Capital letter T
THERE was a striking contrast between the position of Louis XVI. and that of his predecessors2 on the throne of France.
Everybody was afraid of Louis XIV., and even of Louis XV. At any rate, they ruled. They commanded, and their subjects obeyed.
But nobody was afraid of Louis XVI., and when he did command he was by no means sure of obedience3. He had ascended4 the throne with the most excellent intentions, abolished all sorts of abuses, and wanted to be the father of his people. But a father who cannot be respected is very likely not to be loved, and a ruler who cannot inspire fear cannot inspire respect either, and is not so fit to be a leader as one who possesses fewer virtues5 and more strength and courage.
When Louis XV. remarked that it was a pity the Comte de Provence was not the eldest6 of his grandsons, that he knew what he was saying is evident [207] from the fact that though all three of them inherited the crown, the Comte de Provence was the only one who succeeded in keeping it.
Louis XVI. was the most unsuitable person to rule over the French, a nation more than any other alive to, and abhorrent7 of, any suspicion of ridicule8 or contempt. And to them the virtues and faults of Louis were alike ridiculous. When he interfered9 in the love affairs of the Prince de Condé, and ordered the Princesse de Monaco to retire into a convent, the Prince de Condé became his enemy, and people laughed. When he spent hours and hours shut up alone making keys and locks they shrugged10 their shoulders, and asked if that was a diversion for the descendant of Henri IV. and Louis le Grand.
Besides the conflict between the new and old ideas, the extravagant11 hopes of some and the natural misgivings12 of others, the court was disturbed by the quarrels and jealousies13 of many of the great nobles who, not contented14 with occupying the posts they held, aimed at making them hereditary15 in their families.
The Marquis de Noailles was one of the gentlemen of the household of the Comte de Provence, who did not much like the Noailles, and said that the Marquis was a true member of that family, eager after his own interests and those of his relations. Even the saintly Duchesse de Lesparre, when she resigned her place of dame17 d’atours to the Comtesse de Provence, was much aggrieved18 that the latter would not appoint another Noailles, but chose to give the post to the Comtesse de Balbi, a personal friend of her own.
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The Maréchale de Mouchy was furious because the Queen had created or revived an office which she said lessened19 the importance and dignity of the one she held, and after much fuss and disturbance20 she resigned her appointment. All the Noailles took her part and went over to the opposition21. Although the riches, power, and prestige of that family were undiminished, they were not nearly so much the favourites of the present royal family as they had been of Louis XIV. and Louis XV., which was natural, as they were so much mixed up with the ultra-Liberals, whose ranks had been joined by so many of their nearest relations.
Mme. de Tessé, younger sister of the Duc d’Ayen, was well known for her opinions. La Fayette, de Noailles, and de Ségur had returned from America, and their ideas were shared by Rosalie’s husband, de Grammont, and to a certain extent, though with much more moderation, by M. de Montagu. All the remaining daughters of the Duc d’Ayen except Pauline shared the opinions of their husbands; M. de Thésan and M. de Beaune were opposed to them, as was also the Duchesse d’Ayen, whose affection for her sons-in-law did not make her share their blind enthusiasm and unfortunate credulity.
Inheriting the cool head, calm judgment22, and commonsense23 of her father and grandfather, she did not believe in these extravagant dreams of universal happiness and prosperity. On the contrary, her mind was filled with gloomy forebodings, and during a severe illness that she had, she called her daughters round her bed and spoke24 to them of [209] her fears for the future with a sadness and earnestness only too prophetic, and with which Pauline was more strongly impressed than her sisters.
Adrienne especially believed implicitly25 in her husband, who was now the supreme26 fashion amongst the Liberals, fêted, flattered by high and low, and just at this time the idol27 of the people; a popularity which soon gave place to hatred28, and which did no good while it lasted.
For La Fayette was neither a genius, nor a great man, nor a born leader; the gift of influencing other people was not his; he had no lasting29 power over the minds of others, and as to the mob, he led them as long as he went where they wanted to go. When he did not agree with all their excesses they followed him no longer.
A man full of good qualities, brave, disinterested30, honourable31, a good husband, father, and friend, full of enthusiastic plans and aspirations33 for the regeneration of society and the improvement of everybody, La Fayette was a failure. He did more harm than good, for, like many other would-be popular leaders, he had gifts and capacity enough to excite and arouse the passions of the populace, but not to guide or control them.
He was, in fact, a visionary, credulous34 enthusiast32, with an overweening vanity and belief in his own importance; obstinate35 and self-confident to a degree that prevented his ever seeing the fallacy of his views. His own conceit36, and the flattery and adulation of his family and friends, made him think that he, and no other, was the man to save and direct France. His very virtues and attractions [210] were mischievous37 in converting others to his unpractical and dangerous views.
His Utopian government and state of society would have been all very well if they had been attainable38, but he had no knowledge or comprehension of the instruments and materials of which they were to be composed, no insight into character, no correctness of judgment, no decision or promptitude in emergencies, and what he did or helped to do was that most dangerous of proceedings40, to set in motion a force he could not control.
In spite of all their engagements, Pauline and her sisters found time for an immense amount of charitable work of all sorts. They all took an active part in one way or another, and Pauline even managed to make use of the evenings she spent in society, for she collected money at the houses to which she went to help the poor during the hard winters. During that of 1788 she got a thousand écus in this way. M. de Beaune used to give her a louis every time he won at cards, which was, or he good-naturedly pretended to be, very often.
She and Mme. de la Fayette used also to visit the prisons, which in those days required no little courage, owing to the squalor, cruelty, and misery41 with which they were thus brought into contact.
Pauline also had something like what would now be called by us a district at Montmartre, not far from the rue16 Chantereine, where she lived; but she had poor pensioners42 all over Paris to whom she gave food, firing, clothes, doctors, everything [211] they wanted, and whom she visited constantly. Old and young, good and bad, beggars, prisoners, every sort of distress43 found a helper in her.
But neither her children nor her charitable and religious duties, absorbing as they were to her, could exclude her from intense excitement and interest in the political events going on around her. The questions discussed were so vital, and the changes so sweeping44, that every phase of life was affected45 by them.
The provincial46 assemblies were sitting all over France in 1787-8 in preparation for the States-General which were soon to be summoned with such fatal results. The Duc d’Ayen was president of the assembly of Limousin, M. de Beaune of that of Auvergne; nearly all the men of her family sat in one or the other, and were eager for the reforms which, if they could have been properly carried out and had satisfied the nation, would have indeed been the beginning of a new era of prosperity and happiness.
The abolition47 of lettres de cachet, liberty of the press, the strict administration of justice, the equalisation of taxation48, the abolition of the oppressive privileges of the nobles; all these and others of the kind were hailed with acclamations by the generous, enthusiastic young nobles who imagined that they could regenerate49 and elevate to their lofty ideals the fierce, ignorant, unruly populace who were thirsting, not for reform and good government, but for plunder50 and bloodshed.
Never in the world’s history was a stranger mingling51 of generosity52 and folly, unpractical learning [212] and brutal53 ignorance, misguided talents and well-meaning stupidity, saintly goodness and diabolical54 wickedness, heroic deeds and horrible crimes, than in the years ushered55 in with such triumph and joy by the credulous persons so truly described in later years by Napoleon: “Political economists56 are nothing but visionaries who dream of plans of finance when they are not fit to be schoolmasters in the smallest village.... Your speculators trace their Utopian schemes upon paper, fools read and believe them, every one babbles57 about universal happiness, and presently the people have not bread to eat. Then comes a revolution.... Necker was the cause of the saturnalia that devastated58 France. It was he who overturned the monarchy59, and brought Louis XVI. to the scaffold.... Robespierre himself, Danton, and Marat have done less mischief60 to France than M. Necker. It was he who brought about the Revolution.”
The party who, like the more sensible and moderate reformers, wished only for the abolition of abuses, and for such considerable reforms in the government and laws as should give freedom and gradual prosperity to the whole nation, without destroying or plundering61 one class for the benefit of another, vainly imagined that they would establish a constitution like that which in England had been the growth of centuries, in a few days or weeks, amongst a people totally different in every characteristic, quite unaccustomed to freedom, self-government, or calm deliberation, and exasperated62 by generations of tyranny.
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What they wanted was a free and just government under a constitutional king, but they failed to realise that their party was far too small and too weak to have any chance of carrying out their plans, and that behind them was the savage63, ignorant, bloodthirsty multitude with nothing but contempt and derision for their well-intentioned projects of reform and law and just government, pressing onwards to the reign64 of anarchy65 and devastation66 which they themselves were doing everything to help them to attain39.
The States-General were to open on May 5th, and the day before M. de Beaune and M. de Montagu went to Versailles to be present, Pauline remaining in Paris to nurse a sick servant.
Those who had dreaded67 the summoning of the States-General at a time when the public were in so inflamed68 and critical a state, were soon confirmed in their opinions by the disputes between the three orders, and the general ferment69. Disloyal demonstrations71 were made, the King sent for more troops and dismissed Necker, who, like La Fayette, was unable to quell72 the storm he had raised; everything was becoming more and more alarming. Just before the fall of the Bastille, Pauline, who was not well at the time, was sent to Bagnères again, where, after stopping at Toulouse to see her little orphan73 niece Jenny de Thésan, she arrived so dangerously ill that she thought she was going to die, and wrote a touching74 letter to her sister Rosalie, desiring that her children might be brought up by Mme. de Noailles, but commending them to the care of all her sisters.
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Her illness was of course aggravated75 by the accounts from Paris, and she heard with dismay that La Fayette had been made commander of the garde-nationale, which she dreaded to see him leading against the King. He had then reached the height of his power. [77]
The Revolution had begun indeed, and was advancing at a fearful rate. The King and Queen, seeing the danger they were all in, at this time thought of escaping from Versailles. The Queen told Mme. de Tourzel to make preparations quietly to start. Had they done so it might probably have saved them all, but the King changed his mind and they stayed. [78]
The Chasseurs de Lorraine and regiment76 de Flandre having been sent to Versailles on account of the crimes and murders daily committed there, the gardes-du-corps gave them a splendid banquet in the Salle de Comédie, to which all the troops, including the gardes-nationales, were invited.
The King, Queen, and Dauphin appeared, and there was an outburst of loyalty77 in which the gardes-nationales joined. The band struck up Richard o mon roi; the ladies of the Court who had come into the boxes tore up their handkerchiefs into white cockades, the young officers climbed up into the boxes to get them; the evening finished with a ball, and in a frenzy78 of loyalty.
Again the King let slip a golden opportunity, for he could have left that night in perfect safety with a strong escort, and placed himself and the royal [215] family in safety, if only he had taken advantage of the favourable79 disposition80 of the troops, but the chance was lost, the demonstration70 infuriated and alarmed the Revolutionists, who succeeded in corrupting81 part of the regiment de Flandre, made La Fayette head of the National Guards, and carried the King and royal family to Paris.
Even then they had a third chance of escape, for when the announcement of what was intended arrived, the King was out hunting, the horses were just being put into the carriage of the Dauphin who was going out for a drive, and if the Queen, her children, and Madame Elisabeth had got into the carriage and joined him, they could have fled together. But the idea did not occur to them; they waited till the King returned, and were taken prisoners to Paris next day, escorted by La Fayette, who, though able to protect them from personal violence, was powerless to prevent the horrors and crimes committed by his atrocious followers82.
The King would not even try to defend himself or those belonging to him. Narbonne Fritzlard begged him to let him have troops and guns with which he would soon scatter83 the brigands84, who could only pass by Meudon and the bridges of Sèvres and St. Cloud. “Then, from the heights I will cannonade them and pursue them with cavalry85, not one shall reach Paris again,” said the gallant86 soldier, who even then would have saved the miserable87 King in spite of himself. [79]
But Louis refused, and when the ruffians surrounded the chateau88, forbade them to be fired on, [216] which order, when they heard, they began to massacre89 the gardes-du-corps, who were not allowed to defend themselves!
In reading the history of these events one cannot help feeling that all one’s sympathy is for Marie Antoinette and her children, but that a King whose conduct was so despicable, who shrank from shedding the blood of infamous90 traitors91 and murderers, while he allowed them to massacre his faithful soldiers and friends, was not worth dying for.
When it was too late he ordered a carriage and tried to leave, but was stopped by the gardes-nationales and servants. La Fayette on his white horse rode with the cavalcade92, full of uneasiness, for he saw that he could not control the followers with whom he had imagined himself to be all-powerful, their crimes and cruelties were abhorrent to him, and the fearful position of the King and royal family alarmed and distressed93 him.
The royalists were just now all the more bitter against La Fayette, as he was supposed to have been partly the cause of the death of M. de Favras, who was engaged in a plot for the liberation of the King, which was unfortunately discovered. The King and Queen tried in vain to save him; he was condemned94 and put to death.
Mme. de Tourzel asserts that La Fayette helped to irritate the mob against him, and that he was afraid of de Favras’ intrigues95 against himself, as he was accused of plotting to murder Necker, Bailly, and La Fayette.
Pauline recovered from her illness and returned to Paris during the terrible days of October. Everything [217] was changed, the streets were unsafe to walk in, murders were frequent, bands of ruffians went about threatening and insulting every one whom they suspected or disliked. She fetched her two children back to the rue Chantereine, and resumed her charitable expeditions, though it was dangerous to walk about.
Society was split into opposing parties, infuriated against each other, quarrels and reproaches took the place of the friendly conversations and diversions of former days. It was not to be wondered at, and her own family once so united was now divided and estranged96.
M. de Beaune not only refused to receive or speak to the Vicomte de Noailles and La Fayette, but would scarcely allow Pauline to see her sisters, at any rate in his h?tel. When they were announced anywhere he took up his hat and left the house, and the banging of doors in the distance proclaimed his displeasure. It was worse when she was alone with her husband and his father in the evenings. Ever since the fall of the Bastille M. de Beaune had been anxious to emigrate with his family, and Pauline, who shared his opinions, had the same wish. But her husband disapproved97 of it, and the endless discussions and altercations98, in which M. de Beaune was irritated and violent, and his son quiet and respectful though resolute99, made her very unhappy.
Not that M. de Montagu shared the opinions of his brothers-in-law, he saw to what they had led. But he thought as many others did and still do, that emigration was a mistake, at any rate for the present, [218] that precipitation in the matter would irritate moderate men and many who were still undecided, and drive them into the ranks of the Revolutionists, especially if they saw the emigrés preparing to return with a foreign army to fight against their countrymen. What he hoped for was a rapprochement between the royalists and the moderate constitutional party, who, if united, might still save both the monarchy and the reforms. M. de Beaune laughed at the idea, and events prove him to be right; finally, as he could not convince his son, he set off alone.
Pauline remained at Paris with her husband, and in February they lost their younger child, Clotilde. The morning after she died, Pauline, who had been up with her all night, was told that Rosalie, who was living at the h?tel de Noailles, had just given birth to her first child.
She dressed, and doing all she could to remove the traces of tears, she prepared, in spite of her husband’s remonstrances100, to go to her sister, sat with her, talked with apparent cheerfulness, but exhausted101 by the effort, fell fainting to the ground, when she left her room.
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1
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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7
abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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9
interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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10
shrugged
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| vt.耸肩（shrug的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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11
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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12
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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13
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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14
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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dame
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| n.女士 | |
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aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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commonsense
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| adj.有常识的；明白事理的；注重实际的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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40
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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41
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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pensioners
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| n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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43
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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44
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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45
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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47
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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48
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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49
regenerate
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| vt.使恢复，使新生；vi.恢复，再生；adj.恢复的 | |
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50
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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51
mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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52
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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53
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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54
diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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55
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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57
babbles
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| n.胡言乱语( babble的名词复数 )；听不清的声音；乱哄哄的说话声v.喋喋不休( babble的第三人称单数 )；作潺潺声（如流水）；含糊不清地说话；泄漏秘密 | |
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58
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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exasperated
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| adj.恼怒的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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quell
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| v.压制，平息，减轻 | |
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orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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brigands
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| n.土匪，强盗( brigand的名词复数 ) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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cavalcade
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| n.车队等的行列 | |
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distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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estranged
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| adj.疏远的，分离的 | |
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disapproved
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| v.不赞成( disapprove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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altercations
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| n.争辩，争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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101
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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