrocious designs against an innocent victim. His omnipotence123 has just delivered me from an incredible catastrophe124. My people, my faithful subjects, know my Christian125 life, my regular conduct: they all love me and give me constant proof of their veneration126, the reward due to a parent who loves his children. I was living in perfect confidence, when an unknown hand delated to me the most enormous and incredible plot, hatched in my own palace against my person. The preservation127 of my life, which has been already several times in danger, should have been the special charge of the heir to my throne, but blinded, and estranged from all those Christian principles in which my paternal128 care and love have reared him, he has given his consent to a plot to dethrone me. Taking in hand the investigation129 of the matter, I surprised him in his apartments and found in his hands the cypher which he used to communicate with his evil counsellors. I have thrown several of these criminals into prison, and have put my son under arrest in his own abode130. This necessary punishment adds another sorrow to the many which[p. 22] already afflict131 me; but as it is the most painful of all, it is also the most necessary of all to carry out. Meanwhile I publish the facts: I do not hide from my subjects the grief that I feel—which can only be lessened132 by the proofs of loyalty which I know that they will display’[28] [Oct. 30, 1807].
Charles was therefore made to charge his son with a deliberate plot to dethrone him, and even to hint that his life had been in danger. The only possible reason for the formulating133 of this most unjustifiable accusation must have been that Godoy thought that he might now dare to sweep away the Prince of the Asturias from his path by imprisonment134 or exile. There can be no other explanation for the washing in public of so much of the dirty linen135 of the palace. Ferdinand, by his craven conduct, did his best to help his enemy’s designs: in abject136 fear he delated to the King the names of Escoiquiz and his other confidants, the dukes of Infantado and San Carlos. He gave full particulars of his attempt to communicate with Napoleon, and of all his correspondence with his partisans—even acknowledging that he had given Infantado that undated commission as Captain-General of New Castile, to come into effect when he himself should become king, which we have already had occasion to mention. This act, it must be owned, was a little unseemly, but if it had really borne the sinister137 meaning that Godoy chose to put upon it, we may guess that Ferdinand would never have divulged138 it. In addition the prince wrote the disgusting letter of supplication139 to his father which has been already quoted, owning that ‘he had lied the other night,’ and asking leave to kiss his majesty’s royal feet. It is beyond dispute that this epistle, with another similar one to the Queen, was written after a stormy interview with Godoy. The favourite had been allowed by his master and mistress to visit Ferdinand in prison, and to bully140 him into writing these documents, which (as he hoped) would ruin the prince’s reputation for ever with every man of heart and honour. Godoy was wrong here: what struck the public mind far more than the prince’s craven tone was the unseemliness of publishing to the world his miserable letters. That a prince royal of Spain should have been terrified by an upstart charlatan141 like Godoy into writing such words maddened all who read them.
Napoleon was delighted to see the royal family of Spain putting itself in such an odious light. He only intervened on a side issue[p. 23] by sending peremptory142 orders that in any proceedings143 taken against the Prince of the Asturias no mention was to be made of himself or of his ambassador, i.e. the matter of the secret appeal to France (the one thing for which Ferdinand could be justly blamed) was not to be allowed to transpire144. It was probably this communication from Paris which saved Ferdinand from experiencing the full consequences of Godoy’s wrath145[29]. If any public trial took place, it was certain that either Ferdinand or some of his friends would speak of the French intrigue110, and if the story came out Napoleon would be angry. The mere thought of this possibility so worked upon the favourite that he suddenly resolved to stop the impeachment146 of the prince. In return for his humiliating prayers for mercy he was given a sort of ungracious pardon. ‘The voice of nature,’ so ran the turgid proclamation which Godoy dictated147 to the old king, ‘disarms the hand of vengeance148; I forgive my son, and will restore him to my good graces when his conduct shall have proved him a truly reformed character.’ Ferdinand was left dishonoured149 and humiliated150: he had been accused of intended parricide151, made to betray his friends and to confess plots which he had never formed, and then pardoned. Godoy hoped that he was so ruined in the eyes of the Spanish people, and (what was more important) in the eyes of Napoleon, that there would be no more trouble with him, a supposition in which he grievously erred152. After a decent interval153 the prince’s fellow conspirators154, Escoiquiz and Infantado, were acquitted155 of high treason by the court before which they had been sent, and allowed to go free. Of the dreadful accusations156 made in the Proclamation of Oct. 30 nothing more was heard.
The whole of the ‘Affair of the Escurial,’ as the arrest, imprisonment, and forgiveness of Ferdinand came to be called, took place between the twenty-seventh of October and the fifth of November, dates at which it is pretty certain that Napoleon’s unscrupulous designs against the royal house of Spain had long been matured. The open quarrel of the imbecile father and the cowardly son only helped him in his plans, by making more manifest than ever the deplorable state of the Spanish court. It served as a useful plea to[p. 24] justify157 acts of aggression158 which must have been planned many months before. If it had never taken place, it is still certain that Napoleon would have found some other plea for sweeping159 out the worthless house of Bourbon from the Peninsula. He had begun to collect armies at the roots of the Pyrenees, without any obvious military necessity, some weeks before Ferdinand was arrested. When that simple fact is taken into consideration we see at once the hollowness of his plea, elaborated during his exile at St. Helena[30], that it was the disgraceful explosion of family hatred in the Spanish royal house that first suggested to him the idea of removing the whole generation of Bourbons, and giving Spain a new king and a new dynasty.
NOTE TO CHAPTER II
It may perhaps be worth while to give, for what it is worth, a story which I find in the Vaughan Papers concerning the causes of the final quarrel between Godoy and the Prince of the Asturias, ending in the arrest of the latter and the whole ‘Affair of the Escurial.’ Among Vaughan’s large collection of miscellaneous papers is a long document addressed to him by one of his Spanish friends, purporting160 to give the secret history of the rupture161; the narrative162 is said by the author to have been obtained from the mouth of the minister Caballero, who would certainly have had the best means of gaining court intelligence in October, 1807. The tale runs as follows: ‘The Queen had for many years been accustomed to make secret visits to Godoy’s palace under cover of the dark, escorted only by a lady-in-waiting and a single body-servant. The sentinels round the palace had been designedly so placed that none of them covered the postern door by which her majesty was accustomed to pass in and out. One night in the autumn of 1807 the whole system of the palace-guards was suddenly changed without the Queen’s knowledge, and when she returned from her excursion she ran into the arms of a corporal’s guard placed in front of the privy163 entrance. The men, fortunately for Maria Luisa, did not recognize the three muffled164 figures who fell into their clutches, and allowed them to buy their way in for an onza d’oro, or gold twenty-dollar piece. But when Godoy and the Queen talked the matter over, and found that King Charles had ordered the inconvenient165 alterations166 in the sentinels, they came to the conclusion that Ferdinand had deliberately induced his father to change the posts of the guard, with the object either of stopping his mother’s exits or of making a public scandal by causing her to be arrested at this strange place and hour. The Prince chanced to have had a private conversation with his father on the previous day, and this might well have been its result.’ In high wrath, the story[p. 25] proceeds, the Queen and the favourite resolved to crush Ferdinand at once, and to get him excluded from the succession. They chose the very inadequate167 excuse of the letter of the Prince to Napoleon, of which they had perfect cognizance from the very moment of its being written. But, we are assured, they were quite wrong in their suspicions, the originator of the movement of the sentries168, which had so disconcerted them, having been Baron Versage, the newly appointed colonel of the Walloon Guards. He had got the King’s leave to rearrange the watching of the palace, and going round it had spied the private door, which he had blocked with a new picquet, quite unaware71 of the purpose for which it had been used for so many years. This Versage, it will be remembered, served under Palafox, and was killed in Aragon during the first year of the war. I should imagine the whole tale to be an ingenious fiction, in spite of the name of Caballero cited in its support: of that personage Napoleon wrote [Nap. Corresp. 14,015] ‘il a une très mauvaise réputation; c’est tout169 dire119 que de dire qu’il était l’homme de confiance de la Reine.’ But the story was current in Spain very soon after the alleged170 adventure took place.
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confinement
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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22
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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23
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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24
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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25
asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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26
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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27
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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28
licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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29
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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30
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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31
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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32
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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33
receding
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| v.逐渐远离( recede的现在分词 )；向后倾斜；自原处后退或避开别人的注视；尤指问题 | |
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34
jaw
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| n.颚，颌，说教，流言蜚语；v.喋喋不休，教训 | |
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35
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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36
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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37
destitute
|
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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38
celebrated
|
|
| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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39
ornamental
|
|
| adj.装饰的；作装饰用的；n.装饰品；观赏植物 | |
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40
grandee
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|
| n.贵族；大公 | |
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41
commemorate
|
|
| vt.纪念，庆祝 | |
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42
illicit
|
|
| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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43
colossal
|
|
| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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44
speculations
|
|
| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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45
benefactor
|
|
| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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46
vaccination
|
|
| n.接种疫苗，种痘 | |
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47
intermittent
|
|
| adj.间歇的，断断续续的 | |
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48
antiquities
|
|
| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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49
liking
|
|
| n.爱好；嗜好；喜欢 | |
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50
monstrous
|
|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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51
contented
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|
| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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52
broached
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|
| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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53
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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54
coup
|
|
| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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55
ignominiously
|
|
| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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56
dissimulation
|
|
| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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57
pious
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|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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58
grovelling
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|
| adj.卑下的，奴颜婢膝的v.卑躬屈节，奴颜婢膝( grovel的现在分词 )；趴 | |
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59
piety
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|
| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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60
strings
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| n.弦 | |
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61
relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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62
rumour
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|
| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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63
embroidering
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|
| v.（在织物上）绣花( embroider的现在分词 )；刺绣；对…加以渲染（或修饰）；给…添枝加叶 | |
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64
virgin
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|
| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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65
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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66
imprisoned
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|
| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
majesty
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|
| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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68
repented
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|
| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69
humble
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|
| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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70
obedience
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|
| n.服从，顺从 | |
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71
unaware
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| a.不知道的，未意识到的 | |
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72
whining
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|
| n. 抱怨，牢骚 v. 哭诉，发牢骚 | |
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73
accomplices
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|
| 从犯，帮凶，同谋( accomplice的名词复数 ) | |
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74
confession
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|
| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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75
baron
|
|
| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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76
frigate
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|
| n.护航舰，大型驱逐舰 | |
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77
dungeon
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|
| n.地牢，土牢 | |
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78
steward
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|
| n.乘务员，服务员；看管人；膳食管理员 | |
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79
undertaking
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|
| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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80
repose
|
|
| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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81
fidelity
|
|
| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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82
chastised
|
|
| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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83
prospect
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|
| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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84
exhortations
|
|
| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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85
partisans
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|
| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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86
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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87
turpitude
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|
| n.可耻；邪恶 | |
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88
interpretation
|
|
| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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89
consigned
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|
| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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90
destined
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|
| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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91
incurring
|
|
| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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92
conspiracy
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|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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93
enlisting
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|
| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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94
benevolence
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|
| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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95
eligible
|
|
| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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96
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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97
loyalty
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|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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98
acting
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|
| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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99
hereditary
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|
| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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100
etiquette
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|
| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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101
lurking
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| 潜在 | |
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102
certified
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| a.经证明合格的；具有证明文件的 | |
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103
entrust
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|
| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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104
implored
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|
| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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105
providence
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|
| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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106
anarchy
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|
| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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107
tottering
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|
| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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108
malignant
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|
| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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109
astute
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|
| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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110
intrigue
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|
| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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111
estranged
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|
| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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112
discomfit
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|
| v.使困惑，使尴尬 | |
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113
grievances
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|
| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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114
amity
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|
| n.友好关系 | |
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115
eldest
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|
| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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116
contrived
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|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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117
odious
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|
| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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118
solitary
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|
| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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119
dire
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|
| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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120
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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121
overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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122
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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123
omnipotence
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|
| n.全能，万能，无限威力 | |
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124
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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125
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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126
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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127
preservation
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|
| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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128
paternal
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|
| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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129
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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130
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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131
afflict
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| vt.使身体或精神受痛苦，折磨 | |
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132
lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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133
formulating
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|
| v.构想出( formulate的现在分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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134
imprisonment
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|
| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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135
linen
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|
| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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136
abject
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|
| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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137
sinister
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|
| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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138
divulged
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|
| v.吐露，泄露( divulge的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139
supplication
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|
| n.恳求，祈愿，哀求 | |
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140
bully
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|
| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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141
charlatan
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|
| n.骗子；江湖医生；假内行 | |
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142
peremptory
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|
| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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143
proceedings
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|
| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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144
transpire
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|
| v.(使)蒸发，(使)排出 ；泄露，公开 | |
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145
wrath
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|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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146
impeachment
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|
| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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147
dictated
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|
| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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148
vengeance
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|
| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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149
dishonoured
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| a.不光彩的，不名誉的 | |
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150
humiliated
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|
| 感到羞愧的 | |
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151
parricide
|
|
| n.杀父母；杀亲罪 | |
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152
erred
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|
| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
interval
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|
| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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154
conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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155
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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156
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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157
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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158
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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159
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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160
purporting
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的现在分词 ) | |
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161
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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162
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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163
privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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164
muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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165
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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166
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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167
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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168
sentries
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| 哨兵，步兵( sentry的名词复数 ) | |
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169
tout
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| v.推销，招徕；兜售；吹捧，劝诱 | |
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170
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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