Sir Robert Peel was sent for by the Queen. No difficulties were now raised about the Ladies of the Court, since the difficulty had been settled through the diplomacy11 of the Prince Consort12 and his well-intentioned, though pedantic13, adviser14, Baron15 Stockmar. In due time the following Administration was formed:—First Lord of the Treasury16, Sir Robert Peel; Lord Chancellor17, Lord Lyndhurst; Chancellor of the Exchequer18, Right Hon. H. Goulburn; President of the Council, Lord Wharncliffe; Privy19 Seal, Duke of Buckingham; Home Secretary, Sir J. Graham; Foreign Secretary, Earl of Aberdeen; Colonial Secretary, Lord Stanley; President of the Board of Control, Lord Ellenborough; President of the Board of Trade, Earl of Ripon; Secretary at War, Sir H. Hardinge; Treasurer20 of the Navy and Paymaster of the Forces, Sir E. Knatchbull. The Duke of Wellington was in the Cabinet without office. It was thus composed of thirteen members, but of these Wellington, Lyndhurst, Aberdeen, Stanley, and Graham were the only people of importance. Before the prorogation of Parliament on the 7th of October the Poor Law was continued until the end of the following July, and the financial deficit21 of £2,500,000 was provided for by the creation of £5,000,000 of new stock, half of which was devoted22 to the funding of Exchequer Bills.
On the reassembling of Parliament on the 3rd of February, 1842, Sir Robert Peel was confronted by a rapidly increasing demand for freedom of trade. Among the earliest of the Parliamentary champions of the people's right to cheap food was Mr. Villiers, afterwards President of the Poor Law Board. He became a pupil of Mr. M'Culloch, the author of the "Commercial Dictionary," who was also one of the soundest and most consistent advocates of commercial and fiscal23 reforms. The bold attacks of Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Canning upon commercial monopolies naturally excited his admiration24, and as a supporter of those statesmen he offered himself as a candidate for Hull25 at the general election in 1826. The election was lost by a small majority, and Mr. Villiers was afterwards called to the bar, became Secretary to the Master of the Rolls, and subsequently one of the Examiners in Chancery. At the general election in 1835 he presented himself as a candidate for Wolverhampton, avowing26 the same Free Trade principles which he had professed27 nine years before at Hull. It is said to have been at a meeting at Sir William Molesworth's, in 1837, that Mr. Villiers was strongly urged to take the opposition to the Corn Laws as his peculiar28 field of Parliamentary duty; and in that year he pledged himself at the hustings29 to move for their total repeal, an object at that time generally regarded as too wild and hopeless to be undertaken seriously by a practical statesman. On the 15th of March, 1838, Mr. Villiers rose in Parliament to make the first of those motions on the Corn Laws with which he afterwards became associated in the public mind. Scarcely any excitement was caused by this discussion. It seems, indeed, to have been regarded rather as an exercise in political speaking by some who viewed the matter in a philosophic31, rather than in a practical light, and who had no real expectation of success. Only one of the ministers[480] was present during a debate which was destined32, in its annual reappearance, to become so formidable to the party of monopoly; and this Minister, it was remarked by one speaker, appeared to be taking "his evening siesta," doubtless "owing to weariness induced by his close attention to official duties"—a remark which elicited33 loud laughter. It must be confessed, however, that the slumber34 of the Minister was no unfit representation of the want of faith in Corn Law Repeal which existed out of doors. It was certain that nothing but pressure from without could obtain even a modification35 of those laws in the teeth of the all-powerful aristocracy and their representatives in the Commons; but as yet the country took little part in the great question of the final emancipation36 of British industry. For a repeal of the Poor Laws there had been presented to the House not less than 235 petitions, with 190,000 signatures. The agitation37—chiefly supported by the Times newspaper and a few Socialistic reformers, like Mr. Fielden, against the law which, harsh as it seemed, was at bottom a really wise and humane38 measure for raising the people from that condition of acquiescence39 in misery40 and degradation41 to which the bad legislation of past years had so powerfully contributed to reduce them—had assumed formidable dimensions, and stirred the country in every part; but for a repeal of the law which in every way depressed42 the energies of the people, only a few petitions, bearing at most about 24,000 signatures, had been presented.
QUEEN VICTORIA. (After a Portrait painted about the time of her Accession.)
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[481]
DUNFORD, NEAR MIDHURST, WHERE COBDEN WAS BORN.
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While the landed interest were thus showing their determination to maintain, at all hazards, the laws for preventing the importation of foreign corn, a spirit of opposition had been growing up in the large manufacturing towns of Lancashire and Yorkshire, which, though only partially43 shared in by the working classes, was already significant of the approaching downfall of the system of monopoly. The first use made by Manchester of its constitution as a political borough10 by the Reform Act was to send to Parliament Mr. Poulett Thomson and Mr. Mark Philips, two members long conspicuous44 in the House for the zeal45 and ability with which they supported the principles of Free Trade. The Manchester newspapers generally advocated the same views; and Manchester became regarded as the centre of the Anti-Corn Law agitation. No organised movement, however, had yet been attempted. A series of good harvests from 1832 to 1835 rendered it extremely difficult to arouse public attention to the injustice46 which the bread law invariably inflicted47 in less favourable48 circumstances. Nevertheless, the effort was made. In January, 1834, a meeting of merchants and manufacturers was held in the Manchester Exchange Committee-room, to consider how the cause of Corn Law Repeal was to be forwarded, at which some powerful speeches were delivered by the members for the borough and other speakers of influence. A committee was appointed, which timidly endeavoured to avoid the appearance of a political agitation and finally ended by doing nothing. But soon the desultory50 opposition to the bread tax of the Manchester Chamber51 of Commerce—a body which had only presented one petition on the subject in seven years—was no longer sufficient to represent the feeling of that great centre of industry. Seven men united themselves in the month of October, 1838, to advocate the freedom of trade. The names of those seven members are now scarcely remembered out of Manchester, with the exception of Mr. Archibald Prentice, the historian of the League, whose newspaper, the Manchester Times, had fought with considerable talent, and with inexhaustible energy on the side of all the great reforms of this important period in our history. In that newspaper for the 13th of October a list of the Provisional Committee of a new Anti-Corn Law Association was for the first time published. It comprised thirty-seven names, chiefly of Manchester manufacturers, and ended with the modest[482] note that "Subscriptions52, 5s. each, would be received by the members of that committee." Such was the simple origin of that vast movement which, a few years later, compelled the very chiefs of the landowners' party in Parliament to become the instruments for carrying out measures more sweeping53 than even the most ardent54 Free Traders had regarded as possible. But men of influence were beginning to join the movement. The list of the Provisional Committee contained at least one name which afterwards became famous—that of Mr. John Bright. Three of them became members of Parliament at a later date, and another, Mr. George Wilson, was afterwards known as the permanent chairman of the League.
The name of the leader of the new movement, however, had not yet been added to the list. Mr. Bright, whose residence was at Rochdale, had not begun to give personal aid to the cause, and was scarcely known out of his native town, where his efforts to improve the moral and social condition of the working classes had, however, long made him conspicuous among his fellow-townsmen. The name of Richard Cobden, which appears in the additional list of the committee published a short time afterwards, was one more familiar in Manchester ears. Mr. Cobden was the son of a yeoman at Dunford, near Midhurst, in Sussex. Beginning with small advantages, he had become a successful tradesman. In the course of 1835 a pamphlet was published by him under the title, "England, Ireland, and America." It was followed by a second pamphlet entitled "Russia; by a Manchester Manufacturer." In these writings he advocated peace and retrenchment55, and reprobated a panic fear of Russia. But he was soon to advocate more important reforms.
Meanwhile, the first municipal election under the Manchester Charter of Incorporation56 had been held, at which Mr. Cobden, and a number of other gentlemen professing57 Free Trade views, had been chosen aldermen, not without formidable opposition. At a meeting held at Leeds, and attended by seven or eight thousand persons, the Chartists, under Mr. Feargus O'Connor, resisted the resolutions of the Free Traders, on the ground that the movement was one only intended to give the manufacturers power to lower the wages of their workmen—a mistaken doctrine58, but one not altogether without support in the writings of the Free Trade party, some of whom, with the common propensity59 of zealous60 advocates for adopting doubtful arguments as well as good ones in support of their objects, had put forth61 the statement that the British manufacturer required cheap food in order to get cheap labour, and thus to compete the better with foreign producers. The opposition of the Chartists created great confusion at almost every meeting held under the auspices62 of the Manchester Association. Bread, however, continued to rise, and the task of the Association in rousing the country became easier.
Subscriptions began to pour in for the Association, and the work went on. The year 1839 opened with bright prospects64 for the Anti-Corn Law crusade. Times were, indeed, changed since pseudo-Liberals had been able to make the apathy65 of the country an excuse for withholding66 aid from those who had, on principle, continued to demand justice in the matter of the poor man's loaf. The movement was rapidly becoming general. Mr. Villiers had prophesied68 in the last Session of Parliament that the day was not far distant when the landed interest would be compelled to treat this question with respect, and abandon the practice of shouting down the advocates of Free Trade in the Legislature. That day had now arrived, and sooner, probably, than the prophet himself had expected it. There was scarcely a large town or thickly populated district in Great Britain which had not moved, or which was not about to petition Parliament against the bread-tax. In many cases political differences were not allowed to hinder the common fellowship of citizens having such an object as the overthrow69 of a system that threatened to convert the mercantile community into a mass of bankruptcy71, and to involve all classes in deep distress72.
From the manufacturing districts the movement was spreading to the metropolis73, where usually there had been but little attention paid to this important subject. The various trades of London began to take part in the preparation of petitions, and to hold meetings. At some of these the working men carried resolutions against the petitions; and they made similar, though unsuccessful, attempts in various towns. But it was remarked that even while refusing to take preliminary measures for procuring74 relief from the bread-tax, they declared its injustice; in fact, the savage75 mood to which the prevalent distress was bringing the labouring classes began to manifest itself in a determination to postpone76 every question save that of their claim to a share of political power. They were not friendly to the middle class; but their ill-will could not be cited even as a proof of their indifference77 to the continuance of the Corn Law system.
[483]
On the 12th of March, 1839, Mr. Villiers again moved for a committee of the whole House to take into consideration the Act regulating the importation of foreign corn, and the Manchester delegates were once more in London to watch the progress of events. On this occasion the House again decided78, by 342 votes to 195, not to take the subject into consideration. The defeat was of course expected; but the members of the Association immediately assembled again, and issued an address to the public, in which for the first time they recommended the formation of a permanent union, to be called the Anti-Corn Law League, and to be composed of all the towns and districts represented in the delegation80, and as many others as might be induced to form Anti-Corn Law associations, and to join the League. Delegates from the different local associations were to meet for business from time to time at the principal towns represented; but in order to secure unity70 of action, it was proposed that the central office of the League should be established at Manchester, and that to its members should be entrusted81 the duties of engaging lecturers, obtaining the co-operation of the public press, establishing and conducting a stamped periodical publication, and keeping up a constant correspondence with the local associations. The delegates then parted, becoming so many local missionaries82 for spreading the doctrines83 of the new crusade. The Manchester Association had issued a large number of handbills and placards. It now began to publish more largely and systematically84 a series of pamphlets. Among these were "Facts for Farmers," in which it was shown to demonstration85 that, whatever might be the interest of the landowners, their tenants87 had no real share in the benefits of their monopoly. The cheapness of the publications secured them an extraordinary sale wherever political questions were discussed. Mr. Villiers's speech, extending to thirty-two closely printed pages, was sold at three halfpence; Mr. Poulett Thomson's speech, occupying sixteen pages, at three farthings. When the appeals were made to the electors of the kingdom during the height of the agitation, as many as half a million each of the more popular tracts88 were issued at a time. In accordance with the resolution passed by the League at its formation in London, a fortnightly organ of the new movement was started on the 16th of April. Its title was the Anti-Corn Law Circular. A preliminary address announced that a copy of the paper would be regularly forwarded to every newspaper, review, and magazine in the empire. The first number contained a "Modern History of the Corn Laws," by Richard Cobden, with various information on the progress of the movement. Meanwhile the work of lecturing went on. Free Trade missionaries were dispatched to all parts, and, to the annoyance89 of the landlords, even preached their obnoxious90 doctrines to audiences in smock frocks in the agricultural towns and villages, where the views of the country party had hitherto held undisputed sway. Among the most remarkable91 of these speakers was Colonel Perronet Thompson, who, by his celebrated92 "Catechism of the Corn Laws," and his other writings, had done perhaps more than any other man of his time to confute the fallacies of the Protectionist party. The clear and terse93 style, the shrewd reasoning power, the apt and homely94 illustration, and, above all, the hearty95 sincerity96 and good temper of this remarkable man, were equally acceptable among the most refined or the least educated audiences.
In the same field was to be found the poet Ebenezer Elliott, the "Corn Law Rhymer." By his addresses to his fellow-townsmen of Sheffield, his remonstrances97 with the infatuated followers98 of O'Connor, who fancied that their own cause was opposed to that of the Manchester League, and by his powerful "Corn Law Rhymes," Elliott rendered services to the movement of the highest value. A good specimen99 of Elliott's powers of versification is afforded by the following song:—
"Child, is thy father dead?"
"Father is gone!
Why did they tax his bread?
God's will be done!
Mother has sold her bed;
Better to die than wed30:
Where shall she lay her head?
Home we have none!
"Father clammed[3] thrice a week,
God's will be done!
Long for work did he seek,
Work he found none.
Tears on his hollow cheek
Told what no tongue could speak;
Why did his master break?
God's will be done!
"Doctor said air was best—
Food we had none;
Father, with panting breast,
Groaned100 to be gone.
Now he is with the blest!
Mother says death is best!
We have no place of rest."
"Yes, ye have one!"
The opening of the year 1840 saw no flagging in the efforts of the Manchester men to bring forward the question, which the Annual Register had just regarded as finally set at rest. It had[484] been determined that a great meeting of delegates should be held in that city. There was no hall large enough to hold half of the then members even of the local association, and it was therefore resolved to construct one. Mr. Cobden owned nearly all of the land then unbuilt on in St. Peter's Field—the very site of the Peterloo massacre101 of 1819. In eleven days one hundred men constructed on this spot a temporary pavilion, which afterwards gave place to the permanent Free Trade Hall, which long continued to be the favourite scene of great political meetings. The Manchester Times described the pavilion as comprising an area of nearly 16,000 square feet. It contained seats for dining 3,800 persons, and 500 more were admitted after the dinner. Among the most conspicuous speakers at the banquet were Daniel O'Connell, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Milner Gibson; but perhaps the most interesting feature in the proceedings102 was the operatives' banquet, which took place on the following day. Five thousand working men, overlooked by their wives, sisters, and daughters in the galleries, sat down on that occasion. It was evident from this that the people were emancipating103 themselves from the advice of evil counsellors, and were beginning to see the importance to their interests of the movement of the League.
Mr. Villiers renewed his motion on the 26th of May, 1840, after the presentation of petitions in support of his views bearing a quarter of a million of signatures. These signs of the growth of public opinion had no effect upon the House. There was a fixed104 determination to give neither Mr. Villiers nor the petitioners105 a fair hearing. He was assailed106 with a volley of every kind of uncouth107 sounds. The Speaker's calls to order were utterly108 disregarded, and it was not until, losing patience, he commanded the bar to be cleared, and members to take their seats, that the advocate of Free Trade could be heard by the reporters. It was useless to carry on the discussion amid this deafening109 clamour. Lord John Russell weakly demanded what the Government could do when a majority of the House was against any alteration110 in the law, and said he would vote for the motion, but not with a view to total repeal, as his own opinion was in favour of a moderate fixed duty. The House again divided, when 300 members voted for the landlords' monopoly, against only 177 in favour of inquiry111.
While these events were occurring in London, renewed signs of that terrible Irish difficulty which, in the end, played so prominent a part in hastening the conversion112 of the party who had opposed Free Trade, began to be forced upon the attention of public men. On the 6th of June the Limerick Reporter stated that at Listowel the state of the poor was awful and deplorable, potatoes being sixteen pence a stone, and there being no employment. One morning a boat, containing 560 barrels of oats, while waiting for the steamer at Garry Kennedy harbour, on its way to Limerick, was boarded by a large body of the populace, who possessed113 themselves of part of the grain. The police were sent for, but did not arrive in time to save the property. The Dublin Pilot reported that the people of Limerick, prompted by the cravings of hunger, had broken out in violent attacks on the flour stores and provision shops throughout the city, sparing none in their devastation114. Flour was openly seized and distributed by the ringleaders among the populace. The crowd was at length dispersed115 by the military, and the mayor called a meeting of the inhabitants, to provide some means of meeting the distress. In the meanwhile, ten tons of oatmeal had been distributed among the most wretched, which was stated for the present to have satisfied their cravings. These things, it was remarked, took place while corn and flour, to the amount of four or five millions sterling116, might, in a few weeks, be had in exchange for our manufactured goods.
When such facts as these, again and again urged upon the attention of the legislators, failed to produce any practical result, it became evident to the leaders of the League that they must do something more than be the educators of the people in the principles of Free Trade. One of the ablest of the London newspapers, which was friendly to their cause, had warned them that nothing could be done in the House of Commons until they could send members there expressly to support their views. The fact was that the party which had an interest in opposing the Registration117 Bill returned some forty or fifty members; while the Corn Law Leaguers, as yet, returned not one. The Leaguers were now aroused to the importance of this branch of their tactics. The first fruit of this policy was seen in December, when the borough of Walsall being declared vacant, led to a contest long after remembered in the history of the movement. The Leaguers failed; but their failing was not barren. Captain Lyttelton, a Whig, and Mr. Gladstone, brother of the distinguished118 statesman were the two candidates on this occasion. The League sent a deputation to[485] test the candidates on the question of Corn Law Repeal, intending to give all their influence to the Whig candidate, if he pledged himself to advocate their objects. There was then no hope for assistance from Tory statesmen; and the League determined to bring forward a new candidate, in the person of Mr. J. B. Smith, one of the most prominent of their own body, and then President of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. Amid disturbances119 during which the military were called in, Mr. Gladstone was returned, but by the narrow majority only of 362, against 335 votes given for the League candidate. This event created a strong impression; but it was but the beginning of the efforts of the League in this field, which were destined again and again to be crowned with a more successful issue. At the general election of 1841, however, the League was powerless against the Conservative majority, though Mr. Cobden was returned for Stockport.
THE MOB BOARDING THE GRAIN SHIP AT GARRY KENNEDY. (See p. 484.)
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Meanwhile the country continued to suffer from a great wave of trade depression. Gloom and discontent were throughout the land; and the Home Secretary of the new Administration afterwards stated that there was hardly a day during this period when he had not found it necessary to have personal communication with the Horse Guards, as well as with the heads of the police in the metropolis, and in the manufacturing districts. There seemed, indeed, to be no limit to the distress of the people. In Carlisle a committee of inquiry into the state of the town reported that one-fourth of their population was living in a state bordering on absolute starvation. In a population of 22,000 they found 5,561 individuals reduced to such a state of suffering that immediate79 relief had become necessary to save them from actual famine. Terrible accounts from other and far distant neighbourhoods showed how widespread was the evil. The manufacturers of the West of England appointed a committee to consider the distressed120 state of that district. Taking the town of Bradford, in Wilts121, as an example, the committee reported that of the nineteen manufacturers carrying on business there in 1820, nine had failed, five had declined business from want of success, one[486] had taken another trade, and two only remained. Of 462 looms122, 316 were entirely123 out of work, and only 11 in full employment; and this distress, it must be remembered, could not be traced to one great overwhelming cause, like that of the failure of the cotton supplies of a later day. The blight124 that had spread over the field of British industry was to most men a puzzle; but the West of England committee, after reporting that the same condition of things existed at Chalford, Stroud, Ulley, Wotton, Dursley, Frome, Trowbridge, etc., did not hesitate to declare that the depression of trade that was destroying capital, and pauperising the working classes was attributable to the legislation on the principle of protection. A public meeting was held at Burnley in the summer of 1842 to memorialise the Queen on the prevailing126 distress. At a great public conference of ministers of religion, held in Manchester in the previous autumn, it had been resolved that the existing Corn Laws were "impolitic in principle, unjust in operation, and cruel in effect;" that they were "opposed to the benignity127 of the Creator, and at variance128 with the very spirit of Christianity." This conference, which extended over an entire week of meetings, held both morning and evening, was attended by nearly 700 ministers. Their proceedings filled an entire volume, and attracted considerable attention throughout the kingdom. Similar conferences were afterwards held in a great number of towns.
In the face of such facts it was clear that something must be done, even by a Protectionist Ministry130, to diminish the effect of the growing belief that bad legislation was at the bottom of the country's difficulties. In the spring men had looked eagerly for the Budget of the new Ministry. It had been bitterly remarked that at the time when Parliament was prorogued131 there were nearly 21,000 persons in Leeds whose average earnings132 were only 11-3/4 d. per week—that in one district in Manchester alone a gentleman had visited 258 families, consisting of 1,029 individuals, whose average earnings were only 7? d. per head a week; and that while millions were in this deplorable condition, the duty on wheat stood at 24s. 8d. a quarter, and Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues demanded four months' leisure at their country abodes133 before they would permit the Legislature to take the distress of the people into consideration. At length came the meeting of Parliament, at which the Queen in person read the Speech prepared by her Ministers. It acknowledged with deep regret "the continued distress in the manufacturing districts," and that the sufferings and privations which had resulted from it had been "borne with exemplary patience and forbearance." Finally, her Majesty134 recommended to the consideration of both Houses "the laws which affect the import of corn and other articles." What was the intention of the Ministers was not then known; but it was already understood that, unlike their rivals, who had proposed a fixed duty, the new Government would attempt some modification of the sliding scale. In the account of these transactions which Sir Robert Peel left to be published by his executors after his death, he says:—"One of the first acts of the Government over which I presided (the Government of August, 1841) was to propose a material change in the Corn Law of 1828. I brought the subject under the consideration of my colleagues by means of written memoranda135, in preference to proposals made verbally. In the first of these memoranda I recommended my colleagues to undertake the revision of the Corn Laws of 1828, as an act of the Government. In the second, after I had procured136 their assent137 to the principle of revision, I submitted a proposal in respect to the extent to which such revision should be carried, and to the details of the new law." Then were seen the first symptoms of that estrangement138 from his party which reached its climax139 in 1846. Glaring as was the necessity for change, and evident as it was, even to the body of the landowners, that they must choose between the mild reform of Peel and the more objectionable measure of his antagonists140, there were members of the Cabinet who would still have held out for no concession141. The Duke of Buckingham retired142 from the Ministry, and the Duke of Richmond refused to allow his son to move the Address.
The statement of the Ministerial measure on the Corn Laws was fixed for the 9th of February. At five o'clock the Ministers moved that the paragraph in the Queen's Speech relating to the Corn Laws be read by the Clerk. This having been done, and the House having resolved itself into a committee to consider the laws relating to corn, Sir Robert Peel proceeded to explain the measure which he was about to introduce for their modification. The reception of the Premier143's statement was not flattering. Listened to in watchful144 silence till he unfolded the details of the new sliding scale, he was then hailed from the Opposition benches with shouts of triumphant derision. The Whigs were relieved at finding that at least his measure was not calculated to be more popular[487] out of doors than the fixed duty which they had proposed; but from his own side Sir Robert received little support. His customary cheerers were mute, and round him were black faces when he spoke145 of not wishing corn prices to range higher than 54s. to 58s. Towards the close of his speech there was a painful inattention, to which he could not refrain from alluding146. The dead silence which prevailed while he was reading the proposed scale was followed, when he had concluded, by a great deal of laughter along the line of the Opposition benches, and a loud buzz of conversation on both sides of the House ensued, which did not quite subside147 during the remainder of the speech. The details of the measure were recapitulated148 by the Minister as follow:—
"When corn is at 59s., and under 60s., the duty at present is 27s. 8d. When corn is between those prices, the duty I propose is 13s. When the price of corn is at 50s. the existing duty is 36s. 8d., increasing as the price falls; instead of which I propose, when corn is at 50s. that the duty shall only be 20s., and that that duty shall in no case be exceeded. At 56s. the existing duty is 30s. 8d.; the duty I propose at that price is 16s. At 60s. the existing duty is 26s. 8d.; the duty I propose at that price is 12s. At 63s. the existing duty is 23s. 8d.; the duty I propose is 9s. At 64s. the existing duty is 22s. 8d.; the duty I propose is 8s. At 70s. the existing duty is 10s. 8d.; the duty I propose is 5s. Therefore it is impossible to deny, on comparing the duty which I propose with that which exists at present, that it will cause a very considerable decrease of the protection which the present duty affords to the home grower, a decrease, however, which in my opinion can be made consistently with justice to all the interests concerned."
In the comments with which he concluded his speech there were some signs of progress in the development of Free Trade ideas in the mind of the perplexed149 and trammelled Minister, which are interesting to read by the light of his later career. He still maintained, in deference150 to the views of those who surrounded him, that it was the duty of the Legislature to take precautions to ensure that the main source of our supply of food should be derived151 from domestic agriculture; but he admitted that any protection, beyond what would compensate152 for the alleged153 special burdens upon agriculture, could only be vindicated154 on the ground that it was for the interest of all classes of the community. Mr. Cobden, who in the autumn of the previous year had been returned for Stockport, said a few words after the speech. He declared himself not surprised at the position, constituted as the Government was; for he had not, he said, expected to gather grapes of thistles; but he denounced the sliding scale as an insult to a suffering people. Following him, Lord John Russell gave notice that he should move a resolution to the effect that it was not advisable in any alteration of the Corn Laws to adopt the principle of a graduated sliding scale; and Mr. Villiers gave notice that, on going into committee, he should take the sense of the House on the policy of imposing155 any duty whatever on the foreign corn or food imported into the country. The debate on Sir Robert Peel's proposition began on Monday, the 14th of February, and reached the close of its first stage on Wednesday, when Lord John Russell's motion was negatived by a majority of 123, in a House of 575. Mr. Villiers's motion was debated for five nights more, and finally negatived by a majority of 393 to 90. The Whigs now gave the people to understand that the eight shilling duty of the year before was abandoned, and that if they were again in power they would propose a lower sum. In Parliament the position of the Minister was by no means an enviable one. The Free Traders pressed him closely with questions which must have made him feel still more strongly the embarrassing part which he was compelled to play. In the House of Lords the Corn Importation Bill was passed with slight opposition. Lord Brougham proposed a resolution in favour of a perfectly156 free trade in corn, which was negatived. A resolution, moved by Lord Melbourne, in favour of a fixed duty, was also negatived by a majority of 117 to 49.
Before this, however, the financial statement for the year had been made, and for awhile the Corn Law question was suspended for the country to recover from its astonishment157 at finding in the Minister of the Conservative party one of the boldest reformers of our tariff who had ever occupied the Ministerial benches. But yesterday his position had appeared one of the greatest difficulty, in which a cautious hold upon the established sources of revenue, with some well-balanced proposals for additional taxes, was all that could be expected. He had not the good fortune of Mr. Goulburn or Lord Althorp in having a surplus to dispose of. The Whig Government had bequeathed to their successors a deficit, which had been increasing from year to year, with a revenue falling off even in the face of new taxes. How[488] was the deficit to be met was the question which filled the mouths of public men; a question which was answered by the famous financial statement of Sir Robert Peel on the 11th of March. After showing that the deficiency for the coming year would be little short of £2,500,000, and that this deficiency might be expected to be considerably159 augmented160 by the position of affairs in India and China, the Minister declared that he would not consent to resort to the miserable161 expedient162 of continual loans. He declared that he would not attempt to impose burdens upon the labouring classes, and that if he did, recent experience had shown that they would be defeated. In fact, the country had arrived at the limits of taxation163 upon articles of consumption. After ridiculing164 the various suggestions of people who were constantly sending him projects for taxes on pianofortes, umbrellas, and other articles, accompanied with claims of very large percentages upon the proceeds, he acknowledged the principle laid down by financiers that increased revenue may be obtained by taking off the taxes which pressed upon industry, but declared that the first effect was always a diminution165 in revenue, and that time was found necessary to restore the amount. In these circumstances, he stated what the measure was which, under a deep conviction of its necessity, he was prepared to propose, and which, he was persuaded, would benefit the country, not only in her pecuniary166 interests, but in her security and character. His scheme was this: he proposed, for a period to be limited, an income tax of not more than 3 per cent., from which he would exempt167 all incomes under £150, and in which he would include not only landed but funded property. Sir Robert Peel calculated that the tax would yield £3,350,000 a year, a sum which, with an addition to the spirit duties in Ireland, and an export duty of 4s. on coals, would not only cover the existing deficiency, but enable him to remit168 indirect taxes to the amount of £1,200,000. The sliding scale had brought little credit to the Minister, and the income tax was in its nature an unpopular measure; but the proposal to reduce the custom duties on 750 out of the 1,200 articles in the tariff—to remove prohibitions169 altogether (in itself a vast concession to Free Trade doctrines)—to reduce the duties on raw materials of manufactures to five per cent. or less—to keep the duties on articles partially manufactured under twelve per cent., and on articles wholly manufactured under twenty per cent., was a scheme which excited general admiration. The measure was, indeed, contested by the Whig Opposition at every stage. The preliminary resolutions were debated for eight nights. There were many of Sir Robert Peel's old supporters who looked on the financial plan with distrust, as being founded, in a great measure, avowedly170 on those principles of political economy which they had been accustomed to sneer171 at; but, in truth, it was not unfavourable to the interests of their party. We have already seen that the new tax—at least, if a temporary one—was calculated to impose a far greater burden upon the manufacturing and moneyed class than upon the landowners; in fact, by exempting172 incomes under £150 a year, and assessing land only upon its net rental173, the burden was imposed almost entirely upon that middle class which was the especial object of the dislike of Tories of the more advanced kind. At the same time, by cheapening articles of general consumption, the Minister did something towards securing popularity among the working classes, who, as exemplified in the Chartist agitation, were not always disposed to take part against the landowners. The Income Tax Bill passed, after considerable opposition in the Commons. An amendment174 proposed by Lord John Russell was rejected by a vote of 302 to 202, and another amendment, proposing the reading of the Bill on that day six months, having been thrown out on the 18th of April by a vote of 285 to 188, the third reading was carried by a majority of 130 on the 30th of May. No debate took place in the Lords until the third reading, when the Bill passed by a majority of 71.
The amended175 copy of the proposed tariff was laid on the table of the House of Commons on the 5th of May; and its details explained by the Premier in a speech which served to bring out still more strongly the anomalous176 position in which he was placed. His speech was a long elaborate statement distinguished for its excellent temper, its clearness, and, above all, by its singularity as delivered by the Conservative leader. He went over all the sections of his subject, showing how the removal of prohibitions would benefit everybody; how the reduction of duties on raw materials would stimulate177 trade; how the diminished duties on provisions would make living cheaper for all; and how the lesser178 protection to manufactures would injure none. Such, he said, were the grounds of the change which it was his intention to carry through; adding, "I know that many gentlemen who are strong advocates for Free Trade may consider that I have not gone far enough. I believe that on the general principle[489] of Free Trade there is now no great difference of opinion, and that all agree in the general rule that we should purchase in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest." Loud cheers from the Opposition benches here interrupted him. Turning in the direction of the cheerers, he said, "I know the meaning of that cheer. I do not now wish to raise a discussion on the Corn Laws or the sugar duties. I have stated the grounds, on more than one occasion, why I consider these exceptions to the general rule, and I will not go into the question now. I know that I may be met with the complaints of gentlemen opposite of the limited extent to which I have applied179 the general principle to which I have adverted180 to these important articles. I thought, after the best consideration I could give to the subject, that if I proposed a greater change in the Corn Laws than that which I submitted to the consideration of the House, I should only aggravate181 the distresses182 of the country, and only increase the alarm which prevailed among important interests. I think that I have proposed, and the Legislature has sanctioned, as great a change in the Corn Laws as was prudent183, considering the engagements existing between landlord and tenant86, and also the large amount of capital which has been applied to the cultivation184 of the soil. Under these circumstances, I think that we have made as great a change as was consistent with the nature of the subject."
RICHARD COBDEN. (From a Photograph by Messrs. W. and D. Downey.)
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The Free Trade journals did not fail to observe that what they called "this remarkable lecture on Free Trade, Protection, and smuggling185, delivered from the Tory Treasury bench," was wound up by the avowal186 that the principles of Free Trade were now beyond a question, and that the rule to buy in the cheapest market and sell in the dearest was[490] the only valid187 theory of commerce. In the House some opposition was offered to the reduction of duties on pigs, apples, butter, fish, and other articles; but the Government proposals were affirmed by large majorities, except in the case of apples, which were made to pay 6d. in the bushel. The Opposition, however, raised the old question of the sugar duties, which had been omitted from the list of changes; but the Chancellor of the Exchequer declined to give way, and the Tariff Bill passed the Commons on the 28th of June. It was fiercely debated in the Upper House, but the Whigs did not carry any material amendments188.
The vast development of the coal trade, which contributed so materially to our national prosperity, occasioned the employment of a large number of persons at high rates of wages. Upwards189 of 118,000 people were working in coal mines. In the county of Durham there were more persons thus employed under ground than in cultivating the surface. It was a kind of work at which women and children could earn money, and in some of the collieries their labour was made available to a very large extent. It may be supposed that this practice entailed190 upon the boys and girls so employed the most serious evils, physical and moral. When this state of things began to attract public attention, an extensive inquiry was instituted by the Children's Employment Commission, which prepared three reports, presented to Parliament in 1842. The Commissioners192 collected a large mass of evidence at the collieries which brought to light facts of the most astounding193 nature as to the cruelty and demoralisation connected with the employment of women and children in coal mines. It seemed almost incredible that such practices could have existed in a civilised country, and showed the extent to which the thirst for gain will carry men, under circumstances where they can count upon impunity194, and evade195 the censure196 of public opinion. Lord Ashley took up the subject with his usual earnestness in all questions affecting the welfare of the working classes, and in the Session of 1842 he brought in a Bill founded upon the reports of the Commission. The statement of facts with which he introduced the measure excited the astonishment and indignation of the House, and greatly shocked the moral sense of the country. The nature of the employment in which the children were engaged was calculated to brutalise them in every sense. They were obliged to crawl along the low passages with barely room for their persons in that posture197, each dragging a load of coals in a cart by means of a chain which was fastened to a girdle borne round the waist, the chain passing between the legs. This they dragged through a passage often not as good as a common sewer198, in an atmosphere almost stifling199. At this sort of work girls were employed as well as boys, and they commonly worked quite naked down to the waist, their only dress being a pair of loose trousers, and in this condition they were obliged to serve adult colliers who worked without any clothing at all. The grossest immorality200 was the natural consequence. In Scotland a subcommission found one little girl, six years of age, carrying an eight-stone weight, fourteen times a day, a journey equal in distance to the height of St. Paul's Cathedral. The Commissioner191 adds, "And it not unfrequently happens that the tugs201 break, and the load falls upon those females who are following, who are, of course, struck off the ladders. However incredible it may be, yet I have taken the evidence of fathers who have ruptured202 themselves by straining to lift coals on to their children's backs." The Bill of Lord Ashley was passed almost unanimously by the Commons. In the Lords it was subjected to considerable opposition, and some amendments were introduced. The amendments were adopted by the Commons, and on the 10th of August, 1842, the Act was passed "to prohibit the employment of women and girls in mines and collieries, to regulate the employment of boys, and to make other provisions relating to persons working therein." The Act prohibited the employment of any boys under ground in a colliery who were under the age of ten years.
The example of Oxford203, who made an attempt on the life of the Queen, was followed by another crazy youth, named Francis, excited by a similar morbid204 passion for notoriety. On the 29th of May, 1842, the Queen and Prince Albert were returning to Buckingham Palace down Constitution Hill in a barouche and four, when a man who had been leaning against the wall of the palace garden went up to the carriage, drew a pistol from his pocket, and fired at the Queen. Her Majesty was untouched, and seemed unaware205 of the danger. The assassin was observed by Prince Albert, and pointed49 out by him to one of the outriders, who dismounted to pursue him; but he had been at once arrested by other persons. The carriage, which was driving at a rapid pace, no sooner arrived at the palace, than a messenger was sent to the Duchess of Kent to announce the Queen's danger and her safety. The prisoner, John[491] Francis, the son of a machinist or stage carpenter at Covent Garden Theatre, having been twice examined by the Privy Council, was committed to Newgate for trial at the Central Criminal Court on a charge of shooting at the Queen with a loaded pistol. He was only twenty years of age. The trial of Francis took place on the 17th of June, before Chief Justice Tindal, Baron Gurney, and Justice Patteson. The principal witness was Colonel Arbuthnot, one of the equerries who was riding close to the Queen when the shot was fired, and cried out to a policeman, "Secure him!" which was done. Colonel Wylde, another equerry, with several other witnesses, corroborated206 the testimony207 of Colonel Arbuthnot; and it appeared that Francis had on the previous day pointed a pistol at the Queen, though he did not fire. For the defence it was alleged that the attempt was the result of distress, and that the prisoner had no design to injure the Queen. The jury retired, and in about half an hour returned into court with a verdict of "Guilty," finding that the pistol was loaded with some destructive substance, besides the wadding and powder. Chief Justice Tindal immediately pronounced sentence of death for high treason, that he should be hanged, beheaded, and divided into four quarters. The sentence was commuted208 to transportation for life.
Even this example was not sufficient to protect her Majesty from the criminal attempts of miscreants209 of this class. Another was made on the 3rd of July following, as the Queen was going from Buckingham Palace to the Chapel210 Royal, accompanied by Prince Albert and the King of the Belgians. In the Mall, about half way between the palace and the stable-yard gate, a deformed211 youth was seen by a person named Bassett to present a pistol at the Queen's carriage. Bassett seized him and brought him to the police; but they refused to take him in charge, treating the matter as a hoax212. Bassett himself was subsequently arrested, and examined by the Privy Council. When the facts of the case were ascertained213, the police hastened to repair the error of the morning, and sent to all the police-stations a description of the real offender215. This led to the apprehension216 of a boy called Bean, who was identified, examined, and committed to prison. His trial took place on the 25th of August, at the Central Criminal Court. The Attorney-General briefly217 related the facts of the case, and Lord Abinger, the presiding judge, having summed up, the jury returned a verdict of "Guilty," convicting the prisoner of presenting a pistol, loaded with powder and wadding, "in contempt of the Queen, and to the terror of divers218 liege subjects." The sentence of the court was—"Imprisonment in Millbank Penitentiary219 for eighteen calendar months."
The repetition of these infamous220 outrages221 excited great public indignation, and led to a general demand that something effectual should be done to put a stop to them by rendering222 the law more prompt and effective, and the punishment more disgraceful. In compliance223 with this demand, Sir Robert Peel brought in a Bill upon the subject, which was unanimously accepted by both Houses, and rapidly passed into law. Sir Robert Peel in his Bill proposed to extend the provisions of the Act of the year 1800, passed after the attempt of Hatfield on the life of George III., to cases where the object was not compassing the life, but "compassing the wounding of the Sovereign." "I propose," he said, "that, after the passing of this Act, if any person or persons shall wilfully224 discharge or attempt to discharge, or point, aim, or present at or near the person of the Queen any gun, pistol, or other description of firearms whatsoever225, although the same shall not contain explosive or destructive substance or material, or shall discharge or attempt to discharge any explosive or destructive substance or material, or if any person shall strike, or attempt to strike the person of the Queen, with any offensive weapons, or in any manner whatever; or, if any persons shall throw or attempt to throw any substance whatever at or on the person of the Queen, with intent in any of the cases aforesaid to break the public peace, or to excite the alarm of the Queen, etc., that the punishment in all such cases shall be the same as that in cases of larceny—namely, transportation for a term not exceeding seven years." But a more effective punishment was added, namely, public whipping, concerning which Sir Robert Peel remarked, "I think this punishment will make known to the miscreants capable of harbouring such designs, that, instead of exciting misplaced and stupid sympathy, their base and malignant226 motives227 in depriving her Majesty of that relaxation228 which she must naturally need after the cares and public anxieties of her station, will lead to a punishment proportioned to their detestable acts."
Serious differences between Great Britain and the United States of America occupied the attention of both Governments during the years 1841 and 1842, and were brought to a satisfactory[492] termination by the Ashburton Treaty, referred to in the Royal Speech at the opening of Parliament in 1843. The questions at issue, which were keenly debated on both sides, related to the right of search, the Canadian boundary, and the McLeod affair. The Government of Great Britain regarding the slave-trade as an enormous evil and a scandal to the civilised world, entered into arrangements with other nations for its suppression. For that purpose treaties were concluded, securing to each of the contracting parties the mutual229 right of search under certain limitations. The United States Government declined to be a party to these treaties, and refused to have their vessels231 searched or interfered232 with in time of peace upon the high seas under any pretence233 whatever. Notwithstanding these treaties, however, and the costly235 measures which Great Britain had recourse to for suppressing the nefarious236 traffic in human beings, the slave trade was carried on even by some of the nations that had agreed to the treaties; and in order to do this more effectually, they adopted the flag of the United States. For the purpose of preventing this abuse, Great Britain claimed the right of search or of visitation to ascertain214 the national character of the vessels navigating237 the African seas, and detaining their papers to see if they were legally provided with documents entitling them to the protection of any country, and especially of the country whose flag they might have hoisted238 at the time. Lord Palmerston, as Foreign Secretary, argued that while his Government did not claim the right to search American merchantmen in times of peace, a merchantman could not exempt itself from search by merely hoisting240 a piece of bunting with the United States emblems241 and colours upon it. It should be shown by the papers that the vessel230 was entitled to bear the flag—that she was United States property, and navigated242 according to law. Mr. Stevenson, the American Minister, protested strongly against this doctrine, denying that there was any ground of public right or justice in the claim put forth, since the right of search was, according to the law of nations, a strictly243 belligerent244 right. If other nations sought to cover their infamous traffic by the fraudulent use of the American flag, the Government of the United States was not responsible; and in any case it was for that Government to take such steps as might be required to protect its flag from abuse.
The question of the Canadian boundary had been an open sore for more than half a century. Nominally245 settled by the treaty of 1783, it had remained in dispute, because that arrangement had been drawn246 up on defective247 knowledge. Thus the river St. Croix was fixed as the frontier on the Atlantic sea-board, but there were five or six rivers St. Croix, and at another point a ridge125 of hills that was not in existence was fixed upon as the dividing line. Numerous diplomatic efforts were made to settle the difficulty; finally it was referred to the King of the Netherlands, who made an award in 1831 which was rejected by the United States. The question became of increasing importance as the population grew thicker. Thus, in 1837, the State of Maine decided on including some of the inhabitants of the disputed territory in its census248, but its officer, Mr. Greely, was promptly249 arrested by the authorities of New Brunswick and thrust into prison. Here was a serious matter, and a still greater source of irritation250 was the McLeod affair. McLeod was a Canadian who had been a participator in the destruction of the Caroline. Unfortunately his tongue got the better of his prudence251 during a visit to New York in 1840, and he openly boasted his share in the deed. He was arrested, put into prison, and charged with murder, nor could Lord Palmerston's strenuous252 representations obtain his release. At one time it seemed as if war was imminent253 between England and the United States, but, with the acquittal of McLeod, one reason for fighting disappeared.
Such being the state of our relations with America, Sir Robert Peel's Government determined to send to Washington a special ambassador who should be clothed with full powers to effect an amicable254 adjustment of all the causes of dispute. The gentleman selected for this purpose was Lord Ashburton. A more judicious255 selection could not possibly have been made. Mr. Alexander Baring, who had been raised to the peerage in 1835, having been previously256 President of the Board of Trade and Master of the Mint, was known throughout the world as one of our merchant princes, and was the husband of an American lady, the daughter of Mr. William Bingham, of Philadelphia, a senator of the United States. The hopes which his mission excited were not disappointed. He sailed from England in February, 1842, and after a tedious and stormy passage, arrived at New York on the 1st of April. He immediately entered upon negotiations258 with Mr. Webster. They continued till the month of August, when a treaty was agreed upon and signed at Washington by the two plenipotentiaries, the mutual exchange of ratifications259 to take place[493] in London within six months of that date. By that treaty the line of the north-eastern boundary was settled, concession on the St. John being purchased by the surrender of a strip of land to the States of New York and Vermont. It was stipulated260 that Great Britain and America should each maintain a sufficient squadron or naval261 force, carrying not less than eighty guns, for the purpose of enforcing, separately and respectively, the laws, rights, and obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the slave trade, and should use their joint262 influence for suppressing the slave markets. It also provided for the mutual delivery to justice of all persons charged with murder, or assault with intent to murder, or with piracy263, robbery, forgery264, and arson265 committed within the jurisdiction266 of either country, should they be found within the territories of the other; but the evidence of criminality should be sufficient to warrant the committal for trial of the fugitive267 according to the laws of the country in which he was apprehended268. This was a distinct withdrawal269 of Lord Palmerston's pretensions270 with regard to the McLeod affair. The mission was thus eminently271 successful, but Lord Palmerston was of another opinion, and declaimed in the House of Commons against the "Ashburton surrender." But the Commons were unprepared to condemn272 the work, and the debate ended in a count-out. The House of Lords, on the motion of Brougham, passed a vote of thanks to Lord Ashburton.
SEIZURE273 OF SIR WILLIAM MACNAGHTEN. (See p. 495.)
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The war in Afghanistan was alluded274 to in the Royal Speech, at the opening of the Session of 1843, in terms of congratulation at the complete success that had attended the recent military operations in that country, owing to the high ability with which they had been directed, as well as the constancy and valour of the European and native forces, which had established, by decisive victories on the scenes of former disasters, the superiority of her Majesty's arms, and had effected the liberation of the British subjects that had been held in captivity275. This, therefore, is the proper time to relate briefly the incidents of that war, some of which are full of romantic interest. About the year 1837 the attention of the British[494] Government in India was attracted by the conduct of certain supposed agents of Russia, in the countries to the west of the Indus. The Russian ambassador, Simonitch, was urging the Shah to lay siege to Herat, "the key to India," and the place was soon closely invested. It was saved by the fortuitous presence in the town of a gallant276 young officer of engineers, Eldred Pottinger, who rallied the inhabitants and beat off the enemy. Meanwhile, another Russian agent, Vicovitch by name, had been sent to Cabul. In order to counteract277 his designs, it was thought desirable to establish an alliance with the rulers of Afghanistan. With this view overtures278 were made to Dost Mahomed Khan through a mission headed by Alexander Burnes. These having failed, chiefly from the ill-advised interference with Burnes of the Governor-General, Lord Auckland, the British Government sought to establish a friendly power in Afghanistan by aiding the exiled prince, Shah Sujah, in another attempt to regain279 his throne. The step, which was condemned280 by numerous clear-sighted people in India, was probably forced upon Lord Auckland by the Melbourne Ministry, to whom it was recommended by the military authorities at home, among them the Duke of Wellington. The chief of Cabul had an army of 14,000 men, including 6,000 cavalry281, with 40 field-pieces. His brothers held Candahar and the surrounding country, with a military force of 4,000 men and 50 guns. The British force assembled to support the claims of his opponent amounted to 28,000 men, aided by a contingent282 force of 6,000 Sikhs, furnished by the ruler of the Panjab, and about 5,000 troops raised by the Shah's eldest283 son. This combined force was called "the Army of the Indus." Under the chief command of Sir John Keane, it advanced to the town of Quetta, and thence to Candahar, which was occupied without opposition; and there, on the 8th of May, 1839, Shah Sujah was solemnly enthroned. After this the march was resumed towards Cabul. The fortress284 of Ghuznee, believed by the Afghans to be impregnable, was blown up and taken by storm. The invading army reached Cabul, and on the 7th of August the restored sovereign made his public entry into his capital. Having thus accomplished285 its mission, the Army of the Indus returned home, leaving behind a detachment of 8,000 men. For two years Shah Sujah and his allies remained in possession of Cabul and Candahar, Dost Mahomed having surrendered after having won a partial success over the British on the 2nd of November, 1840.
But the attempts to reduce the other chiefs to subjection were unsuccessful. An unfortunate collision with the tribes of Ghilzais formed a painful episode in the Afghan war. The Cabul Pass is a long defile286, through which the road runs from Cabul to Jelalabad, which it was therefore necessary to keep open for the purpose of safe intercourse287 between Cabul and British India. The Indian Government thought that the most desirable mode of effecting this object was to pay the Ghilzai chiefs a yearly sum from the Cabul treasury, in order that our troops might not be molested288. But retrenchment being determined upon, the money was withheld289; the chiefs, therefore, felt that the British had been guilty of a deliberate breach290 of faith. They were exasperated291, assumed a hostile attitude, and cut off all communication with British India. It therefore became necessary to force the Pass, for which purpose Major-General Sir Robert Sale was sent by General Elphinstone from Cabul, with a brigade, of light infantry292. On the 12th of October they entered the Pass, near the middle of which the enemy were found posted behind precipitous ridges293 of the mountains on each side, from which they opened a well-directed fire. General Sale was hit with a ball above the ankle, and compelled to retire and give the command to Colonel Dennie. The Pass was gallantly294 cleared, but with severe fighting and heavy loss. After this was accomplished, the force had still to fight its way through a difficult country, occupied by an active enemy, for eighteen days. All the commanding points of the hills were held by the Ghilzais, where they were protected by breastworks; and though they had been from time to time outflanked and routed, when the march was resumed and the cumbrous train of baggage filed over the mountains the enemy again appeared from beyond the most distant ridges, renewing the contest with increased numbers and the most savage fury. Since leaving Cabul our troops had been kept constantly on the alert by attacks night and day. Their positions had been secured only by unremitting labour, throwing up entrenchments, and very severe outpost duty. The enemy were eminently skilful295 at the species of warfare296 to which their attempts had been confined, and were armed with weapons that enabled them to annoy the invaders298 from a distance at which they could be reached only by our artillery299. The brigade reached Jelalabad on the 12th of November.
The force left to keep possession of Cabul and guard the protégé of the Indian Government[495] was so situated300 as to tempt5 the aggression301 of a treacherous302 enemy. Sir William Macnaghten, the British Resident, and his suite303, resided in the Mission Compound, which was badly defended, and commanded by a number of small forts, while the commissariat stores were placed in an old fort, detached from the cantonment and in such a state as to be wholly indefensible. Moreover, General Elphinstone, the commander of the troops, was old and inefficient304. A conspiracy305 had been formed by the friends of Akbar Khan, son of the deposed306 sovereign, Dost Mahomed, who forged a document, and had it circulated amongst the principal men of Cabul, to the effect that it was the design of the British envoy307 to send them all to London, and that the king had issued an order to put the infidels all to death. The insurrection commenced by an attack on the dwellings308 of Sir Alexander Burnes, who was about to succeed Macnaghten, and Captain Johnson, who resided in the city. Sir Alexander addressed the party from the gallery of his house, thinking that it was a mere239 riot. The insurgents309, however, broke in, killed him with his brother, Lieutenant310 Burnes, and Lieutenant Broadfoot, and set the house on fire. The Afghans then surrounded the cantonments, and poured in a constant fire upon them from every position they could occupy. They quickly seized the ill-defended commissariat stores, upon which the existence of the British depended. The garrison311 bravely defended itself with such precarious312 supplies as could be had from the country; but at length these supplies were exhausted313. Winter set in, snow fell, and there was nothing before them but the prospect63 of starvation. They therefore listened to overtures for negotiation257, and the British envoy was compelled to consent to these humiliating terms on the 11th of December, 1841:—That the British should evacuate314 the whole of Afghanistan, including Candahar, Ghuznee, and Jelalabad; that they should be permitted to return unmolested to India, and have supplies granted on their road thither315; that means of transport should be furnished to the troops; that Dost Mahomed Khan, his family, and every Afghan then detained within our territories should be allowed to return to their own country; that Shah Sujah and his family should receive from the Afghan Government one lac of rupees per annum; that all prisoners should be released; that a general amnesty should be proclaimed; and that no British force should ever be sent into Afghanistan without being invited by the Afghan Government. These terms having been agreed to, the chiefs took with them Captain Trevor as a hostage; but nothing was done to carry the agreement into effect, and Macnaghten and Elphinstone remained irresolutely316 at Cabul. Some of their staff attempted to bribe317 the Afghans, and Akbar Khan thereupon determined to withhold67 supplies. It soon became evident that the object was to starve out the garrison, and compel them to surrender unconditionally318. At length, on the 22nd of December, they sent two persons into the cantonment, who made a proposal in the name of Akbar Khan, that the Shah should continue king, that Akbar should become his Prime Minister, and that one of the principal chiefs should be delivered up to the British as a prisoner. This was a mere trap, into which Sir William Macnaghten unfortunately fell with fatal credulity. On the 23rd of December the envoy, attended by Captains Lawrence, Trevor, and M'Kenzie, left the Mission Compound, to hold a conference with Akbar Khan in the plain towards Serah Sung. Crowds of armed Afghans hovering319 near soon excited suspicions of treachery. Captain Lawrence begged that the armed men might be ordered off; but Akbar Khan exclaimed, "No, they are all in the secret." At that instant Sir William and the three officers were seized from behind and disarmed320. Sir W. Macnaghten was last seen on the ground struggling violently with Akbar Khan, consternation321 and terror depicted322 on his countenance323. "His look of wondering horror, says Kaye, "will never be forgotten by those who saw it, to their dying day." The other three officers were placed on horses, each behind a Ghilzai chief, who galloped324 off with them to a fort in the neighbourhood. Captain Trevor fell off his horse, and was instantly murdered. The others were assailed with knives by the infuriated Afghans, and barely escaped to the fort with their lives. Meanwhile the head of the British Minister was cut off and paraded through the streets, while the bleeding and mangled326 trunk was exposed to the insults of the populace in the principal bazaar327.
Notwithstanding all this treachery and barbarity, General Elphinstone, feeling his situation desperate, was weak enough to trust the Afghan chiefs, and to enter into a convention with them on the 1st of January, in the hope of saving the garrison from destruction. The negotiations were carried on by Major Pottinger, the defender328 of Herat, and it was agreed that the former treaty should remain in force, with the following additional terms:—That the British should leave behind all their guns excepting six; that they should immediately give up all their treasures;[496] and that hostages should be exchanged for married men with their wives and families. To this, however, the married men refused to consent, and it was not insisted on.
In pursuance of this convention the garrison retired, and began their fatal march on the 6th of January, 1842. The army consisted of 4,500 fighting men, with 12,000 camp-followers, besides women and children. The snow lay deep upon the ground; they had scarcely commenced their march when they were attacked by the Afghans, the guns were captured, and they were obliged to fight their way, sword in hand, defending the women and children as well as they could. During the whole way through the snow the road was strewn with bodies and stained with blood. The dead and dying were immediately stripped naked by the enemy, and their corpses330 hacked331 to pieces with long knives. During all this time the perfidious332 Akbar Khan sent messages, professing his regret at not being able to restrain the Ghilzai tribe; and after they had got through the Pass, he made a proposal, which was accepted, to take the ladies under his protection. Accordingly, Lady Sale and Lady Macnaghten, with six others, accompanied by their husbands, were left under his charge. The British troops then halted for a day, bivouacking on the snow. The cold was so intense that the Sepoys became benumbed and paralysed, in which state the whole of them were next day attacked and cut to pieces. The Europeans managed to hold together, but when they arrived at Jugduluk, thirty-five miles distant from Cabul, only 300 out of 16,500 persons who left that city remained alive. At this place a halt was ordered, and through the interference of Akbar Khan the miserable remnant were permitted to occupy a ruined enclosure, where, worn out by fatigue333 and utterly helpless, they lay down to rest in the snow. General Elphinstone was detained a prisoner by Akbar Khan in a small fort, whence he dispatched a note to Brigadier Anketell, advising him to march that night, as there was treachery afoot. The wearied band, aroused from their slumbers334, accordingly moved on in the dark; but their departure was noticed, they were attacked in the rear, they broke into disorder335, threatened to shoot their officers, separated in small parties, and thus, scattered336 and confused, they were cut down almost to a man. Of the officers, however, a considerable number escaped on horseback; but they, too, were attacked wherever they appeared, until only one gentleman, Dr. Brydon, survived to tell the dreadful story, reaching Jelalabad on the 13th of January. It afterwards came out, however, that several other officers were detained in captivity.
Lord Auckland was then Governor-General of India, but the period of his tenure337 of office was drawing to a close. He hoped it would end brightly, that the war for the restoration of an imbecile and puppet king would have ended triumphantly338, and that he would return to his native land bearing something of the reflected glory of the conquerors339 of Afghanistan. He had been cheered by the despatches of the too sanguine341 envoy in the month of October, who spoke only of the continued tranquillity342 of Cabul. November passed, however, without any intelligence, and all was anxiety and painful suspense343. Intelligence at last came confirming the worst anticipations344. Calcutta was astounded345 at the news that Afghanistan, believed to be prosperous and grateful for British intervention346, was in arms against its deliverers. Suddenly the tranquillity of that doomed347 country was found to be a delusion348. "Across the whole length and breadth of the land the history of that gigantic lie was written in characters of blood." Confounded and paralysed by the tidings of so great a failure, which he had not energy to retrieve349, he thought only of abandoning the vicious policy of aggression that had ended so miserably350, and given such a terrible blow to the prestige of British power in India, on which our dominion351 in the East so much depended. He had owed his appointment to the Whigs; and the Conservatives, who were now in office, had opposed the policy of the Government regarding the Afghan war. But no one seemed more sick of the policy of aggression than the Governor-General himself. He became thoroughly352 convinced of the folly353 of placing a detached force in a distant city which could be reached only through dangerous defiles354 occupied by an ever-watchful enemy, depending for supplies upon uncertain allies, and without any basis of operations. The expedition had proved enormously expensive, and had drained the Indian treasury of funds that should have been employed in developing the resources of our Indian possessions. When all this had ended in disastrous355 failure and national disgrace—when he recollected356 that the directors of the Company, as well as the Government, had expressed intense dissatisfaction at his policy, feeling conscious that their complaints were just, and that their worst forebodings had been realised, his spirit seems to have been completely broken; instead of any attempt at retrieving357 the[497] misfortunes of his Government, he thought only of saving, if possible, what remained of the forces that he had sent across the Indus. Writing to the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Jaspar Nicolls, who was then on a tour through the Upper Provinces of India, with reference to the sending forward of reinforcements, he said he did not see how the sending forward of a brigade could by any possibility have any influence on the events which it was supposed were then passing at Cabul, which they could not reach before April. In his opinion they were not to think of marching fresh armies to the reconquest of that which they were likely to lose. He feared that safety to the force at Cabul could only come from itself. The Commander-in-Chief himself had been always of opinion that the renewed efforts of the Government to support Shah Sujah on his throne, and to establish a permanent influence in Afghanistan, was a great mistake. However, owing to the energy of Mr. George Clarke, the Governor-General's agent on the north-west frontier, and his assistant, Captain, afterwards Sir, Henry Lawrence, forces were dispatched from that quarter, under the command of General Pollock, who had commanded the garrison of Agra, having been in the Indian service since 1803, and having distinguished himself under General Lake. This appointment gave the greatest satisfaction, as it was believed that he was selected solely358 for his merit, and not through aristocratic influence. While he was preparing to advance, Lord Auckland was recalled, and Lord Ellenborough, the new Governor-General, arrived at Calcutta.
ARRIVAL OF DR. BRYDON AT JELALABAD. (See p. 496.)
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Meanwhile Brigadier Wild occupied a position of great difficulty at Peshawur. He had four native infantry regiments360, containing a large number of young soldiers, whom the mutinous361 Sikhs had impressed with a great horror of the Khyber Pass. The only cavalry he had was a troop of irregular horse, and the only guns, four pieces of Sikh artillery. Besides, the owners of the camels, which had been hired at Ferozepore to proceed as far as Jelalabad, refused to advance farther than Peshawur. It was in these circumstances that Sale and M'Gregor earnestly urged the advance of the brigade for the relief of that place. The fortress of Ali Musjid, regarded as the key to the Khyber Pass, is situated about[498] twenty-five miles from Peshawur: and as it lay between the two positions of Sale and Wild, it was of the utmost importance that it should be occupied. It was accordingly resolved that one-half of Wild's brigade should be dispatched for this service. On the 15th of January Colonel Moseley, with the 53rd and 64th Sepoy Regiments, started under cover of the night, and reached their destination early in the morning. The fortress was about five miles up the Pass. Soon after they had taken up their position they discovered to their dismay that owing to some mistake, instead of 350 supply bullocks, which had been ordered, only fifty or sixty had arrived. Here, then, were two regiments shut up in an isolated362 fortress without provisions. Day after day passed and no succour came. Wild made an effort to send forward supplies, but the attempt was a disastrous failure. The Sikh auxiliaries363 mutinied to a man, and refused to enter the Pass. There being no prospect of relief, Colonel Moseley determined to evacuate the fortress. Captain Burt and Captain Thomas offered to remain and keep possession of so important a position, if only 150 men would volunteer for the service. But none were found willing to undertake the perilous364 duty, and so Ali Musjid was abandoned and suffered to fall into the hands of the Afreedis. The brigade had some fighting on its way back. Some of its officers were killed, some wounded and sick were abandoned, and some baggage was lost.
On the 5th of February General Pollock reached Peshawur, and found the troops under Brigadier Wild for the most part sick and disorganised. His first care was to restore the morale365 of the troops. Even the officers had yielded to an unworthy panic. Some of them openly declared against another attempt to force the Khyber Pass, and one said he would do his best to dissuade366 every sepoy of his corps329 from entering it again. Owing to this state of things, Pollock was compelled to remain inactive through the months of February and March, though the eyes of all India were turned upon him, and the most urgent letters reached him from Sale and M'Gregor to hasten to their relief. But the general was resolved not to risk another failure, and his duty was to wait patiently till the health, spirits, and discipline of the troops were restored, and until fresh regiments arrived.
No wonder that pressing entreaties367 for succour came from Jelalabad. The garrison had exerted themselves with the utmost diligence to fortify368 the place, which they expected soon to be invested by hosts of Afghans, flushed with victory and thirsting for blood and plunder369. The camp-followers were organised to assist in manning the walls, and foraging370 parties were sent out with good effect, while there was yet time to get in provisions. In the meanwhile Sale received a letter from the Shah, demanding what were his intentions, as his people had concluded a treaty with the Afghans, consenting to leave the country. There was an army preparing for their expulsion, and there were many of their countrymen and countrywomen hostages in the hands of a fanatical and vindictive371 enemy, while there was little prospect of any immediate relief from the Indian Government. There was even a feeling that they had been abandoned by the Government at Calcutta, which did not wish to maintain the supremacy372 of the British arms in Afghanistan. A council of war was called on the 26th of January; a stormy debate ensued; the majority were for coming to terms with the enemy and withdrawing from the country, for which purpose the draft of a letter in reply to the Shah was prepared. For two days its terms were debated, the proposition to surrender being vehemently373 resisted by an officer named Broadfoot, who declared it impossible that the Government should leave them to their fate, and do nothing to restore the national reputation, especially as a new Governor-General was coming out, doubtless with new counsels, and the Duke of Wellington, now in power, would never sanction so inglorious a policy. He was overruled, however, by the majority, and the letter was sent to the Shah. An answer came demanding that they should put their seals to the document. Another council was held; Colonel Broadfoot renewed his remonstrances; he was joined by Colonel Dennie, Captain Abbott, and Colonel Monteith. An answer was sent which left the garrison free to act as circumstances might direct. Next day tidings came from Peshawar, that large reinforcements were moving up through the Punjab, and that all possible efforts were to be made for their relief. There was no more talk of negotiation; every one felt that it was his duty to hold out to the last.
The place had been fortified374 so well as to be able to defy any attack that could be made upon it without artillery. Colonel Broadfoot had insisted on bringing an ample supply of working tools, which were found to be of the greatest advantage. In the official report of General Sale, written by Havelock, there is a description of the works that had been executed, and the immense[499] labour that had been undertaken to clear away everything that could serve as a cover for the enemy. They demolished375 forts and old walls, filled up ravines, destroyed gardens, and cut down groves376; they raised the parapets six or seven feet high, repaired and widened the ramparts, extended the bastions, re-trenched three of the gates, covered the fortress with an outwork, and excavated377 a ditch, ten feet deep and twelve wide, round the whole of the walls. The enemy soon approached, under the command of Akbar Khan; the white tents, which the British were obliged to abandon, appearing in the distance. But the garrison were full of confidence, proudly rejoicing in the work of their hands, and feeling that they were perfectly safe behind the defences which they had raised with so much labour. In a short time, however, they had an astounding illustration of the vanity of all confidence in human strength, showing that, in a moment, it can be turned into weakness.
On the 19th of February the men heard an awful and mysterious sound, as if of thunder, beneath their feet. They instantly rushed to their arms, and thus many lives were saved. A tremendous earthquake shook down all the parapets built up with so much labour, injured several of the bastions, cast to the ground all the guard-houses, made a considerable breach in the rampart of a curtain in the Peshawur face, and reduced the Cabul gate to a shapeless mass of ruins. In addition to this sudden destruction of the fortifications—the labour of three months—one-third of the town was demolished. The report states that, within the space of one month, the city was thrown into alarm by the repetition of full 100 shocks of this phenomenon of Nature. Still, the garrison did not lose heart or hope. With indomitable energy, they set to work immediately to repair the damage. The shocks had scarcely ceased when the whole garrison was told off into working parties, and before night the breaches378 were scalped, the rubbish below was cleared away, and the ditches before them were dug out. From the following day all the troops off duty were continually at work, and so well sustained were their energy and perseverance379, that by the end of the month the parapets were entirely restored, or the curtain was filled in, where restoration was impracticable, and every battery re-established. The breaches were built up with the rampart doubled in thickness, and the whole of the gates re-trenched. So marvellously rapid was the work of restoration that Akbar Khan declared that the earthquake must have been the effect of English witchcraft380, as Jelalabad was the only place that escaped.
At length General Pollock found himself in a position to advance for the relief of the garrison, and marched his force to Jumrood. On the 4th of April he issued orders for the guidance of his officers. The army started at twilight381, without sound of bugle382 or beat of drum. The heights on each side of the Khyber Pass were covered with the enemy, but so completely were they taken by surprise that our flankers had achieved a considerable ascent383 before the Khyberese were aware of their approach. The enemy had thrown across the mouth of the Pass a formidable barrier, composed of large stones, mud, and heavy branches of trees. In the meantime the light infantry were stealing round the hills, climbing up precipitous cliffs, and getting possession of commanding peaks, from which they poured down a destructive fire upon the Khyberese, who were confounded by the unexpected nature of the attack. The confidence which arose from their intimate knowledge of the nature of the ground now forsook384 them, and they were seen in their white dresses flying in every direction across the hills. The centre column, which had quietly awaited the result of the outflanking movements by the brave and active light infantry, now moved on, determined to enter the Pass, at the mouth of which a large number of the enemy had been posted; but finding themselves outflanked, these gradually retreated. The way was cleared, and the long train of baggage, containing ammunition385 and provisions for the relief of Jelalabad, entered the formidable defile. The heat being intense, the troops suffered greatly from thirst; but the sepoys behaved admirably, were in excellent spirits, and had a thorough contempt for the enemy. It was now discovered that their mutinous spirit arose from the conviction that they had been sacrificed by bad generalship. Ali Musjid, from which the British garrison had made such a disastrous and ignominious386 retreat, was soon triumphantly reoccupied. Leaving a Sikh force to occupy the Pass, General Pollock pushed on to Jelalabad. Writing to a friend, he said, "We found the fort strong, the garrison healthy, and, except for wine and beer, better off than we are. They were, of course, delighted to see us; we gave three cheers as we passed the colours, and the band of each regiment359 played as it came up. It was a sight worth seeing; all appeared happy. The band of the 13th had gone out to play them in, and the relieving force marched the last few miles to the tune158, 'Oh, but you've been long a-coming!'"
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But they were not then in the position of a beleaguered387 garrison. Before relief came, they had won a victory that covered them with glory. The troops had been in the highest pluck, and never seemed so happy as when they could encounter any portion of the enemy. In this state of feeling an idea began to take possession of the officers that they were able to capture Mahomed Akbar's camp. A false report had come to the Sirdar, that General Pollock had been beaten back with great slaughter388 in the Khyber Pass; and in honour of this event his guns fired a royal salute389. A rumour390 also reached the garrison that there had been a revolution at Cabul, and that the enemy was obliged to break up his camp and hasten back to the capital. Whether either or both these reports should prove true, the time seemed to have come for General Sale to strike a blow. A council of war was held; the general would have shrunk from the responsibility of an attack upon the camp; but he was dissuaded391 by Havelock. Akbar Khan, at the head of 6,000 men, was aware of their approach and ready to receive them. On issuing from the gate, General Sale had ordered Colonel Dennie forward, to attack a small fort, from which the enemy had often molested the garrison. The colonel, at the head of the brave 13th, rushed to the fort; but having entered the outer wall, they found themselves exposed to a murderous fire from the defences of the inner keep. There Colonel Dennie received a mortal wound, a ball passing through his sword-belt. Sale now gave orders for a general attack on the enemy's camp, and in his despatch340 he thus describes the result:—"The artillery advanced at a gallop325, and directed a heavy fire upon the Afghan centre, whilst two of the columns of infantry penetrated392 the line near the same point, and the third forced back its left from its support on the river, into the stream of which some of his horse and foot were driven. The Afghans made repeated attempts to check our advance by a smart fire of musketry, by throwing forward heavy bodies of horse, which twice threatened the detachments of foot under Captain Havelock, and by opening upon us three guns from a battery screened by a garden wall, and said to have been served under the personal superintendence of the Sirdar. But in a short time they were dislodged from every point of their position, their cannon393 taken, and their camp involved in a general conflagration394. The battle was over, and the enemy in full retreat, by about seven a.m. We have made ourselves masters of two cavalry standards, re-captured four guns lost by the Cabul and Gundamuk forces—the restoration of which to our Government is matter of much honest exultation395 among the troops—seized and destroyed a great quantity of material and ordnance396 stores, and burnt the whole of the enemy's tents. In short, the defeat of Mahomed Akbar, in open field, by the troops whom he had boasted of blockading, has been complete and signal. The field of battle was strewed397 with the bodies of men and horses, and the richness of the trappings of some of the latter seemed to attest398 that persons of distinction were among the fallen. The loss on our side was remarkably399 small—seven privates killed, and three officers and fifty men wounded."
Great was the joy inspired by these successes. The new Governor-General, Lord Ellenborough, issued a proclamation, in which he stated that he felt assured every subject of the British Government would peruse400 with the deepest interest and satisfaction the report of the entire defeat of the Afghan troops, under the command of Mahomed Akbar Khan, by the garrison of Jelalabad. These feelings of joy and satisfaction were shared by the Home Government. On the 20th of February, 1843, the Duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, moved a vote of thanks to Sir George Pollock, Sir William Nott, Sir John M'Caskill, Major-General England, and the other officers of the army, both European and native, for the intrepidity401, skill, and perseverance displayed by them in the military operations in Afghanistan, and for their indefatigable402 zeal and exertions403 throughout the late campaign. Lord Auckland seconded the motion, which was carried without opposition. Sir Robert Peel brought forward a similar motion in the House of Commons on the same day, following the example of the Duke in giving a succinct404 narrative405 of the events of the war, and warmly eulogising, amidst the cheers of the House, the officers who had most distinguished themselves. The resolution passed without opposition, Mr. Hume having withdrawn406 an amendment which he had proposed.
[501]
RESCUE OF THE BRITISH PRISONERS FROM AKBAR KHAN. (See p. 503.)
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[502]
It would be useless to encumber407 these pages with a detailed408 narrative of the desultory conflicts that occurred at Candahar, where General Nott commanded, amidst the greatest difficulties, until General England came to his relief on the 10th of May; or at Khelat-i-Ghilzai, a post entrusted to Captain Lawrence; or in the country about Ghuznee, the garrison of which, commanded by Captain Palmer, was compelled to surrender for want of water. He was an officer in General Nott's division, and by his brother officers the fall of the place was regarded as more disgraceful than the loss of Cabul. At length Generals Pollock and Nott were enabled to overawe the Afghans. They were now at the head of two forces in excellent health and spirits, eager to advance on Cabul and avenge409 the national honour of Great Britain, which had been so grievously insulted. But Lord Ellenborough had come to the resolution that it was no longer necessary to imperil the armies of Great Britain, and with the armies the Indian Empire, by occupying Afghanistan. All that was now required to be done rested solely upon military considerations, and especially upon regard to the safety of the detached bodies of our troops at Jelalabad, at Ghuznee, at Khelat-i-Ghilzai, and Candahar. He was, therefore, feverishly410 anxious that the troops should retire at the earliest possible moment, and sent orders to that effect to Pollock at Jelalabad and to Nott at Candahar.
There was one object, however, to be gained which was deeply interesting to every true Briton in India as well as to the public at home, without which no victories however glorious, and no infliction411 of punishment however terrible, upon the enemy, would have been considered satisfactory—namely, the deliverance of the captives that were still held as hostages by Akbar Khan. On this subject the two generals, Pollock and Nott, held a consultation412. Nott declared that the Government had thrown the prisoners overboard, and protested against taking any measures for their recovery. But Pollock was determined that the effort should be made, and took upon himself the responsibility of telling Nott to ignore his orders. Ellenborough, half-persuaded, sanctioned Pollock's remaining at Jelalabad until October, but commanded Nott to retire either by Quetta or Cabul. Nott and Pollock, however, disregarded these absurd orders, and the advance was continued. The duty of rescuing the prisoners was undertaken by Sale, whose own heroic wife was among them. He started in pursuit, taking with him a brigade from the army at Jelalabad. The captives had been hurried on towards the inhospitable regions of the Indian Caucasus, not suffered to sleep at night, and were stared at as objects of curiosity by the inhabitants of the villages through which they passed. They reached their destination, Maimene, on the 3rd of September, and there, in a short time, before Sale's brigade arrived, they had providentially effected their own ransom413. The commander of their escort was Saleh Mahomed, a soldier of fortune, who had been at one time a soubahdar in Captain Hopkins's regiment of infantry, and had deserted414 with his men to Dost Mahomed. Between this man and Captain Johnson an intimacy415 sprang up, which the latter turned to account by throwing out hints that Saleh Mahomed would be amply rewarded, if, instead of carrying off his prisoners, he would conduct them in safety to the British camp. Days passed away without anything being done, till after their arrival at Maimene, when, on the 11th of September, Saleh Mahomed sent for Johnson, Pottinger, and Lawrence, and in a private room which had been appropriated to Lady Sale, he produced a letter which he had just received from Akbar Khan, directing him to convey the prisoners to a more distant prison-house. This seemed to be a sentence of hopeless captivity, but the officers' minds were soon relieved by another piece of intelligence—namely, a message from General Pollock that if Saleh Mahomed released the prisoners he should receive a present of 20,000 rupees, and a life pension of 1,000 rupees a month. Saleh said to them, "I know nothing of General Pollock, but if you three gentlemen will swear by your Saviour416 to make good to me what Synd Moortega Shah states that he is authorised to offer, I will deliver you over to your own people." The offer was gladly accepted; and an agreement was drawn up, in pursuance of which Saleh Mahomed and his European allies proclaimed their revolt to the people of Maimene and the surrounding country. They deposed the governor of the place, and appointed a more friendly chief in his stead. They supplied themselves with funds by seizing upon the property of a party of merchants who were passing that way. Major Pottinger assumed the functions of government, and issued proclamations, and called upon the chiefs to come in and make their salaam417. But they might come for a different purpose, and hence they began to fortify themselves, and prepare for a very vigorous defence. While thus employed, a horseman was seen rapidly approaching from the Cabul side of the valley, who proved to be the bearer of glad tidings. The Jugduluk Pass had been forced; Akbar Khan had been defeated by General Pollock at Tizeen, and had fled, no one knew whither. This was delightful418 news indeed. The power of the oppressor was now broken, and the captives were free. Early next morning they started for Cabul, sleeping the first night upon stony419 beds under the clear moonlight; they were awakened420 by the arrival of a friendly[503] chief, who brought a letter from Sir Richmond Shakespear, stating that he was on his way to Maimene with a party of horse. On the 17th of September Shakespear, with his cavalry, came up. Pushing on again, they were met by a large body of British cavalry and infantry, under the command of Sir Robert Sale. "In a little time the happy veteran had embraced his wife and daughter; and the men of the 13th had offered their delighted congratulations to the loved ones of their old commander. A royal salute was fired. The prisoners were safe in Sale's camp. The good Providence421 that had so long watched over the prisoners and the captives now crowned its mercies by delivering them into the hands of their friends. Dressed as they were in Afghan costume, their faces bronzed by much exposure, and rugged422 with beards and moustachios of many months' growth, it was not easy to recognise the liberated423 officers, who now came forward to receive the congratulations of their friends."
The safety of the prisoners diffused424 universal joy throughout the camps of the two generals; but there was one thing necessary, in their opinion, in which the Government concurred425, in order to give the crowning proof of our complete triumph, and to restore the unquestionable supremacy of our power, and compel the respect and fidelity426 of the neighbouring provinces. This was the signal punishment of Cabul for the atrocities427 that had been perpetrated there. The hostile chiefs were now as eager to conciliate, as submissive in their tone as they had been cruel and arrogant428. Even Akbar Khan professed the greatest friendship for the British, and repudiated429 the acts that had been done in his name, at the same time restoring to his friends Captain Bygrave, the last prisoner he had in his possession. The Afghans had a maiden430 fortress in the town of Istalif, which is built upon two ridges of the spur of Hindoo Koosh, which forms the western boundary of the beautiful valley of Kohistan. There, in its fortified streets and squares, as in a safe asylum431, they had collected their treasures and their women. The sagacious Havelock suggested that the capture of this place, believed to be impregnable, would be a great stroke of policy. General M'Caskill, therefore, made a rapid march upon it, and after a desperate struggle, in which Havelock greatly distinguished himself, the place was stormed in gallant style, the Afghans in every direction giving way before our attacking columns.
The fate of Cabul was now to be decided. Some mark of just retribution should be left upon it, and General Pollock determined to destroy the great bazaar, where the mangled remains432 of our murdered envoy had been exposed to the insults of the inhabitants. The buildings were therefore blown up with gunpowder433, the design being to allow the work of destruction to extend no further. But it was impossible to restrain the troops. "The cry went forth that Cabul was given up to plunder. Both camps," wrote Major Rawlinson, "rushed into the city, and the consequence has been the almost total destruction of most parts of the town, except the Gholom Khana quarter and the Bala Hissar. Numbers of people—about 4,000 or 5,000—had returned to Cabul, relying on our promises of protection, rendered confident by the comparative immunity434 they had enjoyed during the early part of our sojourn435 here, and by the appearance ostentatiously put forth of an Afghan Government. They had many of them re-opened their shops. These people have been now reduced to utter ruin; their goods have been plundered436, and the houses burnt over their heads. The Hindoos in particular, whose numbers amount to some 500 families, have lost everything they possessed, and they will have to beg their way to India in the rear of our columns." Meanwhile General Nott had retaken Ghuznee.
Having thus accomplished their mission, the two armies returned in triumph to India. Lord Ellenborough was delighted, though he only thwarted437 his generals. He was now at Simla, in the very house whence his predecessor438 had issued his proclamation for the restoration of Shah Sujah, which had been the cause of all our disasters. On the 1st of October, the anniversary of the day when, two years before, he had reversed the policy of Lord Auckland, he issued a proclamation from the same room. It is a well-written State paper, ably reviewing the situation of Indian affairs and clearly announcing the future policy of our Indian Government. It is historically important, and deserves to be permanently439 recorded in the history of England:—"The Government of India directed its army to pass the Indus, in order to expel from Afghanistan a chief believed to be hostile to British interests, and to replace upon his throne a Sovereign represented to be friendly to those interests and popular with his former subjects. The chief believed to be hostile became a prisoner, and the Sovereign represented to be popular was replaced upon his throne; but after events which brought into question his fidelity to the Government by which he was restored, he lost by the hands of an assassin the throne he had only held[504] amidst insurrections, and his death was preceded and followed by still existing anarchy440.[4] Disasters unparalleled in their extent, unless by the errors in which they originated, and by the treachery by which they were completed, have in one short campaign been avenged441 upon every scene of past misfortune; and repeated victories in the field, and the capture of the cities and citadels442 of Ghuznee and Cabul, have again attached the opinion of invincibility443 to the British arms. The British armies in possession of Afghanistan will now be withdrawn to the Sutlej. The Governor-General will leave it to the Afghans themselves to create a government, amidst the anarchy which is the consequence of their crimes. To force the Sovereign upon a reluctant people would be as inconsistent with the policy as it is with the principles of the British Government, tending to place the arms and resources of that people at the disposal of the first invader297, and to impose the burden of supporting a Sovereign without the prospect of benefit from his alliance. The Governor-General will willingly recognise any Government approved by the Afghans themselves, which shall appear desirous and capable of maintaining friendly relations with neighbouring States. Content with the limits Nature appears to have assigned to its empire, the Government of India will devote all its efforts to the establishment and maintenance of general peace, to the protection of the sovereigns and chiefs, its allies, and to the prosperity and happiness of its own faithful subjects."
Had Lord Ellenborough rested satisfied with this proclamation, all would have been well; but he issued another proclamation which at once shocked the religious feelings of the people of England by its profanity, and covered him with ridicule444 by its absurdity445. He meant it to be a great stroke of policy; but it was simply a foolish and gratuitous446 concession to an idolatrous priesthood, while it exasperated the pride and fanaticism447 of the Mahometans. This was the celebrated Somnath Proclamation. Its authenticity448 was at first gravely doubted in India, but when, at length, it was placed beyond doubt, there was an outburst of censure and ridicule such as never before overwhelmed a Governor-General of India. "My brothers and my friends," it ran, "Our victorious449 army bears the gates of the Temple of Somnath in triumph from Afghanistan, and the despoiled450 tomb of Sultan Mahomed looks upon the ruins of Ghuznee. The insult of 800 years is at last avenged. The gates of the Temple of Somnath, so long the memorial of your humiliation451, are become the proudest record of your national glory, the proof of your superiority in arms over the nations beyond the Indus. To you, princes and chiefs of Sirhind, of Rajwarra, of Malwa, and of Guzerat, I shall commit this glorious trophy452 of successful war. You will yourselves, with all honour, transmit the gates of sandal wood through your respective territories to the restored Temple of Somnath." One might have supposed that the princes, chiefs, and people of India thus addressed by the supreme453 representative of a Christian129 nation were all pure Hindoos; and that the temple from which the gates had been carried away, 800 years before, was still in their possession; whereas it was in ruins, and the sacred ground on which it stood was trodden by Mahometans. Even if the temple had been standing234 and occupied by the ancient idols454, the Hindoo priests would have regarded the gates as polluted by being so long in the possession of unbelievers. Viewed as the reversal of a national humiliation the act was equally absurd. It could be no gratification to a subjugated455 race to have restored to them by a foreign Power a trophy that had been carried away 800 years before. Worst of all, the gates were discovered to be spurious copies of the originals. The Temple of Somnath was never restored, and the gates were consigned456 to an armoury.
点击收听单词发音
1 prorogation | |
n.休会,闭会 | |
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2 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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3 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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4 tariff | |
n.关税,税率;(旅馆、饭店等)价目表,收费表 | |
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5 tempt | |
vt.引诱,勾引,吸引,引起…的兴趣 | |
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6 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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7 intrigue | |
vt.激起兴趣,迷住;vi.耍阴谋;n.阴谋,密谋 | |
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8 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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9 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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10 borough | |
n.享有自治权的市镇;(英)自治市镇 | |
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11 diplomacy | |
n.外交;外交手腕,交际手腕 | |
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12 consort | |
v.相伴;结交 | |
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13 pedantic | |
adj.卖弄学问的;迂腐的 | |
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14 adviser | |
n.劝告者,顾问 | |
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15 baron | |
n.男爵;(商业界等)巨头,大王 | |
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16 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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17 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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18 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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19 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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20 treasurer | |
n.司库,财务主管 | |
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21 deficit | |
n.亏空,亏损;赤字,逆差 | |
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22 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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23 fiscal | |
adj.财政的,会计的,国库的,国库岁入的 | |
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24 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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25 hull | |
n.船身;(果、实等的)外壳;vt.去(谷物等)壳 | |
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26 avowing | |
v.公开声明,承认( avow的现在分词 ) | |
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27 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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28 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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29 hustings | |
n.竞选活动 | |
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30 wed | |
v.娶,嫁,与…结婚 | |
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31 philosophic | |
adj.哲学的,贤明的 | |
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32 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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33 elicited | |
引出,探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34 slumber | |
n.睡眠,沉睡状态 | |
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35 modification | |
n.修改,改进,缓和,减轻 | |
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36 emancipation | |
n.(从束缚、支配下)解放 | |
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37 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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38 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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39 acquiescence | |
n.默许;顺从 | |
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40 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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41 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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42 depressed | |
adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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43 partially | |
adv.部分地,从某些方面讲 | |
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44 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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45 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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46 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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47 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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48 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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49 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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50 desultory | |
adj.散漫的,无方法的 | |
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51 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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52 subscriptions | |
n.(报刊等的)订阅费( subscription的名词复数 );捐款;(俱乐部的)会员费;捐助 | |
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53 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
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54 ardent | |
adj.热情的,热烈的,强烈的,烈性的 | |
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55 retrenchment | |
n.节省,删除 | |
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56 incorporation | |
n.设立,合并,法人组织 | |
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57 professing | |
声称( profess的现在分词 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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58 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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59 propensity | |
n.倾向;习性 | |
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60 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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61 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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62 auspices | |
n.资助,赞助 | |
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63 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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64 prospects | |
n.希望,前途(恒为复数) | |
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65 apathy | |
n.漠不关心,无动于衷;冷淡 | |
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66 withholding | |
扣缴税款 | |
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67 withhold | |
v.拒绝,不给;使停止,阻挡 | |
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68 prophesied | |
v.预告,预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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70 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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71 bankruptcy | |
n.破产;无偿付能力 | |
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72 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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73 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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74 procuring | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的现在分词 );拉皮条 | |
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75 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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76 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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77 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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78 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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79 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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80 delegation | |
n.代表团;派遣 | |
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81 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82 missionaries | |
n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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83 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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84 systematically | |
adv.有系统地 | |
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85 demonstration | |
n.表明,示范,论证,示威 | |
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86 tenant | |
n.承租人;房客;佃户;v.租借,租用 | |
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87 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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88 tracts | |
大片土地( tract的名词复数 ); 地带; (体内的)道; (尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的)短文 | |
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89 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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90 obnoxious | |
adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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91 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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92 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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93 terse | |
adj.(说话,文笔)精炼的,简明的 | |
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94 homely | |
adj.家常的,简朴的;不漂亮的 | |
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95 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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96 sincerity | |
n.真诚,诚意;真实 | |
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97 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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98 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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99 specimen | |
n.样本,标本 | |
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100 groaned | |
v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 );发牢骚;抱怨;受苦 | |
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101 massacre | |
n.残杀,大屠杀;v.残杀,集体屠杀 | |
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102 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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103 emancipating | |
v.解放某人(尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚)( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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104 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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105 petitioners | |
n.请求人,请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 );离婚案原告 | |
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106 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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107 uncouth | |
adj.无教养的,粗鲁的 | |
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108 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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109 deafening | |
adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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110 alteration | |
n.变更,改变;蚀变 | |
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111 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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112 conversion | |
n.转化,转换,转变 | |
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113 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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114 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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115 dispersed | |
adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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116 sterling | |
adj.英币的(纯粹的,货真价实的);n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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117 registration | |
n.登记,注册,挂号 | |
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118 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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119 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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120 distressed | |
痛苦的 | |
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121 wilts | |
(使)凋谢,枯萎( wilt的第三人称单数 ) | |
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122 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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123 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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124 blight | |
n.枯萎病;造成破坏的因素;vt.破坏,摧残 | |
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125 ridge | |
n.山脊;鼻梁;分水岭 | |
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126 prevailing | |
adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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127 benignity | |
n.仁慈 | |
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128 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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129 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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130 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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131 prorogued | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132 earnings | |
n.工资收人;利润,利益,所得 | |
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133 abodes | |
住所( abode的名词复数 ); 公寓; (在某地的)暂住; 逗留 | |
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134 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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135 memoranda | |
n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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136 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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137 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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138 estrangement | |
n.疏远,失和,不和 | |
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139 climax | |
n.顶点;高潮;v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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140 antagonists | |
对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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141 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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142 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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143 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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144 watchful | |
adj.注意的,警惕的 | |
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145 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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146 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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147 subside | |
vi.平静,平息;下沉,塌陷,沉降 | |
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148 recapitulated | |
v.总结,扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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149 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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150 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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151 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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152 compensate | |
vt.补偿,赔偿;酬报 vi.弥补;补偿;抵消 | |
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153 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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154 vindicated | |
v.澄清(某人/某事物)受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 );表明或证明(所争辩的事物)属实、正当、有效等;维护 | |
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155 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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156 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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157 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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158 tune | |
n.调子;和谐,协调;v.调音,调节,调整 | |
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159 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
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160 Augmented | |
adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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161 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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162 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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163 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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164 ridiculing | |
v.嘲笑,嘲弄,奚落( ridicule的现在分词 ) | |
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165 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
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166 pecuniary | |
adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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167 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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168 remit | |
v.汇款,汇寄;豁免(债务),免除(处罚等) | |
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169 prohibitions | |
禁令,禁律( prohibition的名词复数 ); 禁酒; 禁例 | |
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170 avowedly | |
adv.公然地 | |
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171 sneer | |
v.轻蔑;嘲笑;n.嘲笑,讥讽的言语 | |
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172 exempting | |
使免除[豁免]( exempt的现在分词 ) | |
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173 rental | |
n.租赁,出租,出租业 | |
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174 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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175 Amended | |
adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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176 anomalous | |
adj.反常的;不规则的 | |
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177 stimulate | |
vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
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178 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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179 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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180 adverted | |
引起注意(advert的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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181 aggravate | |
vt.加重(剧),使恶化;激怒,使恼火 | |
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182 distresses | |
n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 );痛苦;贫困;危险 | |
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183 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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184 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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185 smuggling | |
n.走私 | |
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186 avowal | |
n.公开宣称,坦白承认 | |
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187 valid | |
adj.有确实根据的;有效的;正当的,合法的 | |
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188 amendments | |
(法律、文件的)改动( amendment的名词复数 ); 修正案; 修改; (美国宪法的)修正案 | |
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189 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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190 entailed | |
使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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191 commissioner | |
n.(政府厅、局、处等部门)专员,长官,委员 | |
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192 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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193 astounding | |
adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊,使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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194 impunity | |
n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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195 evade | |
vt.逃避,回避;避开,躲避 | |
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196 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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197 posture | |
n.姿势,姿态,心态,态度;v.作出某种姿势 | |
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198 sewer | |
n.排水沟,下水道 | |
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199 stifling | |
a.令人窒息的 | |
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200 immorality | |
n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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201 tugs | |
n.猛拉( tug的名词复数 );猛拖;拖船v.用力拉,使劲拉,猛扯( tug的第三人称单数 ) | |
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202 ruptured | |
v.(使)破裂( rupture的过去式和过去分词 );(使体内组织等)断裂;使(友好关系)破裂;使绝交 | |
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203 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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204 morbid | |
adj.病的;致病的;病态的;可怕的 | |
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205 unaware | |
a.不知道的,未意识到的 | |
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206 corroborated | |
v.证实,支持(某种说法、信仰、理论等)( corroborate的过去式 ) | |
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207 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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208 commuted | |
通勤( commute的过去式和过去分词 ); 减(刑); 代偿 | |
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209 miscreants | |
n.恶棍,歹徒( miscreant的名词复数 ) | |
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210 chapel | |
n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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211 deformed | |
adj.畸形的;变形的;丑的,破相了的 | |
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212 hoax | |
v.欺骗,哄骗,愚弄;n.愚弄人,恶作剧 | |
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213 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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215 offender | |
n.冒犯者,违反者,犯罪者 | |
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216 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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217 briefly | |
adv.简单地,简短地 | |
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218 divers | |
adj.不同的;种种的 | |
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219 penitentiary | |
n.感化院;监狱 | |
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220 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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221 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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222 rendering | |
n.表现,描写 | |
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223 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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224 wilfully | |
adv.任性固执地;蓄意地 | |
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225 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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226 malignant | |
adj.恶性的,致命的;恶意的,恶毒的 | |
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227 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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228 relaxation | |
n.松弛,放松;休息;消遣;娱乐 | |
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229 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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230 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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231 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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232 interfered | |
v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 );调停;妨碍;干涉 | |
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233 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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234 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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235 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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236 nefarious | |
adj.恶毒的,极坏的 | |
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237 navigating | |
v.给(船舶、飞机等)引航,导航( navigate的现在分词 );(从海上、空中等)横越;横渡;飞跃 | |
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238 hoisted | |
把…吊起,升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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239 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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240 hoisting | |
起重,提升 | |
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241 emblems | |
n.象征,标记( emblem的名词复数 ) | |
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242 navigated | |
v.给(船舶、飞机等)引航,导航( navigate的过去式和过去分词 );(从海上、空中等)横越;横渡;飞跃 | |
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243 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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244 belligerent | |
adj.好战的,挑起战争的;n.交战国,交战者 | |
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245 nominally | |
在名义上,表面地; 应名儿 | |
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246 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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247 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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248 census | |
n.(官方的)人口调查,人口普查 | |
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249 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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250 irritation | |
n.激怒,恼怒,生气 | |
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251 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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252 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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253 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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254 amicable | |
adj.和平的,友好的;友善的 | |
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255 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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256 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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257 negotiation | |
n.谈判,协商 | |
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258 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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259 ratifications | |
n.正式批准,认可( ratification的名词复数 ) | |
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260 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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261 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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262 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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263 piracy | |
n.海盗行为,剽窃,著作权侵害 | |
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264 forgery | |
n.伪造的文件等,赝品,伪造(行为) | |
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265 arson | |
n.纵火,放火 | |
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266 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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267 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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268 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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269 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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270 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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271 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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272 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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273 seizure | |
n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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274 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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275 captivity | |
n.囚禁;被俘;束缚 | |
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276 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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277 counteract | |
vt.对…起反作用,对抗,抵消 | |
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278 overtures | |
n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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279 regain | |
vt.重新获得,收复,恢复 | |
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280 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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281 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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282 contingent | |
adj.视条件而定的;n.一组,代表团,分遣队 | |
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283 eldest | |
adj.最年长的,最年老的 | |
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284 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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285 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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286 defile | |
v.弄污,弄脏;n.(山间)小道 | |
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287 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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288 molested | |
v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 );干扰;调戏;猥亵 | |
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289 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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290 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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291 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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292 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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293 ridges | |
n.脊( ridge的名词复数 );山脊;脊状突起;大气层的)高压脊 | |
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294 gallantly | |
adv. 漂亮地,勇敢地,献殷勤地 | |
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295 skilful | |
(=skillful)adj.灵巧的,熟练的 | |
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296 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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297 invader | |
n.侵略者,侵犯者,入侵者 | |
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298 invaders | |
入侵者,侵略者,侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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299 artillery | |
n.(军)火炮,大炮;炮兵(部队) | |
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300 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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301 aggression | |
n.进攻,侵略,侵犯,侵害 | |
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302 treacherous | |
adj.不可靠的,有暗藏的危险的;adj.背叛的,背信弃义的 | |
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303 suite | |
n.一套(家具);套房;随从人员 | |
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304 inefficient | |
adj.效率低的,无效的 | |
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305 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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306 deposed | |
v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 );(在法庭上)宣誓作证 | |
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307 envoy | |
n.使节,使者,代表,公使 | |
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308 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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309 insurgents | |
n.起义,暴动,造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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310 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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311 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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312 precarious | |
adj.不安定的,靠不住的;根据不足的 | |
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313 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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314 evacuate | |
v.遣送;搬空;抽出;排泄;大(小)便 | |
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315 thither | |
adv.向那里;adj.在那边的,对岸的 | |
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316 irresolutely | |
adv.优柔寡断地 | |
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317 bribe | |
n.贿赂;v.向…行贿,买通 | |
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318 unconditionally | |
adv.无条件地 | |
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319 hovering | |
鸟( hover的现在分词 ); 靠近(某事物); (人)徘徊; 犹豫 | |
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320 disarmed | |
v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 );使息怒 | |
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321 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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322 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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323 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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324 galloped | |
(使马)飞奔,奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 ); 快速做[说]某事 | |
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325 gallop | |
v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔;飞速发展 | |
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326 mangled | |
vt.乱砍(mangle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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327 bazaar | |
n.集市,商店集中区 | |
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328 defender | |
n.保卫者,拥护者,辩护人 | |
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329 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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330 corpses | |
n.死尸,尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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331 hacked | |
生气 | |
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332 perfidious | |
adj.不忠的,背信弃义的 | |
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333 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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334 slumbers | |
睡眠,安眠( slumber的名词复数 ) | |
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335 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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336 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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337 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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338 triumphantly | |
ad.得意洋洋地;得胜地;成功地 | |
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339 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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340 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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341 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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342 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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343 suspense | |
n.(对可能发生的事)紧张感,担心,挂虑 | |
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344 anticipations | |
预期( anticipation的名词复数 ); 预测; (信托财产收益的)预支; 预期的事物 | |
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345 astounded | |
v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词);愕然;愕;惊讶 | |
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346 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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347 doomed | |
命定的 | |
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348 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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349 retrieve | |
vt.重新得到,收回;挽回,补救;检索 | |
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350 miserably | |
adv.痛苦地;悲惨地;糟糕地;极度地 | |
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351 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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352 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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353 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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354 defiles | |
v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 );污染;弄脏;纵列行进 | |
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355 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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356 recollected | |
adj.冷静的;镇定的;被回忆起的;沉思默想的v.记起,想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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357 retrieving | |
n.检索(过程),取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 );恢复;寻回;检索(储存的信息) | |
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358 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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359 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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360 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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361 mutinous | |
adj.叛变的,反抗的;adv.反抗地,叛变地;n.反抗,叛变 | |
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362 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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363 auxiliaries | |
n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 );辅助工,辅助人员 | |
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364 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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365 morale | |
n.道德准则,士气,斗志 | |
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366 dissuade | |
v.劝阻,阻止 | |
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367 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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368 fortify | |
v.强化防御,为…设防;加强,强化 | |
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369 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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370 foraging | |
v.搜寻(食物),尤指动物觅(食)( forage的现在分词 );(尤指用手)搜寻(东西) | |
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371 vindictive | |
adj.有报仇心的,怀恨的,惩罚的 | |
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372 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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373 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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374 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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375 demolished | |
v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 );推翻;拆毁(尤指大建筑物);吃光 | |
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376 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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377 excavated | |
v.挖掘( excavate的过去式和过去分词 );开凿;挖出;发掘 | |
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378 breaches | |
破坏( breach的名词复数 ); 破裂; 缺口; 违背 | |
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379 perseverance | |
n.坚持不懈,不屈不挠 | |
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380 witchcraft | |
n.魔法,巫术 | |
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381 twilight | |
n.暮光,黄昏;暮年,晚期,衰落时期 | |
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382 bugle | |
n.军号,号角,喇叭;v.吹号,吹号召集 | |
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383 ascent | |
n.(声望或地位)提高;上升,升高;登高 | |
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384 forsook | |
forsake的过去式 | |
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385 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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386 ignominious | |
adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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387 beleaguered | |
adj.受到围困[围攻]的;包围的v.围攻( beleaguer的过去式和过去分词);困扰;骚扰 | |
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388 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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389 salute | |
vi.行礼,致意,问候,放礼炮;vt.向…致意,迎接,赞扬;n.招呼,敬礼,礼炮 | |
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390 rumour | |
n.谣言,谣传,传闻 | |
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391 dissuaded | |
劝(某人)勿做某事,劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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392 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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393 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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394 conflagration | |
n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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395 exultation | |
n.狂喜,得意 | |
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396 ordnance | |
n.大炮,军械 | |
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397 strewed | |
v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 );散落于;点缀;撒满 | |
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398 attest | |
vt.证明,证实;表明 | |
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399 remarkably | |
ad.不同寻常地,相当地 | |
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400 peruse | |
v.细读,精读 | |
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401 intrepidity | |
n.大胆,刚勇;大胆的行为 | |
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402 indefatigable | |
adj.不知疲倦的,不屈不挠的 | |
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403 exertions | |
n.努力( exertion的名词复数 );费力;(能力、权力等的)运用;行使 | |
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404 succinct | |
adj.简明的,简洁的 | |
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405 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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406 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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407 encumber | |
v.阻碍行动,妨碍,堆满 | |
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408 detailed | |
adj.详细的,详尽的,极注意细节的,完全的 | |
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409 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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410 feverishly | |
adv. 兴奋地 | |
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411 infliction | |
n.(强加于人身的)痛苦,刑罚 | |
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412 consultation | |
n.咨询;商量;商议;会议 | |
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413 ransom | |
n.赎金,赎身;v.赎回,解救 | |
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414 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
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415 intimacy | |
n.熟悉,亲密,密切关系,亲昵的言行 | |
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416 saviour | |
n.拯救者,救星 | |
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417 salaam | |
n.额手之礼,问安,敬礼;v.行额手礼 | |
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418 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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419 stony | |
adj.石头的,多石头的,冷酷的,无情的 | |
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420 awakened | |
v.(使)醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 );(使)觉醒;弄醒;(使)意识到 | |
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421 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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422 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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423 liberated | |
a.无拘束的,放纵的 | |
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424 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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425 concurred | |
同意(concur的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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426 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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427 atrocities | |
n.邪恶,暴行( atrocity的名词复数 );滔天大罪 | |
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428 arrogant | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的 | |
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429 repudiated | |
v.(正式地)否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 );拒绝接受;拒绝与…往来;拒不履行(法律义务) | |
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430 maiden | |
n.少女,处女;adj.未婚的,纯洁的,无经验的 | |
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431 asylum | |
n.避难所,庇护所,避难 | |
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432 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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433 gunpowder | |
n.火药 | |
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434 immunity | |
n.优惠;免除;豁免,豁免权 | |
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435 sojourn | |
v./n.旅居,寄居;逗留 | |
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436 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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437 thwarted | |
阻挠( thwart的过去式和过去分词 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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438 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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439 permanently | |
adv.永恒地,永久地,固定不变地 | |
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440 anarchy | |
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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441 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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442 citadels | |
n.城堡,堡垒( citadel的名词复数 ) | |
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443 invincibility | |
n.无敌,绝对不败 | |
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444 ridicule | |
v.讥讽,挖苦;n.嘲弄 | |
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445 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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446 gratuitous | |
adj.无偿的,免费的;无缘无故的,不必要的 | |
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447 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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448 authenticity | |
n.真实性 | |
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449 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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450 despoiled | |
v.掠夺,抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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451 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
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452 trophy | |
n.优胜旗,奖品,奖杯,战胜品,纪念品 | |
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453 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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454 idols | |
偶像( idol的名词复数 ); 受崇拜的人或物; 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物; 神像 | |
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455 subjugated | |
v.征服,降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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456 consigned | |
v.把…置于(令人不快的境地)( consign的过去式和过去分词 );把…托付给;把…托人代售;丟弃 | |
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