The year 1843 opened amid gloom and depression. The newspapers published the fact that the revenue for the quarter ending on the 5th of January, as compared with the corresponding quarter of the previous year, had decreased no less than £940,062, occasioned mainly by diminished consumption of articles used by the industrial classes of the community; and the Times remarked, "It appears to us very clear, whatever our Free Trade friends may say, that any alteration10 which may be made in the Corn Laws ought not to be made irrespective of financial considerations: we cannot at these times afford to throw away revenue." In the same paper appeared a statement that flour was 30 per cent. dearer in London than in Paris. The Queen opened Parliament on the 2nd of February, and the Speech delivered from the Throne regretted the diminished receipts from some of the ordinary sources of revenue, and feared that it must, in part, be[506] attributed to the reduced consumption of many articles caused by that depression of the manufacturing industry of the country which had so long prevailed, and which her Majesty11 had so deeply lamented13. But it suggested no measure of relief for the people.
A debate which took place shortly afterwards was characterised by a memorable14 scene. In the month of January, 1843, Mr. Edward Drummond, the private secretary of Sir Robert Peel, had been shot in the street at Charing15 Cross, by an assassin, named M'Naughten. The unfortunate gentleman died of the wound, and the wildest rumours16 agitated17 the town as to the motive7 which had prompted the deed. Many asserted that it was a political one. M'Naughten had been seen loitering in Whitehall Gardens, and had followed his victim from Sir Robert Peel's residence in that locality. It was at once rumoured18 that the Prime Minister was the intended victim. M'Naughten had come from Glasgow, and it was said that when the Queen was in Scotland Sir Robert Peel invariably rode in the royal carriage, and Mr. Drummond in Sir Robert's own carriage. If this were true, it was remarked, the assassin's confidence would have been complete when he saw Mr. Drummond actually leave the house of Sir Robert Peel. Although the assassin was afterwards proved to be insane, the fact, coupled with the political excitement of the time, made a painful impression upon the minds of public men.
In the eyes of the Conservatives the League was now the great cause of the political ferment19 that had spread throughout the land. In the Quarterly Review for December a long and elaborate indictment20 had been published against that body, and all who were in any way connected with them, in which it was attempted to show that the means by which the League sought to attain22 their objects were of the worst kind. The writer of the article hinted that the League's system of levying23 money for the avowed24 purpose of forcing Parliament to alter the law of the land was criminally punishable. A Mr. Bailey had stated, at one of the League meetings, that he had heard of a gentleman who, in private company, had said that if one hundred persons cast lots, and the lot should fall upon him, he would take the lot to deprive Sir Robert Peel of life. The teller25 of this injudicious anecdote26 added, that "he felt convinced that no such attempt ought to be made under any pretence27 whatever; but he was persuaded of this, that when Sir Robert Peel went to his grave there would be but few to shed one tear over it." The speaker was a minister of the Gospel, and there could be no doubt that he intended his anecdote only as an illustration of the frenzy28 to which some persons had been wrought29 by the political circumstances of the time; but this fact circulated by the great Tory organs, together with all the most violent and excited passages which could be found in the innumerable speeches delivered at League meetings, and in the pamphlets and other publications of that body, tended to create a vague horror of the Leaguers in the minds of that large class who read only writers on that side which accords with their own views.
When the rumours of Mr. Drummond having been mistaken for Sir Robert Peel were spread abroad, it was impossible for zealous30 Conservatives to forget these things. If the assassin M'Naughten was mad, he was certainly mad about politics; one of the first utterances31 of his insane ravings when captured having been directed against the Tories of Glasgow. One witness, indeed, swore that on his being asked if he knew the gentleman shot at, M'Naughten replied, "It is Sir Robert Peel, is it not?" The Minister's life was not considered safe, and for some time two policemen in plain clothes followed him about in the street wherever he went. On the 17th of February, the fifth night of a debate in the Commons on the distress32 of the country, Mr. Cobden rose to speak, and in the course of his address alluded33 to an attempt made to identify the members of the Anti-Corn-Law League with a most odious34, a most horrible transaction which had lately occurred; but in the conclusion of his speech, he said, "I tell the right honourable35 gentleman [Sir Robert Peel] that I, for one, care nothing for Whigs or Tories. I have said that I never will help to bring back the Whigs, but I tell him that the whole responsibility of the lamentable36 and dangerous state of the country rests with him." No outcry at these words, even among the Ministerial party, evinced that the House regarded them as overstepping the proper limits of debate. Loud cries for Mr. Bankes, the Dorsetshire landowner, who had been attacked in Mr. Cobden's speech, were the only party sounds uttered, but the Prime Minister was immediately seen to rise. It has been stated that he was "ill and harassed38 with public anxieties." He was certainly deeply moved by the loss of his valued and confidential39 friend, Mr. Drummond. His countenance40, it is said, indicated extreme agitation, while by gesticulating, and violently striking an empty box before him, he succeeded[507] in obtaining the ear of the House. It was then that his audience perceived that the Minister regarded Mr. Cobden as pointing him out for the hand of the assassin.
Sir Robert Peel began by saying, "Sir, the honourable gentleman has stated here very emphatically, what he has more than once stated at the conferences of the Anti-Corn-Law League, that he holds me individually responsible for the distress and suffering of the country; that he holds me personally responsible." This was pronounced with great solemnity of manner, and at the word "individually" the Premier42 was interrupted by a loud cheer from the Ministerial benches of a very peculiar43 and emphatic41 kind. Sir Robert then continued, "Be the consequences of those insinuations what they may, never will I be influenced by menaces to adopt a course which I consider——" But the rest of the sentence was lost in renewed shouts from the Ministerial benches. Mr. Cobden immediately rose and said, "I did not say that I held the right honourable gentleman personally responsible;" but he was interrupted by shouts from the Ministerial benches of, "You did, you did!" mingled44 with cries of "Order!" and "Chair!" The further remark from Mr. Cobden, "I have said that I hold the right honourable gentleman responsible by virtue45 of his office, as the whole context of what I said was sufficient to explain," brought renewed shouts from the same quarter of "No, no," accompanied by great confusion. When Sir Robert, says a newspaper of the day, gave the signal for this new light, then, and not till then, the sense so obtained burst forth46 with a frantic47 yell, which would better have befitted a company of savages48 who first saw and scented49 their victim, than a grave and dignified50 assembly insulted by conduct deemed deserving of condemnation51. Sir Robert afterwards so far recovered from his excitement as to say, "I will not overstate anything. Therefore I will not say I am certain the honourable gentleman used the word 'personally';" but the debate created a painful impression, which was increased by an article in the Times of the following day, deliberately52 attempting to connect Mr. Cobden with the doctrine53 of assassination. The friends of the Anti-Corn-Law movement, however, immediately held meetings throughout the country, at which they expressed their indignation at the attempt to fix a calumny54 upon the man whose arguments in favour of Free Trade in food were unanswered and unanswerable.
Mr. Villiers's motion was again brought forward on the 9th of May. The debate lasted for five nights, and ended in a division which, though it showed a majority of 256 against inquiry55, was encouraging as evidencing an increase in the number of the Free Traders. The minority numbered 125. The debate was chiefly remarkable57 for the violence of the monopolist party. Sir Robert Peel said that the subject was exhausted58, and nothing new could be adduced. "The motion of Mr. Villiers was fairly stated and proposed—there was no subterfuge59 involved in it. But he thought that the principle must be applied60 generally and universally to every article on which a duty was levied61. They could not stand on the single article of corn. By the adoption62 of the motion they would sound the knell63 of Protection, and they must immediately proceed to apply the principle to practice. This would at once upset the commercial arrangements of the last year. The whole of our colonial system must be swept away without favour and without consideration." A contemporary writer describes the uproar64 which took place on this occasion as exceeding anything that had been witnessed since the night of the memorable division on the Corn Bill. The minority, it is said, were aware that the remaining speeches, even if delivered, could not be reported, and for that and other reasons were in their resolves so resolute65, that although outvoted in some divisions, the question was just as often removed and seconded. At length Mr. Ross told Lord Dungannon, that if he were contented66 to sit till eight o'clock, he himself, and those who acted with him, would willingly sit till nine; and it was at this stage that Sir Charles Napier slyly suggested that they should divide themselves into three watches, after the fashion of a ship's crew. This arrangement would afford ease to all, excepting the Speaker, to whom he was sorry he could not afford the slightest relief. Worn out at length by the violence of their exertions67, and despairing of victory, the majority yielded.
To the Anti-Corn-Law Leaguers there was at least the consolation68 of finding that scarcely a speech was delivered by the Prime Minister which did not contain some distinct recognition of the great principles of political economy, showing how completely he had, in reality, embraced those doctrines69. On one occasion he remarked, "We have reserved many articles from immediate37 reduction, in the hope that ere long we may attain that which we consider just and beneficial to all—namely, increased facilities for our exports in return. At the same time, I am bound to say[508] that it is for our interest to buy cheap, whether other countries will buy cheap or no. We have a right to exhaust all means to induce them to do justice; but if they persevere70 in refusing, the penalty is on us if we do not buy in the cheapest market." Several of the most conspicuous71 followers72 of Sir Robert Peel also in their speeches recognised the abstract principles of Free Trade in a way which was ominous73 for the continuance of the landlords' monopoly. Among the most interesting instances of this was that of Mr. Gladstone, the young statesman who was destined74 afterwards to play so great a part in carrying forward the reforms of his chief.
The Minister still claimed the character of the landowner's friend; and in the House of Commons, out of 658 members, 125 was the utmost number that could be considered as Free Traders. But the progress of the League agitation this year was immense. Five years had elapsed since the Anti-Corn-Law Association in Manchester had put forth its humble76 appeal for five-shilling subscriptions77, and now in one single year £50,000 had been given for the objects of the Association, and it was resolved to raise a further fund of £100,000. Mr. Bright had been returned for Durham in July, and already his touching78 appeals for justice for the people had struck the ear of the House. Like his fellow-labourers, Cobden, Colonel Thompson, George Wilson, W. J. Fox, M.P., and others, he had been busy in all parts of England, addressing audiences sometimes of 10,000 persons. The League speakers had also visited Scotland, and had been everywhere received enthusiastically. The great Free Trade Hall in Manchester was finished, and had been the scene of numerous gatherings80 and Free Trade banquets, at which 7,000 or 8,000 persons had sometimes sat down together. The metropolis81, however, was still behind the great provincial82 cities in supporting the movement; and the League, therefore, resolved on holding a series of great meetings in Drury Lane Theatre, which was engaged for one night a week during Lent. The first of these important meetings was held on the 15th of March, and was attended by so large a number of persons that the pit, boxes, and even the higher gallery were filled immediately upon the opening of the doors. The succeeding meetings were no less crowded and enthusiastic. Attempts were made to obstruct83 these meetings, but without success. The use of Drury Lane Theatre had soon to be relinquished84, the Earl of Glengall and the committee of shareholders85 having prohibited Mr. Macready, the lessee87, from letting it for political purposes. The League were, in like manner, refused admittance to Exeter Hall; but they were soon enabled to obtain the use of Covent Garden Theatre, where they quickly prepared for a series of great meetings, which proved to be no less crowded and enthusiastic.
In the report prepared by the League it was stated that during a very considerable portion of the year there were employed in the printing, and making up of the electoral packets of tracts88, upwards89 of 300 persons, while more than 500 other persons were employed in distributing them from house to house among the constituencies. To the Parliamentary electors alone of England and Scotland there had been distributed in this manner, of tracts and stamped publications, five millions. Besides these, there had been a large general distribution among the working classes and others, who are not electors, to the number of 3,600,000. In addition, 426,000 tracts had been stitched up with the monthly magazines and other periodicals, thus making altogether the whole number of tracts and stamped publications issued by the council during the year to amount to upwards of nine millions, or in weight more than one hundred tons. The distribution had been made in twenty-four counties containing about 237,000 electors, and in 187 boroughs90 containing 259,226 electors, making in boroughs and counties together the whole number of electors supplied 496,226. The labours of the lecturers employed during the year had been spread over fifty-nine counties in England, Wales, and Scotland, and they had delivered about 650 lectures during the year. A large number of meetings had been held during the year in the cities and boroughs, which had been attended by deputations of members of the council, exclusive of the metropolis. One hundred and forty towns had been thus visited, many of them twice and three times; and the report further stated that such had been the feeling existing in all parts of the kingdom that there was scarcely a town which had not urged its claim to be visited by a deputation from the council of the League.
The Covent Garden meeting became thenceforth an annual feature in the political events of the metropolis, and the effects of this movement in the chief city of the kingdom were seen in the election of Mr. Pattison, the Free Trade candidate, for the City of London. Another sign of the times was the accession to the ranks of the Anti-Corn-Law League of Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd, the wealthy banker, a conspicuous City man, and a great[509] authority on financial matters. This gentleman addressed a letter to the council of the League in October, 1844, in which, after mentioning his reluctance91 to join a public body, for whose acts he could not be responsible, he said, "The time is now arrived when this must be overruled by other considerations of overwhelming importance. The great question of Free Trade is now fairly at issue, and the bold, manly92, and effectual efforts which have been made by the League in its support command at once my admiration93 and my concurrence94." Still more remarkable was the progress of the League in its scheme of converting the agriculturists themselves to their views. The truths which they had always maintained—that the tenant95 farmer had no real interest in maintaining the Corn Laws, the agricultural labourer, if possible, less, and that even the landed proprietor96, on a far-seeing view of his interest, would be on the same side as themselves—were based upon arguments easily understood by calm reasoners, and were even beginning to make way with these classes themselves. Not a few great landowners and noblemen had openly classed themselves among their supporters. Foremost among these was Earl Fitzwilliam, who was one of the most effective speakers at Anti-Corn-Law meetings by the side of Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright. Among the noblemen openly supporting their cause were the Marquis of Westminster, Lord Kinnaird, Earl Ducie, the Earl of Radnor, Lord Morpeth, and Earl Spencer.
CAPT. THOMAS DRUMMOND, UNDER-SECRETARY FOR IRELAND.
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But the League did more than attempt to convert the country party. They determined97 to create a country party of their own. They had already taken up the registration98 of voters in the[510] boroughs, from which they proceeded, with that practical common sense which had distinguished99 nearly all their movements, to inquire into the position of the country constituencies, where hitherto the landowners had held undisputed sway. The scheme which resulted from this incursion into the dominions100 of the enemy was developed by Mr. Cobden at a meeting in the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, on the 24th of October, 1844. The Chandos clause in the Reform Act, giving the tenant-farmers votes for county members, had so strengthened the landlords' influence in the county that opposition101 at most of the county elections was hopeless. But Mr. Cobden showed his hearers that the counties were really more vulnerable than the small pocket boroughs. In many of these there was no increase from year to year in the number of voters—no extension of houses. The whole property belonged to a neighbouring noble, and as Mr. Cobden said, "You could no more touch the votes which he held through the property than you could touch the balance in his banker's hands." But the county constituency might be increased indefinitely, for there it required but a freehold property of the value of forty shillings a year to give a man a vote. This sum had been adopted from an ancient regulation, when money was of far greater value, and land of far less money worth than it was then; but the forty-shilling qualification existed, and was a powerful engine for the creation of voters. Up to that time it had had but little effect. The laws of England, but more especially the habits and prejudices of landowners, had always kept the land of the county in so few hands as to present an extraordinary contrast with the condition of things in all other nations of Europe. The danger of the forty-shilling clause to aristocratic influence in the county was not perceived, simply because forty-shilling freeholders were rare. But there was no reason why they should be rare. The passion for possessing freehold land was widely spread, and a few facilities offered for purchasing it would soon create a large number of small holders86. The chief difficulty in the way of this had hitherto been the great cost of transferring land. Owing to the complicated laws of real property, the land, unlike other articles, could only be bought and sold after a minute investigation102 into the owner's title, which necessitated103 an historical account of the ownership extending back over many years. All this, however, the League could easily obviate104. They could buy land in the lump, register its title once for all, and part it into small pieces for small buyers. "This," remarked Mr. Cobden, "must be done," and it was done. The Conservative party sneered105 at the Manchester man's proposition of serving land over a counter, like calico, by the yard; but the movement soon began to tell upon elections, and to alarm the great landed proprietors106.
The year 1844 brought little progress to the Free Traders in Parliament. The members of the House of Commons had been elected in 1841, in the teeth of the Free Trade cry raised by the Whigs, and before the League had made its power felt in the elections. Unless the Minister were compelled to dissolve Parliament, they were irremovable for four years longer, and could safely wait. Parliament met on the 1st of February. The Queen's Speech congratulated the country on the improved condition of the trade and manufactures of the country, and the increased demand for labour, from which it was easily prognosticated that no further concessions108 were intended that Session. Sir Robert Peel declared that the Government "did not contemplate109 and had never contemplated110 any change in the existing Corn Laws." At recent public meetings influential111 members of the Tory party had openly threatened the Minister with expulsion unless he maintained those laws for their benefit—a fact which drew from Mr. Villiers the remark that he regretted that the Prime Minister had not "the spirit to turn round upon these people, and show them their utter helplessness without him, their utter inability to administer, without him, the government upon their own system." Indeed, it began now to be assumed by all persons favourable112 to Free Trade that the Minister's opinions were really far in advance of his own party, and that he needed only a favourable opportunity to declare himself openly at variance113 with their views. The great meetings at Covent Garden Theatre, immediately before the opening of Parliament, kept the subject before the public.
On the 11th of March the Earl of Radnor presented a petition adopted at a great meeting of inhabitants of the county of Somerset, which led to a long debate, in the course of which the Duke of Wellington earnestly recommended their lordships to leave the Corn Law as it was, and to continue to maintain the system which it was the object of that law to carry into effect; and the Duke of Richmond declared that he was surprised that any doubt could exist that "the farmers were, almost to a man, hostile to the delusions114 of Free Trade." On the following evening Mr. Cobden[511] brought forward a motion to inquire into the effects of protective duties on the interests of the tenant-farmers and labourers of the country, promising115 that he would not bring forward a single witness who should not be a tenant-farmer or a landed proprietor; but the debate concluded with a division which negatived the motion by 244 votes to 153.
On the 17th of March, a few nights after Mr. Cobden's motion, Mr. Miles brought forward a motion for relief to the agricultural interest in the reduction or remission of taxation116. He complained that there had been an importation of wheat during the last thirty-two months seven or eight times greater in amount than in the thirty-six months immediately subsequent to the introduction of the Corn Law of 1828. The abundance of meat in Leadenhall, Smithfield, and Newgate Markets, through the importation of foreign cattle, was also made a subject of reproach against the Ministry, and he told the House, as the spokesman of the agricultural party, "that they had no confidence in the measures which the Government proposed." They thought that anything would be better than their present position. They saw that the tariff118 which was passed three years ago was now going to be revised again, and that the shield of protection which was thrown over some of the productions of their industry was about to be removed still farther from them. In such circumstances they could not refrain from asking themselves what there was to prevent the Corn Laws from going next? Mr. Disraeli then, in a strain of sarcasm3 which is stated to have elicited119 cheers and laughter from the House, assailed120 the consistency121 of the Premier, and the tone in which he rebuked122 the mutinous123 and rebellious124 members of his party. He believed, he said, Protection to be in the same condition now as Protestantism had been in 1828, and he, who honoured genius, would rather see the abolition125 of all Protection proposed by Mr. Cobden than by any right honourable gentleman or by any noble lord on either side of the House. It might be necessary, before such an abolition was accomplished126, for the Premier to dissolve the Parliament for the benefit of the party which he had betrayed, and to appeal to the country, which universally mistrusted him. His solemn and deliberate conviction was that a Conservative Government was an organised hypocrisy127.
Progress was again shown in a speech of Lord John Russell in the debate on the condition of the people on the 26th of May. Still clinging to his idea of a fixed128 duty, he said, "If I had a proposition to make, it would not be the 8s. duty which was proposed in 1841." An exclamation129 of "How much, then?" from Sir James Graham drew forth the further remark—"No one, I suppose, would propose any duty that would be less than 4s.; and 4s., 5s., or 6s., if I had a proposition to make, would be the duty that I should propose." The awkward anomalies of Sir Robert Peel's position were the frequent subject of the attacks of his enemies at this time; but the country felt that there was a littleness in the Whig leader's paltry130 and vacillating style of dealing131 with a great question, beside which, at least, the position of the Minister exhibited a favourable contrast.
Mr. Villiers's annual motion, brought forward on the 25th of June, was scarcely more successful than that of Mr. Cobden. Lord John Russell still harped132 upon his fixed idea of a fixed duty. In his view the country suffered not from the Corn Law, but only from the form in which it was administered. He said he was not prepared to say either that the Corn Law should be at once abolished, or that the existing law should be maintained. While such was the feeble policy of the leader of that Whig party which had set up a claim to a sort of monopoly of Free Trade principles, it was no wonder that the country began to look for relief to the Minister who had introduced the tariff of 1842; but Sir Robert Peel as yet moved too slowly to rouse the enthusiasm in his favour of the Anti-Corn-Law League. "There were not," he remarked, "ten reflecting men out of the Anti-Corn-Law League, who did not believe that a sudden withdrawal133 of protection, whether it were given to domestic or colonial produce, would cause great confusion and embarrassment134. In the artificial state of society in which we lived we could not act on mere135 abstract philosophical136 maxims138, which, isolated139, he could not contest; they must look to the circumstances under which we have grown up, and the interests involved. Ireland, dependent on England for a market for her agricultural produce, was a case in point. He was not prepared to alter the Corn Law of 1842, and did not contemplate it. Seeing that Lord John Russell had avowed himself a consistent friend to Protection, and was opposed to total repeal140, he thought he was somewhat squeamish in flying from his difficulty, and declining to vote against the motion. As to the Corn Law, the Government did not intend to alter it, or diminish the amount of protection afforded to agriculture." On the division the numbers for the motion were[512] 124, and against it, 330. On the whole, the cause of Free Trade made but small progress in Parliament in this year, though out of doors the agitation was carried on with ever-increasing vigour141. As regards Mr. Villiers's motion, the progress made was shown principally in the decrease of the majority against it. In 1842, when he first put the question of total repeal on issue before the House, he had 92 votes, and 395 against him; in 1843 he had 125 votes, and 381 against him; in 1844, 124 votes, and 330 against him.
Mr. Goulburn's financial statement was made on the 8th of May, 1844. It comprised some small reductions of taxation, and the foretaste of an important modification142 of the sugar duties. As a money account it was encouraging, and showed some progress in diminishing the disastrous143 effects of Whig finance. The past financial year had witnessed a gross surplus of revenue over expenditure144 of more than £4,000,000; or, after paying the deficiency of the previous year, £2,400,000; and after making other deductions145 there was, for the first time for many years, an available surplus, amounting to £1,400,000. The anticipated good effects of relieving industry from burdensome taxes had been more than realised. The estimate of the revenue had actually been exceeded by £2,700,000. The Budget, therefore, fully146 justified147 the policy of 1842; but the Chancellor148 of the Exchequer149 ventured only on a small and timid extension of the principles then laid down, with the reduction or abolition of duty on flint-glass, currants, wool, and some other minor56 matters. The abolition of the wool duty provoked new hostility150 to the impolitic duty on cotton. The concession107 to Free Trade principles was small; but the movement was kept up, and there was at least no sign of reaction.
Although announced with the Budget, the proposed change in the sugar duties formed a separate and more momentous151 question. At that time, strictly152 foreign sugar was virtually prohibited by the excessive differential duties—British plantation153 sugar paying a duty of 25s. 3d. per cwt., foreign, of 66s. 2d. When the Whig Administration had proposed to diminish this enormous difference, the Tories had pleaded the injustice154 to the West India landlords of taking away their slaves, and then exposing them to competition with countries still possessing slave labour. The question had thus become one of party. The Whigs were pledged to consult the interests of the British consumer; the Tories to protect the West Indies; and beating the Whigs on this very point, the Tories had turned them out of office. The British consumer had, however, happily some voice in the elections, and the problem was now to conciliate him without a glaring breach of consistency. Accordingly, the tax on our colonial sugar was to be left untouched, as was the tax on foreign sugar, the growth of slave countries; but henceforth it was proposed that the duty on foreign sugar, the produce of free labour, should pay only 10s. more than colonial. Thus was the first great blow struck at the protective sugar duties, and at that West Indian party which had so long prevailed in Parliament over the interests of the people. But the battle had yet to be fought.
The West India interest in the City held great meetings, and instructed their Parliamentary representatives for the coming contest. The Free Traders argued that the Government proposition was simply that the West India proprietors should receive 10s. per cwt. more for the sugar they sent here than the growers in any other part of the world could get. This was equivalent to a tax of £2,000,000 upon the people of Britain, because the West India landlords were alleged155 to be in distress, and could not cultivate their estates. It was, indeed, the old question of protection for the landed interest on the ground of peculiar burdens. The white population of the West Indies amounted only to about a tenth of the whole; and it was admitted that the free coloured people, forming the bulk of the community, had no interest in the proposed monopoly. Moreover, it had been shown by repeated experiment that these differential duties always defeated their own objects. The slave-grown sugar was simply exported first to the free country, and then to Britain—the British people paying in the enhanced cost of the article all the cost of this circuitous156 mode of supply.
The opposition, however, was powerful. When Mr. Goulburn brought forward his resolution by which sugar certified157 to be the growth of China, Manila, Java, or other countries where no slave labour was employed, should be admitted at a duty of 34s., the colonial duty being 24s., the danger of the position of the Ministers was soon perceived. Lord John Russell proposed an amendment158 in favour of admitting all foreign sugars at 34s., a proposal which, though calculated to maintain the price of sugar at a higher point than the Government proposition, was less distasteful to the Free Traders, as abolishing the differential principle. This amendment was rejected by a majority of only 69. On the 14th of June the Government Bill came on for a third reading, and[513] the contest then began in earnest. Mr. Miles, the representative of the West India party, moved an amendment proposing a reduction of the duty on colonial sugar to 20s., instead of 24s., and the raising of the duties on foreign to 30s. and 34s. The Free Trade party were not entrapped159 by this offer of a reduction of 4s. on colonial sugar. They saw that Mr. Miles's amendment would only establish a differential duty of 14s. instead of 10s., the difference going to the West India planters. They now, moreover, at least hoped more from Sir Robert Peel than from any Minister likely to succeed him. Mr. Cobden and the League party therefore supported the Government; but so powerful was the combination against them that the division, which took place on the 14th of June, left Ministers in a minority of 20.
FREE TRADE HALL, MANCHESTER. (From a Photograph by Frith and Co., Reigate.)
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The events that followed form part of the general history of that time. The Government well knew that they were more popular in the country than their opponents. In the few days that succeeded, during which men were doubtful if they would resign, the Minister had had time to feel the power of that popularity, and the value of the support of the Free Trade party. To satisfy the selfish expectations of the more bigoted160 of his own supporters must have seemed to him more and more helpless. To break with them, and to look elsewhere for the support which their vindictiveness161 would inevitably162 render necessary—to become less a leader of a class, and more a statesman seeking the true foundations of power in a steady regard to the welfare of the great bulk of the community—were ideas naturally present to the Minister's mind. When he met Parliament again to announce the determination of the Government to ask the House to reconsider its decision, his tone was observed to be more bitter than before. His allusions164 to the defections of his own followers were significant; but they plainly indicated that his course was taken. "We cannot conceal165 from ourselves," he said, "that in respect to some of the measures we have proposed, and which have been supported, they have not met with that cordial assent166 and agreement from those for whose character and opinions we entertain the[514] highest and sincerest respect. But I am bound to say, speaking here of them with perfect respect, that we cannot invite their co-operation and support upon the present occasion by holding out expectations that we shall take a middle or other course with regard to those measures which we believe to be best for the interests of the country, and consistent with justice." This modest but firm defiance167 of the ultra-Protectionist party was not lost upon the Free Traders in the House; neither were the Minister's further remarks—"We have thought it desirable to relax the system of Protection, and admit into competition with articles of the domestic produce of this country articles from foreign lands. We have attempted to counsel the enforcement of principles which we believe to be founded in truth, and with every regard for existing institutions, and with every precaution to prevent embarrassment and undue168 alarm."
It was on this occasion that Mr. Disraeli, rising from the benches filled with the ordinary supporters of the Government, delivered one of those bitter and sarcastic169 diatribes170 which thenceforward proved so effective in arousing the revengeful feelings of those of the party who believed their interests to have been betrayed in deference171 to the League. "I remember," he said, "in 1841 the right hon. baronet used these words: he said, 'I have never joined in the anti-slavery cry, and now I will not join in the cry of cheap sugar.' Two years have elapsed, and the right hon. gentleman has joined in the anti-slavery cry, and has adopted the cry of cheap sugar. But," he continued, appealing to the rebellious supporters of the Government, whom the Minister had just defied, "it seems that the right hon. baronet's horror of slavery extends to every place except the benches behind him. There the gang is still assembled, and there the thong172 of the whip still resounds173. The right hon. gentleman," he added, "came into power upon the strength of our votes, but he would rely for the permanence of his Ministry upon his political opponents. He may be right—he may even be to a certain degree successful in pursuing the line of conduct which he has adopted, menacing his friends, and cringing174 to his opponents; but I, for one, am disposed to look upon it as a success neither tending to the honour of the House nor to his own credit. I therefore must be excused if I declare my determination to give my vote upon this occasion as I did in the former instance; and as I do not follow the example of the hon. and gallant175 member near me (Sir H. Douglas), it will not subject me to the imputation176 of having voted on the former occasion without thought or purpose." The appeal of the Ministers, however, was, fortunately for the Free Trade movement, for a time successful. The Government were reinstated by a vote of 255 to 233, in a House in which both parties had evidently done their utmost.
The party which, under the guidance of Mr. Disraeli, Lord Stanley, and Lord George Bentinck, was destined to present so formidable an opposition to the Minister's policy, and to render his labours in the interests of the people so full of pain and anxiety, as yet only marked its existence by murmurs178 along the Conservative benches. As usual, the somewhat revived prosperity of the country was the chief pretext179 for resisting change. People with this view did not see the danger of opposing reforms until a sudden storm compelled the Legislature to face them with mischievous180 haste. It had again and again been shown that the evils of the old system of restrictions182 lay chiefly in the fact that they led to violent fluctuations183 in the circumstances of the people. Nothing, therefore, could be more certain than that, even had the prosperity been tenfold greater, one of those alternations of depression which brought so much misery184 to the people would not be long in making its appearance. The monopolist party, however, seldom looked beyond the day or the hour. There had been rick-burning in the country, and an agricultural labourer, named Joseph Lankester, had declared that his object in committing this crime was to raise the price of wheat, and so bring about those high wages which the political farmers and landlords were always saying came from good prices in the corn market. The Protectionist lords declared, nevertheless, that the Anti-Corn-Law League, with their mischievous agitation, their models of the big and the little loaf, their lectures and meetings, their music and banners, their poisonous tracts and pamphlets, were at the bottom of these disturbances185. In the towns, however, political agitation was comparatively silent. To some agriculturists it appeared a fair compromise to maintain the protective laws in consideration of their being content to put up with the low prices of the day. Any way, the dreaded186 League seemed to them to be checked.
The landowners, headed by the Duke of Richmond, had established an Anti-League League, for counteracting187 the Manchester men with their own weapons—an association which the satirists of the day represented by a slightly modified picture[515] from the fable189 of the frog and the bull. To those, however, who read only the tracts of the Anti-League League, it doubtless appeared that the torrent190 was to some degree arrested. It began to be asserted that the League was extinct, that the country was sick of its incessant191 agitation, and that Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright were about to "back out." These, however, were not the views of the League men. The lists of voters, the freehold land scheme, and the gathering79 in of that £100,000 fund which was now fast approaching completion, furnished them with abundant employment, and their campaign was carried on with a success which gave sure promise of the final capture of the stronghold of the enemy.
The Parliamentary Session for 1845 was opened by the Queen in person on the 4th of February. At a meeting a few days earlier, Mr. Cobden had warned his hearers that no change in the Corn Laws could be expected from Sir Robert Peel so long as the Ministry could avail themselves of the old excuse, the revived prosperity of manufactures and commerce. "Ours," he had said, "is a very simple proposition. We say to the right honourable baronet, 'Abolish the monopolies which go to enrich that majority which placed you in power and keeps you there.' We know he will not attempt it; but we are quite certain he will make great professions of being a Free Trader, notwithstanding."
The Budget was brought forward on the 13th of February. It proposed to continue the income tax, which experience had shown to afford a means of supplying the place of taxes repealed192, until such time as the revenue should recover itself. The Minister then unfolded his scheme, which formed no unworthy complement193 to his great Budget of 1842. It proposed a reduction in the sugar duties, which could not be calculated at less than £1,300,000, and was expected to lower the price to the consumer by about 1-1/4d. a pound. The Minister then proceeded to refer to a list of articles, 430 in number, which yielded but trifling194 amounts of revenue, and many of which were raw materials used in the various manufactures of the country, including silk, hemp195, flax, and yarn196 or thread (except worsted yarn), all woods used in cabinet-making, animal and vegetable oils, iron and zinc197 in the first stages, ores and minerals (except copper198 ore, to which the last Act was still to apply), dye stuffs of all kinds, and all drugs, with very few exceptions; on the whole of these articles he proposed to repeal the duties altogether, not even leaving a nominal199 rate for registration, but retaining the power of examination. The timber duties generally he proposed to continue as they were, with the one exception of staves, which, as the raw material of the extensive manufacture of casks, he proposed to include with the 430 articles, and to take off the duty altogether. On these articles the loss amounted to £320,000. The next and most important relief in the whole proposition was the article of cotton wool, on which the Minister proposed also to reduce the duty altogether, and on which he estimated the loss at £680,000; and these constituted the whole of the proposed reductions of the import duties—that is, sugar, cotton wool, and the numerous small articles in the tariff. The next items of reduction proposed were the few remaining duties on our exports, such as china-stone, and other trifling things, but including the most important article of coals, on which the duty had been placed by the Government, and at the result of which Sir Robert Peel candidly200 avowed his disappointment. The duties he estimated at £118,000. He then passed on to the excise201 duties, among which he had selected two items of great importance for entire repeal—the auction202 duty and the glass duties. By a repeal of the auction duty he estimated a loss of £300,000; but as he proposed, at the same time, to increase the auctioneer's licence uniformly from £5 to £15 (making one licence answer for all purposes, whereas, at that time, several licences were often necessary to the same party) he expected from 4,000 auctioneers an increased income, so as to reduce this loss to £250,000. On the important article of glass he gave up £642,000. These constituted the whole of his proposals; and the surplus of £2,409,000 was thus proposed to be disposed of:—Estimated loss on sugar, £1,300,000; duty on cotton repealed, £680,000; ditto on 430 articles in tariff, £320,000; export duty on coal, £118,000; auction duty, £250,000; glass, £642,000. Total, £3,310,000.
The Budget excited extraordinary interest throughout the country; but the proposed sugar duties were, in the eyes of the Free Traders, objectionable, as maintaining the differential rates in favour of the West Indian landlords. Though well received on the whole, it was impossible not to see in the Budget traces of the anomalous203 position of the Minister. One newspaper described his measures as combining the most glaring inconsistencies that ever disfigured the policy of any Minister, and arranged in parallel columns illustrations of its assertion. Sir Robert Peel was charged with proposing at the same time a tariff whose[516] express object was declared to be to cheapen the necessaries of life and corn, and provision laws whose sole object was to make the chief necessaries of life dear; with professing204 great concern to relieve trade and commerce, for the sake of which a property tax was proposed, combined with a still greater concern to uphold the rent of land, for the sake of which trade and commerce were loaded with a bread tax; with devising taxes for the mere purpose of revenue; with levying taxes for the mere purpose of protection; with repealing205 the duty on slave-grown cotton, while imposing206 prohibitory duties on slave-grown sugar; with encouraging Brazilian coffee and cotton, while refusing Brazilian sugar; and with admitting cheap slave-grown sugar to be refined in Britain, and sold to Continental207 nations, while forbidding the selfsame cheap sugar to our own working people. Still, there was progress. The Corn Law was untouched, but statesmen of all parties had spoken despairingly of its continuance.
The gulf208 between the Minister and the landowners was widening. The debates on the Budget, and on Mr. Cobden's motion for inquiry into the alleged agricultural distress, had drawn209 out more bitter speeches from Mr. Disraeli, and served still further to mark the distinction between the Minister and a large section of his old followers. But one of the most significant signs of the time was the increasing tendency to recognise the talents and singleness of purpose of the Anti-Corn-Law Leaguers. It became almost fashionable to compliment the ability of Mr. Cobden. It was almost forgotten that the Minister had once carried with him the whole House in making an excited charge against that gentleman of marking him out for assassination. The bitterness of the ultra-Protectionists was certainly unabated; but neither the Quarterly nor any other review now classed the Manchester men with rick-burners and assassins, or called upon the Government to indict21 them for sedition211.
The debate on Mr. Villiers's annual motion, on June 10, produced still further evidences of the decline of Protectionist principles. On that occasion Sir James Graham, who was currently believed to be better acquainted with the feelings of the Premier than any other of the Ministers, said, "He would not deny that it was his opinion, that by a gradual and cautious policy it was expedient212 to bring our system of Corn Laws into a nearer approximation to those wholesome213 principles which governed legislation with respect to other industrial departments. But it was his conviction that suddenly and at once to throw open the trade in corn would be inconsistent with the well-being214 of the community, and would give such a shock to the agricultural interest as would throw many other interests into a state of convulsion. The object of every Government, without distinction of party, for the last twenty years, had been to substitute protecting duties for prohibitory duties, and to reduce gradually protecting duties, where it had them to deal with. He approved of this as a safe principle, and showed that it was the keystone of the policy of Sir Robert Peel.... If they could show him that Free Trade with open ports would produce a more abundant supply to the labourer, they would make him [Sir James] a convert to the doctrine of Free Trade in corn. He confessed that he placed no value on the fixed duty of four shillings lately proposed; it would be of no avail as a protection, whilst it would be liable to all the obloquy215 of a protecting duty; and he therefore thought that if they got rid of the present Corn Law, they had better assent to a total repeal." Sir Robert Peel spoke117 more cautiously; but he began by striking away a favourite maxim137 of his party, in observing that experience proved that the high price of corn was not accompanied by a high rate of wages, and that wages did not vary with the price of corn. He said that he "must proceed, in pursuance of his own policy, to reconcile the gradual approach of our legislation to sound principle on this subject, with the interests which had grown up under a different state of things;" but he admitted that it would be "impossible to maintain any law on the ground that it was intended to keep up rents."
Such was the position of affairs when Parliament was prorogued216 on the 9th of August. The Peel Ministry appeared to be as firmly seated as any combination then possible was likely to be, and the agriculturists' monopoly seemed safe at least for another year; but the Government had already received warnings of a coming storm. The weather had been for some time wet and cold, but as yet a general failure of the wheat crop was not anticipated. The trouble approached from a quarter in which no one had looked for it. Early in the month of August Sir Robert Peel had received an account of an extraordinary appearance in the potato crop in the Isle217 of Wight. On the 11th of August Sir James Graham received a letter from a great potato salesman, indicating that the same mysterious signs were observable throughout the south-eastern counties, and he hastened to communicate the facts to his colleague. These isolated[517] observations soon became confirmed from numerous quarters, and the account was everywhere the same. First a brown spot was observable on the skin of the potato; then the spot became black, the leaves and flowers of whole fields grew shrivelled, black, and putrid218; and the crops, wherever the plague appeared, were almost entirely219 destroyed. From Ireland the most alarming accounts were received, and the newspapers were quickly filled with details of the progress of the "potato disease." It began to be asked what would be done with the unemployed220 multitudes in that country, whose stock of provisions for the next ten months was gone?
CHARLES PELHAM VILLIERS.
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The Government at once sent Dr. Lindley and Dr. Playfair, two men of science, to Ireland, in the hope that they might be able to suggest remedies for staying the progress of the disease, or preserve that portion of the crop which was still untainted; and the consular221 agents in different parts of Europe and of America were directed to make inquiries222 and endeavour to obtain a supply of sound potatoes for seed; indeed, the seed question was even more important than that more immediately pressing one, of how the people were to be fed. In addition to this, early in October, they secretly gave orders for the purchase abroad of £100,000 worth of Indian corn, to be conveyed to Irish ports for distribution among the people. These measures, however, proved of little avail, and meanwhile it grew evident that in a great portion of the United Kingdom a famine was inevitable223, which could not fail to influence the price of provisions of all kinds elsewhere. During this time it became known that the harvest, about which opinions had fluctuated so much, would be[518] everywhere deficient224. The friends of Sir Robert Peel in the Cabinet who shared his Free Trade tendencies knew then how impossible it was that the already tottering225 system of the Corn Laws could be any longer maintained. The Ministers had scarcely reached the country seats in which they looked for repose226 after the labours of the Session, ere the cry of "Open the ports!" was raised throughout the kingdom; but except three, none of them took his view of the gravity of the crisis. All knew that the ports once open, public opinion would probably for ever prevent the reimposition of the duties, and the majority of the Cabinet for a time still adhered to their Protectionist principles.
The magnitude of the interests at stake, the difficulty of estimating the real character and extent of the threatened evil, and the alarming consequences that must ensue if the worst fears should be realised, rendered immediate action necessary. A Cabinet Council was held on the 31st of October. From what passed on that occasion, says Sir Robert Peel, in the account which he has left of these events, "it was easy to foresee that there was little prospect227 of a common accord as to the measures to be adopted." On the 5th of November he apprised228 her Majesty of the probability of serious differences of opinion. At the adjourned229 meeting of the Cabinet, on the 6th of November, he submitted certain proposals for the consideration of his colleagues, which he has recorded in the following outline of these events:—
CABINET MEMORANDUM, NOVEMBER 6.
"To issue forthwith an Order in Council remitting230 the duty on grain in bond to one shilling, and opening the ports for the admission of all species of grain at a smaller rate of duty until a day named in the order.
"To call Parliament together on the 27th instant, to ask for indemnity231 and a sanction of the order by law.
"To propose to Parliament no other measure than that during the sitting before Christmas. To declare an intention of submitting to Parliament immediately after the recess232 a modification of the existing law, but to decline entering into any details in Parliament with regard to such modification.
"Such modification to include the admission, at a nominal duty, of Indian corn and of British colonial corn."
The Cabinet, by a very considerable majority, declined giving its assent to the proposals which the Minister thus made to them. They were supported by only three members of the Cabinet—the Earl of Aberdeen, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert. The other members of the Cabinet, some on the ground of objection to the principle of the measures recommended, others upon the ground that there was not yet sufficient evidence of the necessity for them, withheld233 their sanction.
"On account of the gravity of the question," says Sir Robert Peel, "and the smallness of the minority assenting234 to my views, I might perhaps have been justified in at once relinquishing235 office; but after mature reflection, considering that the rejection236 of my proposals was not a peremptory237 one by all of those who for the present declined to adopt them, that additional information might materially abate210 the objections of many, and that the dissolution of a Government on account of differences on such a matter as that under consideration must cause great excitement in the public mind, I determined to retain office until there should be the opportunity of reconsideration of the whole subject. That opportunity would necessarily recur238 at the latter end of this current month (November), when it was agreed that the Cabinet should again assemble. In determining to retain office for the present, I determined also not to recede239 from the position which I had taken, and ultimately to resign office if I should find on the reassembling of the Cabinet that the opinions I had expressed did not meet with general concurrence. I determined also, in order to guard against the mischievous consequences of failure in such an undertaking240, not to attempt the adjustment of the question at issue unless there should be a moral assurance of ultimate success. It was most painful to me to differ from colleagues with whom I had hitherto acted in uninterrupted harmony, for whom I had sincere personal regard, and cordial esteem241 and respect founded on an intimate knowledge of their motives and conduct in the discharge of their respective duties."
On the 2nd of November the following letter was addressed to the Minister by Lord Stanley, containing an exposition of the grounds on which he dissented242 from the proposals submitted to the Cabinet:—
[Secret.] "Colonial Office, November 2, 1845.
"MY DEAR PEEL,—I find it difficult to express to you the regret with which I see how widely I differ in opinion with Graham and yourself as to the necessity for proposing to Parliament a repeal of the Corn Laws. Since the Cabinet on Saturday I have reflected much and anxiously upon it;[519] but I cannot bring my mind to any other conclusion than that at which I had then arrived. I have thought it best to put down in writing the view of the case which presents itself to me; and when you have read it, I will thank you to send it on to Graham, with whom I have had no conversation upon it. I foresee that this question, if you persevere in your present opinion, must break up the Government one way or the other; but I shall greatly regret indeed if it should be broken up, not in consequence of our feeling that we had proposed measures which it properly belonged to others to carry, but in consequence of differences of opinion among ourselves."
The purport243 of these Cabinet Councils was generally understood by the country; but as yet only the most sanguine244 anticipated the proposal of Sir Robert Peel, when the Times newspaper on the 4th of December announced, apparently245 from secret information, that it was the intention of the Government to repeal the Corn Laws, and to call Parliament together in January for that purpose. The assertion was received with incredulity, not only by the Opposition, but by the Ministerial journals. One organ of the Tory party placarded its office with a bill, headed "Atrocious fabrication of the Times!" But the latter journal, on the following day, declared that it "adhered to its original announcement." Day by day the controversy246 raged in the newspapers; but the news was too probable not to gain credence247. The result was a conviction throughout the country that the Times had really obtained information of the Government's intentions; but as a matter of fact its information was incorrect, as the Cabinet, far from intending to repeal the Corn Laws, had made up its mind to retire.
Meanwhile Lord Ashley, a staunch upholder of the Corn Laws, in a letter to his constituents248 of Dorsetshire declared his opinion "that the destiny of the Corn Laws was fixed," and that it would be wise to consider "how best to break the force of an inevitable blow." Mr. Bickham and Captain Estcott, also strong defenders249 of the landlords' monopoly, published their conviction that the Corn Laws were no longer tenable; and on the 22nd of November Lord John Russell, who was at Edinburgh, addressed a letter to the electors of the City of London, which was duly circulated throughout the kingdom, and which contained the following remarkable passages:—
"I confess that, on the general subject, my views have, in the course of twenty years, undergone a great alteration. I used to be of opinion that corn was an exception to the general rules of political economy; but observation and experience have convinced me that we ought to abstain250 from all interference with the supply of food. Neither a Government nor a Legislature can ever regulate the corn markets with the beneficial effects which the entire freedom of sale and purchase are sure of themselves to produce.
"I have for several years endeavoured to obtain a compromise on this subject. The result of resistance to qualified251 concession must be the same in the present instance as in those I have mentioned. It is no longer worth while to contend for a fixed duty. In 1841 the Free Trade party would have agreed to a duty of 8s. a quarter on wheat, and after a lapse75 of years this duty might have been further reduced, and ultimately abolished. But the imposition of any duty, at present, without a provision for its extinction252 within a short period, would but prolong a contest already sufficiently253 fruitful of animosity and discontent. The struggle to make bread scarce and dear, when it is clear that part, at least, of the additional price goes to increase rent, is a struggle deeply injurious to an aristocracy which (this quarrel once removed) is strong in property, strong in the construction of our Legislature, strong in opinion, strong in ancient associations and the memory of immortal254 services."
The Cabinet met again on the 25th, when Sir Robert Peel informed his colleagues that, in the position of affairs, he could not abstain from advising the immediate suspension, by Order in Council, of the restrictive law of importation, or the early assembling of Parliament for the purpose of proposing a permanent change. Lord Aberdeen, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and Sir James Graham supported him. The Duke of Wellington gave a reluctant adhesion. It then became known that Lord Stanley had withdrawn256 from the Ministry, and it was believed that the Duke of Buccleuch intended to follow his example. The majority of the Cabinet had decided257 in favour of a permanent reduction in the sliding scale; but the position of the Minister was now too uncertain for him to attempt to carry through his measures. A resignation was the only step which could show the true strength of parties, and determine who would and who would not follow the Minister in that course which, if he was to return to power, he had finally resolved to take. On the 5th of December he announced his determination to her Majesty, and the public learned that the Peel Administration was at an end.
[520]
Lord John Russell was immediately summoned from Scotland, and on the 11th arrived at Osborne, where he received her Majesty's commands to form a Government. On the ground that his party were in a minority in the House of Commons, Lord John Russell at first declined the honour presented to him; but on a paper being placed in his hands by the Queen, in which Sir Robert Peel promised, in his private capacity, to aid and give every support to the new Ministry in settling the question of the Corn Laws, he undertook the task. There was no amicable258 feeling between the new and the retiring Minister. Lord John Russell's letter, published a few days before, had excited as much attention for its bitter sarcasm against Sir Robert Peel as for the important change in the Whig policy which it announced. Lord John Russell held communication with the late Government, but through Sir James Graham. It was of importance to him to know more clearly the nature of that support which Sir Robert Peel's memorandum seemed to promise; and he was, therefore, anxious to know what the latter would consider a satisfactory settlement. This proposal, however, to the late Minister to become responsible for the measures of his successors was declined. Sir James Graham communicated to Lord John Russell the information as to the state of the country on which they acted; but Sir Robert Peel, through his colleague, declined to state the details of the measures which had lately been contemplated. Lord John Russell then gave, in writing, an outline of the measures which the new Cabinet would propose, and invited the opinion of the late Minister. Sir Robert Peel, however, still declined to take part in the plans of his opponents; and in a letter to the Queen, on the 17th of December, he stated the constitutional grounds on which he considered it improper259 that any one, not an adviser260 of the Crown, should take a part in the preparation of Ministerial measures. Lord John Russell thereupon immediately proceeded with his negotiations261 with his own party. It soon, however, appeared that the task he had proposed to himself was beyond his power. Earl Grey, who had agreed to take the Secretaryship of the Colonies in the new Ministry, suddenly declared that he would not join any Administration in which Lord Palmerston should hold the office of Secretary for Foreign Affairs. This unexpected accident was regarded by Lord John Russell as decisive. On the 20th of December he communicated the facts to the Queen, and begged to be relieved from the task he had undertaken.
On the day before her Majesty had desired to see Sir Robert Peel, to bid him farewell; but before he had set out for Windsor he had learnt the circumstances of the failure of the Whig leader to form a Cabinet; and as the result of his interview with the Queen he returned to London to resume the reins177 of Government. His position was greatly strengthened. Of his late Cabinet, Lord Stanley alone insisted on retiring, his place at the Board of Trade being filled by Mr. Gladstone. The baffled Whigs and the discontented monopolist party threatened a formidable combination; but, as regarded the Ministry itself, the change of policy was effected with far less sacrifice than might have been expected, considering all the circumstances of the case.
Parliament reassembled, according to the Minister's plan, at the unusually early date of the 22nd of January, 1846. The Queen's Speech, read by her Majesty in person, thus alluded to the topic most prominent in the public mind:—
"I have to lament12 that, in consequence of the failure of the potato crop in several parts of the United Kingdom, there will be a deficient supply of an article of food which forms the chief subsistence of great numbers of my people.
"The disease by which the plant has been affected262 has prevailed to the greatest extent in Ireland.
"I have adopted all such precautions as it was in my power to adopt for the purpose of alleviating263 the sufferings which may be caused by this calamity264; and I shall confidently rely on your co-operation in devising such other means for effecting the same benevolent266 purpose as may require the sanction of the Legislature."
On the subject of the Free Trade measures generally, the Speech continued:—
"I have had great satisfaction in giving my assent to the measures which you have presented to me from time to time, calculated to extend commerce, and to stimulate267 domestic skill and industry, by the repeal of prohibitory and the relaxation268 of protective duties.
"The prosperous state of the revenue, the increased demand for labour, and the general improvement which has taken place in the internal condition of the country are strong testimonies269 in favour of the course you have pursued.
"I recommend you to take into your early consideration whether the principles on which you have acted may not with advantage be yet more extensively applied; and whether it may not be in your power, after a careful review of the existing[521] duties upon many articles, the produce or manufacture of other countries, to make such further reductions and remissions as may tend to ensure the continuance of the great benefits to which I have adverted270, and, by enlarging our commercial intercourse271, to strengthen the bonds of amity265 with foreign Powers."
MAYNOOTH COLLEGE. (From a Photograph by Lawrence, Dublin.)
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In the House of Lords the comments on the Ministerial measures were characterised by much bitterness, both against the Government and the League; and the Duke of Richmond asked why Mr. Cobden was not created a peer, and placed on the Treasury272 Bench in the House of Lords? In the Commons the excitement among the Protectionist party was no less manifest; but the crowded House waited impatiently for the Minister's explanations. Lord Francis Egerton moved the Address, giving the key-note of the Ministerial plans by declaring that his own opinions on the Corn Laws had undergone a complete alteration, and imploring273 the House to come to "a full, satisfactory, and final settlement of the question." Mr. Beckett Denison, who seconded the motion, declared that experience had "driven" him to the same conclusion.
Sir Robert Peel then rose. He said that the immediate cause which had led to the dissolution of the Government was "that great and mysterious calamity which caused a lamentable failure in an article of food on which great numbers of the people in this part of the United Kingdom and still larger numbers in the sister kingdom depended mainly for their subsistence." But he added, "I will not assign to that cause too much weight. I will not withhold274 the homage275 which is due to the progress of reason, and to truth, by denying that my opinions on the subject of Protection have undergone a change." This announcement was received in profound silence from the Ministerial benches, but with triumphant276 cheering from the Opposition. Protection, he said, was not a labourer's question. High prices did not produce high wages, nor vice255 versa. In the last three years, with low prices and abundance of food, wages were comparatively high, and labour was in demand. In the three years preceding, with high[522] prices and scarcity277, wages were low and employment was scarce. Experience thus proved that wages were ruled by abundance of capital and demand for labour, and did not vary with the price of provisions. Again, increased freedom of trade was favourable to the prosperity of our commerce. In three scarce and dear years, namely, from 1839 to 1841, our foreign exports fell off from £53,000,000 in value to £47,000,000. But in three years of reduction of duties and low prices, namely, from 1842 to 1844, the value of our exports rose from £47,000,000 to £58,000,000. Even deducting278 the amount of the China trade, a similar result was shown. Nor was the reduction in the customs duties unfavourable to the revenue. In 1842 there was an estimated loss of £1,500,000; in 1843 a smaller one of £273,000; but in 1845 there was a reduction at an estimated loss to the revenue of no less than £2,500,000. The total amount of the various reductions effected in three years exceeded £4,000,000; and many of the duties were totally abolished; the loss, therefore, not being compensated279 by any increased consumption. Had £4,000,000 been lost to the revenue? He believed that on the 5th of April next the revenue would be found to be more buoyant than ever. Sir Robert Peel referred to other proofs of prosperity resulting from reduced import duties, and then adverted to his own position, and declared that "he would not hold office on a servile tenure280."
The evening of the 27th of January was fixed for the Minister's general statement upon the commercial policy of the Government. Sir Robert proposed the reduction of the duty on Russian tallow from 3s. 2d. to 1s. 6d.; the abolition of duty on the coarser fabrics281 of linen282, cotton, and woollen, and the reduction on the finer from 20 to 10 per cent.; on French brandy and Geneva, a reduction from 22s. 10d. to 15s.; on foreign free-grown Muscovada sugar, a reduction from 9s. 4d. to 5s. 10d.; and on clayed 11s. 10d. to 8s.; the admission of Indian corn and buckwheat duty free; on butter, the duty to be reduced from 20s. to 10s.; and on cheese, from 10s. to 5s.; the duty on live animals, and fresh and salted meats, pork, and vegetables to be abolished. As to corn, in lieu of the then sliding scale, he proposed that when the average price of wheat was 48s., the duty should fall by 1s. with every 1s. of rise in price, till on reaching 53s. the duty should be a fixed one of 4s.; that this mitigated283 scale should last for three years, and, by a positive enactment284, then disappear on the 1st of February, 1849, leaving for the future only a nominal rate of duty; and that all British colonial wheat and flour should be forthwith admitted at a nominal rate.
The debate was fixed for the 9th of February, on which day it was moved that the House should resolve itself into a committee on the propositions of the Government. Mr. P. Miles moved, as an amendment, that the House should go into committee on that day twelvemonth. The debate occupied twelve nights, in the course of which every species of vituperation was hurled285 at the Minister by the monopolist party. Mr. Beresford Hope denounced him as an apostate286. Major Fitzmaurice thought the farmers might as well die by the manly system of Mr. Cobden as by the mincemeal interference of the right hon. baronet. Another member compared the Minister to a counsel who, after taking a fee for advocating one side, took the other when the case came into court. Mr. Disraeli attacked with great vehemence287 and bitterness the Ministerial proposals, and pointed288 to the "sad spectacle" of the Minister surrounded by a majority who, while they gave him their votes, protested in their speeches against his policy. Lord George Bentinck, who, in the many years he had hitherto been in Parliament, had never before taken part in any debate of importance, surprised the House on the last night of the debate by delivering a long and elaborate speech against the measure, in which he charged the Minister with "swindling" and deception—a speech which at once marked him out for one of the leaders of the new Opposition.
On the fifth night of the debate Sir Robert Peel rose to speak in defence of his policy against these attacks of his enemies. It was already ten o'clock, and the House listened to him for three hours. He spoke with remarkable warmth and energy, and overpowered his opponents with the unanswerable truths of political economy, and with humorous demonstrations289 of the fallacies in which the Protectionist speakers had indulged. In concluding he said, "This night is to decide between the policy of continued relaxation of restriction181, or the return to restraint and prohibition290. This night you will select the motto which is to indicate the commercial policy of England. Shall it be 'Advance!' or 'Recede'?" The division took place on the 27th (or rather on the 28th) of February, at twenty minutes to three in the morning, when the numbers for the motion were—337; against it, 240; leaving a majority for going into committee of 97.
This great debate was interrupted by a motion[523] brought on by Mr. O'Connell, on the impending291 famine in Ireland, which is chiefly memorable for a speech of Mr. Bright, in which, alluding293 to Sir Robert Peel's last address to the House, he said, "I watched the right honourable baronet go home last night, and I confess I envied him the ennobling feelings which must have filled his breast after delivering that speech—a speech, I venture to say, more powerful and more to be admired than any speech ever heard in this House within the memory of any man in it." A further eloquent294 allusion163 to the Minister's newly acquired freedom from the enthralment of the bigoted among his party had a powerful effect upon the House, and it was observed by those who sat near Sir Robert Peel that the tears started to his eyes at this unexpected generosity295 from his old opponent.
On the 1st of March Mr. Villiers, adhering to his principle, brought forward the last of those annual motions for immediate repeal which had contributed so powerfully to undermine the Corn Laws. After a spirited debate of two evenings, in the course of which Mr. Cobden warned the monopolist party that a protracted296 resistance would compel the Anti-Corn-Law League to maintain its agitation and concentrate its energies, the House rejected the motion by a majority of 267 to 78.
On the 27th of March, after a powerful address from Sir Robert Peel, the Corn Importation Bill was read a second time—the House, on division, showing a majority for the second reading of 302 to 214. Three nights' debate took place on the third reading, in the course of which the Protectionists contended with undiminished obstinacy297 for the maintenance of the landlords' monopoly. The third reading was finally carried at four o'clock in the morning of Saturday, May 16th, the numbers being 327 for the Bill; against it, 229; leaving a majority for the Government of 98.
In the House of Lords the second reading was carried on the 28th of May by a majority of 47, and the Bill was finally passed on the 25th of June. The attitude of the House was due entirely to the Duke of Wellington, and his conduct constitutes his best claim to the title of statesman. But the downfall of the Peel Ministry was inevitable. In a letter to the Duke, of the 18th of February, Lord Stanley had said that, whatever might be the result of the Corn Bill, the days of the existing Government were numbered, and that the confidence of his party in Sir Robert Peel had been so shaken, "that, in spite of his pre-eminent abilities and great services, he could never reunite it under his guidance." The Protectionist party found its opportunity in the Irish Coercion298 Bill, which, introduced by Earl St. Germans into the House of Lords, had slowly passed through its various stages, and appeared in the Commons in March. At first the Bill was obstructed299 in order to delay the Corn Bill, but when that measure became law, Whigs and Protectionists—who had voted for the second reading of the Protection of Life Bill—resolved to use it as an instrument for the overthrow300 of Peel. They combined, therefore, with the Radicals301 and Irish members, and, on the very night on which Free Trade was passed by the Lords, the Minister was finally defeated in the Commons. He might have dissolved, but his preference was for retirement302. The concluding words of his speech will long be remembered. He said: "With reference to honourable gentlemen opposite, I must say, as I say with reference to ourselves, neither of us is the party which is justly entitled to the credit of those measures. There has been a combination of parties, and that combination, and the influence of Government, have led to their ultimate success; but the name which ought to be, and will be, associated with the success of those measures, is the name of the man who, acting188, I believe, from pure and disinterested303 motives, has, with untiring energy, by appeals to reason, enforced their necessity with an eloquence304 the more to be admired because it was unaffected and unadorned—the name which ought to be associated with the success of those measures is the name of Richard Cobden. Sir, I now close the address which it has been my duty to make to the House, thanking them sincerely for the favour with which they have listened to me in performing the last act of my official career. Within a few hours, probably, that favour which I have held for the period of five years will be surrendered into the hands of another—without repining—I can say without complaint—with a more lively recollection of the support and confidence I have received than of the opposition which, during a recent period, I have met with. I shall leave office with a name severely305 censured306, I fear, by many who, on public grounds, deeply regret the severance307 of party ties—deeply regret that severance, not from interest or personal motives, but from the firm conviction that fidelity308 to party engagements—the existence and maintenance of a great party—constitutes a powerful instrument of government. I shall surrender power severely censured also by others who, from no interested[524] motives, adhere to the principle of Protection, considering the maintenance of it to be essential to the welfare and interests of the country. I shall leave a name execrated309 by every monopolist who, from less honourable motives, clamours for Protection because it conduces to his own individual benefit; but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of good-will in the abodes310 of those whose lot it is to labour, and to earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow, when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because it is no longer leavened311 by the sense of injustice."
Before passing to the momentous history of the Irish famine we must notice some isolated facts connected with the Peel Administration, which our connected view of the triumph of Free Trade has prevented our mentioning under their proper dates. Among the many measures of the time which were fiercely discussed, the most complicated were the Bank Charter Act of 1844, and the Act dealing with the Irish and Scottish Banks of 1845, whereby the Premier placed the whole banking312 system of the kingdom upon an entirely new basis, in particular by the separation of the issue and banking business of the Bank of England, and by the determination of the issues by the amount of bullion313 in reserve. Under the Act the Bank was at liberty to issue £14,000,000 of notes on the security of Exchequer Bills and the debt due to it from the Government, but all issues above this amount were to be based on bullion. Still hotter were the passions roused by the Maynooth Bill, by which £30,000 were devoted314 to the improvement of the college founded at Maynooth for the education of Roman Catholic priests. The language used during the debates by the Protestant party has few parallels in the history of the British Parliament, and Sir Robert Peel's difficulties were increased by the resignation of Mr. Gladstone, who found his present support of the Bill incompatible315 with the opinions expressed in his famous essay on Church and State. Lord Aberdeen's foreign policy was completely the reverse of the bold, if hazardous316, line adopted by Lord Palmerston. We have seen how the Ashburton mission composed the critical questions at issue with the United States, and in similar fashion a dispute about the Oregon boundary, which had been pending292 for thirty years, was terminated on sound principles of give-and-take by fixing the line at the 49th parallel, while Vancouver Island was reserved for Britain, and the commerce of the Columbia was made free. With France our relations were of the most pacific character; so close, indeed, was the entente317 cordiale that it was a commonplace of Tory oratory318 that M. Guizot was Foreign Minister of England. This was certainly not the case; on the contrary, when the Society Islands, over which Pomare was queen, were forcibly annexed319 by a roving French admiral, Lord Aberdeen behaved with very proper spirit, and obtained an indemnity for the missionary320 Pritchard, who had been forcibly placed under arrest. In other respects the friendship of Great Britain with France continued unimpaired, and there was an interchange of visits between the Queen and King Louis Philippe. It was a sign of a harmony of views between the two nations. Unfortunately, owing to a variety of causes, it was not to be of long continuance.
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1 assassination | |
n.暗杀;暗杀事件 | |
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2 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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3 sarcasm | |
n.讥讽,讽刺,嘲弄,反话 (adj.sarcastic) | |
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4 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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5 memorandum | |
n.备忘录,便笺 | |
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6 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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7 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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8 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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9 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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10 alteration | |
n.变更,改变;蚀变 | |
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11 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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12 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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13 lamented | |
adj.被哀悼的,令人遗憾的v.(为…)哀悼,痛哭,悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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14 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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15 charing | |
n.炭化v.把…烧成炭,把…烧焦( char的现在分词 );烧成炭,烧焦;做杂役女佣 | |
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16 rumours | |
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17 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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18 rumoured | |
adj.谣传的;传说的;风 | |
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19 ferment | |
vt.使发酵;n./vt.(使)激动,(使)动乱 | |
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20 indictment | |
n.起诉;诉状 | |
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21 indict | |
v.起诉,控告,指控 | |
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22 attain | |
vt.达到,获得,完成 | |
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23 levying | |
征(兵)( levy的现在分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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24 avowed | |
adj.公开声明的,承认的v.公开声明,承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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25 teller | |
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26 anecdote | |
n.轶事,趣闻,短故事 | |
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27 pretence | |
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28 frenzy | |
n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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29 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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30 zealous | |
adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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31 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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32 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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33 alluded | |
提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34 odious | |
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35 honourable | |
adj.可敬的;荣誉的,光荣的 | |
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36 lamentable | |
adj.令人惋惜的,悔恨的 | |
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37 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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38 harassed | |
adj. 疲倦的,厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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39 confidential | |
adj.秘(机)密的,表示信任的,担任机密工作的 | |
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40 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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41 emphatic | |
adj.强调的,着重的;无可置疑的,明显的 | |
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42 premier | |
adj.首要的;n.总理,首相 | |
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43 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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44 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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45 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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46 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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47 frantic | |
adj.狂乱的,错乱的,激昂的 | |
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48 savages | |
未开化的人,野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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49 scented | |
adj.有香味的;洒香水的;有气味的v.嗅到(scent的过去分词) | |
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50 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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51 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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52 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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53 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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54 calumny | |
n.诽谤,污蔑,中伤 | |
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55 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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56 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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57 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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58 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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59 subterfuge | |
n.诡计;藉口 | |
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60 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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61 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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62 adoption | |
n.采用,采纳,通过;收养 | |
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63 knell | |
n.丧钟声;v.敲丧钟 | |
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64 uproar | |
n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
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65 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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66 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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67 exertions | |
n.努力( exertion的名词复数 );费力;(能力、权力等的)运用;行使 | |
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68 consolation | |
n.安慰,慰问 | |
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69 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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70 persevere | |
v.坚持,坚忍,不屈不挠 | |
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71 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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72 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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73 ominous | |
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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74 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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75 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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76 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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77 subscriptions | |
n.(报刊等的)订阅费( subscription的名词复数 );捐款;(俱乐部的)会员费;捐助 | |
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78 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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79 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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80 gatherings | |
聚集( gathering的名词复数 ); 收集; 采集; 搜集 | |
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81 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
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82 provincial | |
adj.省的,地方的;n.外省人,乡下人 | |
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83 obstruct | |
v.阻隔,阻塞(道路、通道等);n.阻碍物,障碍物 | |
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84 relinquished | |
交出,让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 ); 放弃 | |
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85 shareholders | |
n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
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86 holders | |
支持物( holder的名词复数 ); 持有者; (支票等)持有人; 支托(或握持)…之物 | |
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87 lessee | |
n.(房地产的)租户 | |
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88 tracts | |
大片土地( tract的名词复数 ); 地带; (体内的)道; (尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的)短文 | |
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89 upwards | |
adv.向上,在更高处...以上 | |
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90 boroughs | |
(尤指大伦敦的)行政区( borough的名词复数 ); 议会中有代表的市镇 | |
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91 reluctance | |
n.厌恶,讨厌,勉强,不情愿 | |
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92 manly | |
adj.有男子气概的;adv.男子般地,果断地 | |
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93 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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94 concurrence | |
n.同意;并发 | |
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95 tenant | |
n.承租人;房客;佃户;v.租借,租用 | |
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96 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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97 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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98 registration | |
n.登记,注册,挂号 | |
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99 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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100 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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101 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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102 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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103 necessitated | |
使…成为必要,需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104 obviate | |
v.除去,排除,避免,预防 | |
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105 sneered | |
讥笑,冷笑( sneer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106 proprietors | |
n.所有人,业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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107 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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108 concessions | |
n.(尤指由政府或雇主给予的)特许权( concession的名词复数 );承认;减价;(在某地的)特许经营权 | |
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109 contemplate | |
vt.盘算,计议;周密考虑;注视,凝视 | |
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110 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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111 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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112 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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113 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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114 delusions | |
n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 );谬见;错觉;妄想 | |
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115 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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116 taxation | |
n.征税,税收,税金 | |
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117 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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118 tariff | |
n.关税,税率;(旅馆、饭店等)价目表,收费表 | |
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119 elicited | |
引出,探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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121 consistency | |
n.一贯性,前后一致,稳定性;(液体的)浓度 | |
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122 rebuked | |
责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123 mutinous | |
adj.叛变的,反抗的;adv.反抗地,叛变地;n.反抗,叛变 | |
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124 rebellious | |
adj.造反的,反抗的,难控制的 | |
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125 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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126 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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127 hypocrisy | |
n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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128 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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129 exclamation | |
n.感叹号,惊呼,惊叹词 | |
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130 paltry | |
adj.无价值的,微不足道的 | |
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131 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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132 harped | |
vi.弹竖琴(harp的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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133 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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134 embarrassment | |
n.尴尬;使人为难的人(事物);障碍;窘迫 | |
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135 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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136 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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137 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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138 maxims | |
n.格言,座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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139 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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140 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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141 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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142 modification | |
n.修改,改进,缓和,减轻 | |
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143 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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144 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
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145 deductions | |
扣除( deduction的名词复数 ); 结论; 扣除的量; 推演 | |
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146 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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147 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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148 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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149 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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150 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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151 momentous | |
adj.重要的,重大的 | |
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152 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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153 plantation | |
n.种植园,大农场 | |
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154 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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155 alleged | |
a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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156 circuitous | |
adj.迂回的路的,迂曲的,绕行的 | |
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157 certified | |
a.经证明合格的;具有证明文件的 | |
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158 amendment | |
n.改正,修正,改善,修正案 | |
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159 entrapped | |
v.使陷入圈套,使入陷阱( entrap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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160 bigoted | |
adj.固执己见的,心胸狭窄的 | |
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161 vindictiveness | |
恶毒;怀恨在心 | |
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162 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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163 allusion | |
n.暗示,间接提示 | |
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164 allusions | |
暗指,间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
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165 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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166 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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167 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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168 undue | |
adj.过分的;不适当的;未到期的 | |
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169 sarcastic | |
adj.讥讽的,讽刺的,嘲弄的 | |
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170 diatribes | |
n.谩骂,讽刺( diatribe的名词复数 ) | |
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171 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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172 thong | |
n.皮带;皮鞭;v.装皮带 | |
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173 resounds | |
v.(指声音等)回荡于某处( resound的第三人称单数 );产生回响;(指某处)回荡着声音 | |
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174 cringing | |
adj.谄媚,奉承 | |
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175 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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176 imputation | |
n.归罪,责难 | |
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177 reins | |
感情,激情; 缰( rein的名词复数 ); 控制手段; 掌管; (成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的)保护带 | |
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178 murmurs | |
n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 );低语声;怨言;嘀咕 | |
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179 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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180 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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181 restriction | |
n.限制,约束 | |
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182 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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183 fluctuations | |
波动,涨落,起伏( fluctuation的名词复数 ) | |
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184 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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185 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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186 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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187 counteracting | |
对抗,抵消( counteract的现在分词 ) | |
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188 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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189 fable | |
n.寓言;童话;神话 | |
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190 torrent | |
n.激流,洪流;爆发,(话语等的)连发 | |
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191 incessant | |
adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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192 repealed | |
撤销,废除( repeal的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193 complement | |
n.补足物,船上的定员;补语;vt.补充,补足 | |
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194 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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195 hemp | |
n.大麻;纤维 | |
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196 yarn | |
n.纱,纱线,纺线;奇闻漫谈,旅行轶事 | |
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197 zinc | |
n.锌;vt.在...上镀锌 | |
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198 copper | |
n.铜;铜币;铜器;adj.铜(制)的;(紫)铜色的 | |
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199 nominal | |
adj.名义上的;(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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200 candidly | |
adv.坦率地,直率而诚恳地 | |
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201 excise | |
n.(国产)货物税;vt.切除,删去 | |
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202 auction | |
n.拍卖;拍卖会;vt.拍卖 | |
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203 anomalous | |
adj.反常的;不规则的 | |
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204 professing | |
声称( profess的现在分词 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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205 repealing | |
撤销,废除( repeal的现在分词 ) | |
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206 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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207 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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208 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
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209 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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210 abate | |
vi.(风势,疼痛等)减弱,减轻,减退 | |
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211 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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212 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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213 wholesome | |
adj.适合;卫生的;有益健康的;显示身心健康的 | |
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214 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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215 obloquy | |
n.斥责,大骂 | |
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216 prorogued | |
v.使(议会)休会( prorogue的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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217 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
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218 putrid | |
adj.腐臭的;有毒的;已腐烂的;卑劣的 | |
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219 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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220 unemployed | |
adj.失业的,没有工作的;未动用的,闲置的 | |
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221 consular | |
a.领事的 | |
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222 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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223 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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224 deficient | |
adj.不足的,不充份的,有缺陷的 | |
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225 tottering | |
adj.蹒跚的,动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 );踉跄;蹒跚;摇摇欲坠 | |
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226 repose | |
v.(使)休息;n.安息 | |
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227 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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228 apprised | |
v.告知,通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 );评价 | |
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229 adjourned | |
(使)休会, (使)休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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230 remitting | |
v.免除(债务),宽恕( remit的现在分词 );使某事缓和;寄回,传送 | |
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231 indemnity | |
n.赔偿,赔款,补偿金 | |
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232 recess | |
n.短期休息,壁凹(墙上装架子,柜子等凹处) | |
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233 withheld | |
withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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234 assenting | |
同意,赞成( assent的现在分词 ) | |
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235 relinquishing | |
交出,让给( relinquish的现在分词 ); 放弃 | |
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236 rejection | |
n.拒绝,被拒,抛弃,被弃 | |
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237 peremptory | |
adj.紧急的,专横的,断然的 | |
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238 recur | |
vi.复发,重现,再发生 | |
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239 recede | |
vi.退(去),渐渐远去;向后倾斜,缩进 | |
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240 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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241 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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242 dissented | |
不同意,持异议( dissent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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243 purport | |
n.意义,要旨,大要;v.意味著,做为...要旨,要领是... | |
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244 sanguine | |
adj.充满希望的,乐观的,血红色的 | |
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245 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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246 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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247 credence | |
n.信用,祭器台,供桌,凭证 | |
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248 constituents | |
n.选民( constituent的名词复数 );成分;构成部分;要素 | |
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249 defenders | |
n.防御者( defender的名词复数 );守卫者;保护者;辩护者 | |
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250 abstain | |
v.自制,戒绝,弃权,避免 | |
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251 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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252 extinction | |
n.熄灭,消亡,消灭,灭绝,绝种 | |
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253 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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254 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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255 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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256 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
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257 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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258 amicable | |
adj.和平的,友好的;友善的 | |
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259 improper | |
adj.不适当的,不合适的,不正确的,不合礼仪的 | |
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260 adviser | |
n.劝告者,顾问 | |
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261 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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262 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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263 alleviating | |
减轻,缓解,缓和( alleviate的现在分词 ) | |
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264 calamity | |
n.灾害,祸患,不幸事件 | |
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265 amity | |
n.友好关系 | |
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266 benevolent | |
adj.仁慈的,乐善好施的 | |
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267 stimulate | |
vt.刺激,使兴奋;激励,使…振奋 | |
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268 relaxation | |
n.松弛,放松;休息;消遣;娱乐 | |
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269 testimonies | |
(法庭上证人的)证词( testimony的名词复数 ); 证明,证据 | |
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270 adverted | |
引起注意(advert的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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271 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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272 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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273 imploring | |
恳求的,哀求的 | |
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274 withhold | |
v.拒绝,不给;使停止,阻挡 | |
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275 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
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276 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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277 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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278 deducting | |
v.扣除,减去( deduct的现在分词 ) | |
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279 compensated | |
补偿,报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 ); 给(某人)赔偿(或赔款) | |
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280 tenure | |
n.终身职位;任期;(土地)保有权,保有期 | |
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281 fabrics | |
织物( fabric的名词复数 ); 布; 构造; (建筑物的)结构(如墙、地面、屋顶):质地 | |
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282 linen | |
n.亚麻布,亚麻线,亚麻制品;adj.亚麻布制的,亚麻的 | |
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283 mitigated | |
v.减轻,缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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284 enactment | |
n.演出,担任…角色;制订,通过 | |
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285 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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286 apostate | |
n.背叛者,变节者 | |
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287 vehemence | |
n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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288 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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289 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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290 prohibition | |
n.禁止;禁令,禁律 | |
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291 impending | |
a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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292 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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293 alluding | |
提及,暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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294 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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295 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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296 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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297 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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298 coercion | |
n.强制,高压统治 | |
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299 obstructed | |
阻塞( obstruct的过去式和过去分词 ); 堵塞; 阻碍; 阻止 | |
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300 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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301 radicals | |
n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 );根基;基本原理;[数学]根数 | |
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302 retirement | |
n.退休,退职 | |
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303 disinterested | |
adj.不关心的,不感兴趣的 | |
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304 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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305 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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306 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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307 severance | |
n.离职金;切断 | |
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308 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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309 execrated | |
v.憎恶( execrate的过去式和过去分词 );厌恶;诅咒;咒骂 | |
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310 abodes | |
住所( abode的名词复数 ); 公寓; (在某地的)暂住; 逗留 | |
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311 leavened | |
adj.加酵母的v.使(面团)发酵( leaven的过去式和过去分词 );在…中掺入改变的因素 | |
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312 banking | |
n.银行业,银行学,金融业 | |
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313 bullion | |
n.金条,银条 | |
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314 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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315 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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316 hazardous | |
adj.(有)危险的,冒险的;碰运气的 | |
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317 entente | |
n.协定;有协定关系的各国 | |
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318 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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319 annexed | |
[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
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320 missionary | |
adj.教会的,传教(士)的;n.传教士 | |
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