Whoever, therefore, shall wish to honour me with his criticisms, I would have begin with a thorough comprehension of the purpose of my work—a purpose which, so far from diminishing legitimate12 authority, will serve to increase it, if opinion can effect more over men’s minds than force, and if the mildness and humanity of the government shall justify13 it in the eyes of all men. The ill-conceived criticisms that have been published against this book are founded on confused notions, and compel me to interrupt for a moment the arguments I was addressing to my enlightened readers, in order to close once for all every door against the misapprehensions of timid bigotry14 or against the calumnies15 of malice16 and envy.
[113]
There are three sources of the moral and political principles which govern mankind, namely, revelation, natural law, and social conventions. With regard to their principal object there is no comparison between the first and the other two, but they all resemble one another in this, that they all three conduce to the happiness of this present mortal life. To consider the different relations of social conventions is not to exclude those of revelation and natural law; rather it is the thousandfold changes which revelation and natural law, divine and immutable17 though they be, have undergone in the depraved mind of man, by his own fault, owing to false religions and arbitrary notions of virtue18 and vice19, that make it appear necessary to examine, apart from all other considerations, the result of purely20 human conventions, expressed or implied, for the public need and welfare: this being an idea in which every sect21 and every moral system must necessarily agree; and it will always be a laudable endeavour, which seeks to constrain22 the headstrong and unbelieving to conform to the principles that induce men to live together in society. There are, then, three distinct kinds of virtue and vice—the religious, the natural, and the political. These three kinds ought never to conflict, although all the consequences and duties that flow from any one of them do not necessarily flow from the others. The natural law does not require all that revelation requires,[114] nor does the purely social law require all that natural law requires; but it is most important to distinguish the consequences of the conventional law—that is, of the express or tacit agreements among men—from the consequences of the natural law or of revelation, because therein lies the limit of that power, which can rightly be exercised between man and man without a special mandate23 from the Supreme24 Being. Consequently the idea of political virtue may, without any slur25 upon it, be said to be variable; that of natural virtue would be always clear and manifest, were it not obscured by the stupidity or the passions of men; whilst the idea of religious virtue remains26 ever one and the same, because revealed directly from God and by Him preserved.
It would, therefore, be a mistake to ascribe to one, who only discusses social conventions and their consequences, principles contrary either to natural law or to revelation, for the reason that he does not discuss them. It would be a mistake, when he speaks of a state of war as anterior27 to a state of society, to understand it in the sense of Hobbes, as meaning that no obligation nor duty is prior to the existence of society, instead of understanding it as a fact due to the corruption28 of human nature and the want of any expressed sanction. It would be a mistake to impute29 it as a fault to a writer who is considering the results of the social compact[115] that he does not admit them as pre-existent to the formation of the compact itself.
Divine justice and natural justice are in their essence immutable and constant, because the relation between similar things is always the same; but human or political justice, being nothing more than a relation between a given action and a given state of society, may vary according as such action becomes necessary or useful to society; nor is such justice easily discernible, save by one who analyses the complex and very changeable relations of civil combinations. When once these principles, essentially30 distinct, become confused, there is no more hope of sound reasoning about public matters. It appertains to the theologian to fix the boundaries between the just and the unjust, in so far as regards the intrinsic goodness or wickedness of an act; to fix the relations between the politically just and unjust appertains to the publicist; nor can the one object cause any detriment31 to the other, when it is obvious how the virtue that is purely political ought to give place to that immutable virtue which emanates32 from God.
Whoever, then, I repeat, will honour me with his criticisms, let him not begin by supposing me to advocate principles destructive of virtue or religion, seeing that I have shown that such are not my principles; and instead of his proving me to be an infidel or a[116] rebel, let him contrive33 to find me a bad reasoner or a shortsighted politician; but let him not tremble at every proposition on behalf of the interests of humanity; let him convince me either of the inutility or of the possible political mischief34 of my principles; let him prove to me the advantage of received practices. I have given a public testimony35 of my religion and of my submission36 to my sovereign in my reply to the Notes and Observations; to reply to other writings of a similar nature would be superfluous37; but whoever will write with that grace which becomes honest men, and with that knowledge which shall relieve me from the proof of first principles, of what character soever, he shall find in me not so much a man who is eager to reply as a peaceable lover of the truth.
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1 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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2 rites | |
仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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3 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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4 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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5 complacent | |
adj.自满的;自鸣得意的 | |
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6 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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7 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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8 benefactors | |
n.捐助者,施主( benefactor的名词复数 );恩人 | |
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9 expounded | |
论述,详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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10 fanaticism | |
n.狂热,盲信 | |
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11 satire | |
n.讽刺,讽刺文学,讽刺作品 | |
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12 legitimate | |
adj.合法的,合理的,合乎逻辑的;v.使合法 | |
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13 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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14 bigotry | |
n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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15 calumnies | |
n.诬蔑,诽谤,中伤(的话)( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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16 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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17 immutable | |
adj.不可改变的,永恒的 | |
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18 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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19 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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20 purely | |
adv.纯粹地,完全地 | |
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21 sect | |
n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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22 constrain | |
vt.限制,约束;克制,抑制 | |
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23 mandate | |
n.托管地;命令,指示 | |
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24 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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25 slur | |
v.含糊地说;诋毁;连唱;n.诋毁;含糊的发音 | |
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26 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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27 anterior | |
adj.较早的;在前的 | |
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28 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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29 impute | |
v.归咎于 | |
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30 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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31 detriment | |
n.损害;损害物,造成损害的根源 | |
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32 emanates | |
v.从…处传出,传出( emanate的第三人称单数 );产生,表现,显示 | |
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33 contrive | |
vt.谋划,策划;设法做到;设计,想出 | |
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34 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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35 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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36 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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37 superfluous | |
adj.过多的,过剩的,多余的 | |
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