Abyssinia had for fifteen years been left without an archbishop, when Abba Salama, a Coptic youth, nominated by the hundred and ninth occupant of the chair of Saint Mark, arrived at Gondar to enter upon the functions of his sacred office. Oubié, the tyrannical ruler of Tigré, had, with diplomatic sagacity, despatched an expensive mission to the Alexandrian Patriarch, to solicit2 a successor to the post so long vacant by the death of Abba Kérlos—a wily measure, involving the sacrifice, indeed, of lands and ecclesiastical revenues, but securing to himself a sure political preponderance among the manifold rulers in the North, who know no law but that of the strongest. Heretofore the dignity had invariably been conferred on some bigoted3 old monk4, extracted from one of the convents of Saint Anthony—the only monastic order recognised by the Coptic church. Much against his will, the patriarch elect was often dragged by force from his cloister5, where he had passed years of abstinence and mortification6, and being duly exalted7 to the episcopal throne, on which the residue8 of his days were to be passed, he never failed to impart a full share of ignorance and superstition9. But the new primate10, raised at the early age of twenty-two years to the pontificate of Ethiopia, and invested with despotic powers, proved, fortunately for the country, to be possessed11 of abilities of a very superior order, whilst his mind had been expanded by a liberal education at Cairo under the Reverend Dr Lieder, a pious12 and learned missionary13 of the Church of England.
One of the first steps of the new Abuna was to depute a confidential14 servitor to Shoa, as the bearer of a letter of compliments to myself, expressive15 of his desire to cultivate a friendly understanding, and urging on me a speedy visit to his court. War had for some months past been raging on the western frontier betwixt Góshoo, the ruler of Gojam, and his son Birroo, who had risen in open rebellion, and the messenger brought a confirmation17 of the long-rumoured defeat of the former, and of the forces of Ras Ali, which had been sent to his assistance. The return of killed and wounded is in this country never suffered to fall short of the reality, and on the present occasion it had certainly not lost by the distance it had travelled.
“It was a little before nightfall,” said the turbaned priest, “that the rival armies, countless18 as blades of grass, came in sight of each other at Ungátta, on the banks of the Suggara. Before the morning dawned, Birroo, who occupied the upper ground, moving down to the attack, secured the fords of the river. The action presently opened with a heavy fire of musketry and matchlocks, which did great execution. Five thousand warriors19 were slain—two thousand five hundred stand of arms were captured—Libán, who commanded, was, with several of his principal chiefs, taken prisoner—and Góshoo was compelled to seek the inviolable sanctuary20 afforded by the monastery21 of Dima Georgis. Five governors were hewn alive down the middle; and the conqueror22, after standing16 up to his neck in water for three days, as an atonement for the slaughter23 he had committed among a Christian24 people, sent to Ras Ali a horse with its mane, tail, and ears cut off, and a pair of new trousers greatly soiled, with a haughty25 message to the effect, that these were but types of the fate that yet awaited his liege lord!”
The month of January had now come round; and the arrival of queen Besábesh, who invariably precedes the movements of the court by one day, proclaimed the advent26 of the Negoos to celebrate at the capital the festivities of the Abyssinian Christmas. Her Majesty27 had become extremely indisposed from the long journey, and was desirous of receiving medical aid; but it being contrary to the court etiquette28 that the royal consort29 should be seen by any male, an interview could not be accorded. Seated in a small closed tent, the hand of the illustrious patient was passed outside through a tiny aperture30; and, although eunuchs further embarrassed conversation, a condescending31 voice inquired, in reply to some common-place civilities, on the part of Dr Kirk, “If I did not befriend the foreigners, pray who is there else to do so?”
Entertaining such a bigoted aversion to every Mohammadan custom, it cannot fail to appear singular that the licentious32 court of Shoa should have preserved one of the most objectionable—the seclusion33 of females. Yet such is the extreme jealousy34 on this point, that although from our first arrival the queen had expressed herself in the most friendly terms, and almost daily sent me through her maids of honour trifling35 presents of mead36 or bread, coupled with complimentary37 inquiries38, an introduction, under any circumstances, was quite impracticable.
From day to day, however, the most curious applications were still preferred for beads39, trinkets, cloth, and perfumery, and the utmost disappointment was evinced at my making no demand in return. “I possess honey and I possess butter, and have fowls40 and eggs in abundance,” was the undeviating message. “Why do not my children ask for what they want? All I have is theirs, for all that they have is mine!”
Even when residing at a distance, I continually received laconic41 notes on scrolls42 of parchment varying in breadth from one inch to three, bearing neither signature nor superscription, and tightly rolled up in wax. Their contents revealed some newly conceived fancy, such as might have been expected from a queen that eats raw beef. “The brass43 in your country is like gold,” formed the sum and substance of one epistle, “and you might therefore order the bracelets44 to be made of the pattern sent by the hands of Dinkenich;” (i.e. “She is beautiful.”—One of Her Majesty’s Abigails.) and again, “May this letter come to the hands of the English commander. Are you well? are you well? are you quite well? That the soap may not end quick, you will send it in large quantities, saith Besábesh.”
Not long after Her Majesty’s arrival, she sent me an unfortunate child, recently purchased from a Guráguê slave caravan45, with a request that Hubsheeri might be exchanged for some clear salad oil which had met with special approval “for medicine for the face;” and great surprise was elicited46 by my reply, “that such a course of proceeding47 would involve disgrace and criminality, inasmuch as the unchristian-like traffic in human beings was held in abhorrence48 beyond the great water.” But in this matter the Emábiet was not singular. Certain of the courtiers, who considered themselves under obligations, had previously49 tendered us “strong Shankela slaves” as a Christmas gift, and all had been equally at a loss to comprehend our motives50 in refusing.
Amongst the followers51 that I had brought from India was a native of Cabool, who acted in capacity of tailor, and his proficiency52 in the needle involved a most unreasonable53 tax upon his services. Day after day for weeks and months had he been in attendance at the palace; and when at length, under the royal eye, he had completed a sumptuous55 burnoos (cloak), on the elaborate embroidery56 of which half the treasures in the gemdjia house were lavished57, the king, in the plenitude of his munificence58, sent by the hands of Ayto Melkoo a shabby cotton cloth, value three shillings and sixpence, with a half-starved goat, and a message that “it was Christmas, and the tailor might eat.”
Hajji Mirza was furious. “Take back these gifts to your Shah,” he growled59 indignantly; “I want none of them. By the beard of the prophet, I’m the son of a Pathan; and praise be to Allah, the meanest overseer of a village in Afghanistán is possessed of greater liberality than Sáhela Selássie.”
This tirade60 had fortunately been delivered in a tongue not familiar to the ears of the king’s Master of the Horse, who was meanwhile diligently61 occupied with the Pathan’s needle and scissors. Having taken the bag out of his hands, and extracted a scrap62 of red cloth, he had carefully fashioned a minute cross, which, with elbows squared, he was now proceeding to stitch over a hole in the lower part of his striped cotton robe.
“Why do you do that?” inquired the tailor, peevishly63, in broken Amháric, not relishing64 the interference in his department, and anxious also to exhibit his own talents. “Let me darn it for you, and then there will be no blemish65.”
“No,” replied the party addressed, with great gravity declining the proffered66 assistance. “Don’t you know that the hole has been burnt, and therefore that it must be repaired with another colour?”
In Abyssinia, as in other parts of Christendom, the festival of the nativity is a season of frolic and rejoicing, during which people display the strength of their piety67 by the quantity of beef that they can consume; the principal difference being, that it is here eaten raw instead of roasted. Our cook, a Portuguese68 from Goa, had been frequently summoned to the palace for the royal edification in culinary matters, but although he was a bona fide Christian, and wore a “máteb” too, the king could never persuade himself to partake of any of the viands69 prepared by his hands. Loaf sugar being now employed in the manufacture of a Christmas cake, His Majesty, after attentively70 watching operations, enquired71, as a matter of course, “How they made it white? Was the ox whose blood was employed killed in the name of the holy Trinity?”
“Certainly not.”
“Then it might remain,” was the abrupt72 rejoinder. “Ye noor—I don’t want it; it doth not please me.”
The Abyssinians, assigning to the world an existence of 7334 years, refer the birth of Christ to the five thousand five hundredth after the creation. Thus eight years have been lost in the computation of time, and their Anno Domini 1834 corresponded with the Christian era 1842.
On the 4th of January, which was Christmas eve, the usual contest took place on the king’s meadow between the royal household and the dependents of the Purveyor-General and the Dedj Agafári. A cloth ball having been struck with a mall, a struggle for its possession follows, and the party by which it is thrice caught in succession being declared victorious73, enjoys the privilege of abusing the vanquished74 during the ensuing two days of festivity, the first of which is celebrated75 by the male, the second by the female portion of the population. Every tongue is unloosed; and the foulest76 slander77 may be heaped upon the most illustrious, as well as upon the holiest personages in the land, the monarch78 alone excepted.
His Majesty’s partisans79 gained the day, and we were summoned to the palace to witness their Christmas exhibition. Filling the courtyard, they danced and recited before the throne couplets defamatory of all the principal functionaries80 present, not omitting the Lord Bishop1, who appeared to consider himself infinitely81 complimented by the vices54 whereof he stood accused. Bodily imperfections were not overlooked; asses82 and dromedaries afforded frequent comparisons; and the fat of the corpulent State-Gaoler, who sat a witness to the festivities, was declared sufficient to light the entire capital during the approaching public entertainment, which, given at the expense of the defeated chiefs, closed the disgraceful Saturnalia in riot and debauchery.
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1
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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cloister
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| n.修道院；v.隐退，使与世隔绝 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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7
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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8
residue
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| n.残余，剩余，残渣 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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primate
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| n.灵长类（目）动物，首席主教；adj.首要的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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countless
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| adj.无数的，多得不计其数的 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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aperture
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| n.孔，隙，窄的缺口 | |
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condescending
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| adj.谦逊的,故意屈尊的 | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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mead
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| n.蜂蜜酒 | |
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complimentary
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| adj.赠送的，免费的，赞美的，恭维的 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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beads
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| n.（空心）小珠子( bead的名词复数 )；水珠；珠子项链 | |
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40
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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41
laconic
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| adj.简洁的；精练的 | |
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42
scrolls
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| n.（常用于录写正式文件的）纸卷( scroll的名词复数 )；卷轴；涡卷形（装饰）；卷形花纹v.（电脑屏幕上）从上到下移动（资料等），卷页( scroll的第三人称单数 )；（似卷轴般）卷起；（像展开卷轴般地）将文字显示于屏幕 | |
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43
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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45
caravan
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| n.大蓬车；活动房屋 | |
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46
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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48
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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51
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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52
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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53
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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54
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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55
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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56
embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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57
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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59
growled
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| v.（动物）发狺狺声， （雷）作隆隆声( growl的过去式和过去分词 )；低声咆哮着说 | |
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60
tirade
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| n.冗长的攻击性演说 | |
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61
diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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scrap
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| n.碎片；废料；v.废弃，报废 | |
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peevishly
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| adv．暴躁地 | |
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relishing
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| v.欣赏( relish的现在分词 )；从…获得乐趣；渴望 | |
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blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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viands
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| n.食品，食物 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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enquired
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| 打听( enquire的过去式和过去分词 )； 询问； 问问题； 查问 | |
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abrupt
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| adj.突然的，意外的；唐突的，鲁莽的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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asses
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| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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